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Serial Verbs in Finnish.

1. Introduction

Finnish has a verbal construction (underlined in (1)-(3)) called colorative construction which combines two verbs: a non-finite verb (henceforth Vi) and a finite verb (Vii). The structure is said to fulfill stylistic and aesthetic functions (Rytkonen 1937, Jarva & Kytola 2007).
(1) Lintu  laula-a   helkyttel-i
    bird   sing-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG (2)
    'The bird sang like a small bell'

(2) Mina  sinne  lume-en   kaatu-a   tupsahd-i-n
    I     there  snow-ILL  fall-INF  IdPh-PAST-1SG
    'I tumbled into the snow' (with a soft, sudden, unexpected thud)

(3) Yrjola-n    aija     puhu-a    lassytt-i
    Yrjola-GEN  talk-INF  IdP -PAST.3SG
    'The old Yrjola geezer babbled on' (Sillanpaa, Nobel laureate, 1919)

The construction obeys a particular morphosyntactic restriction: the Vii must be inflected for tense and person, while Vi has to be in infinitive form. If the restriction is violated, i.e., if Vi is inflected for tense and person while Vii is put in the infinitive, the construction becomes ungrammatical:
(4) *Lintu  laulo-i        helkytel-la
     bird   sing-PAST.3SG  IdPh-INF

However, when the two verbs are used independently of each other, either verb can be tensed or infinitivized: (3)
(5a) Lintu  laulo-i
     bird   sing-PAST.3SG
     'The bird sang'

(5b) Lintu  alko-i          laula-a
     bird   begin-PAST.3SG  sing-INF
     'The bird began to sing'

(5c) Lintu  helkyttel-i
     bird   IdPh-PAST.3SG
     'The bird tinkled like a small bell'

(5d) Lintu  alko-i          helkytel-la
     bird   begin-PAST.3SG  IdPh-INF
     'The bird began to tinkle like a small bell'

The ungrammaticality observed in (4) has neither been noted nor explained in previous analyses of the colorative construction (Rytkonen 1937, Ojutkangas 1998, Luttinen 2000, Jarva & Kytola 2007). Our focus in this paper is the syntactic structure of and well-defined grammatical restrictions on the Finnish colorative construction, based on our own database. Specifically, we argue that the colorative constructions are serial verb constructions (henceforth, SVC). To our knowledge, there is no prior study that addresses the syntax of Finnish coloratitve constructions in detail or offers a survey of restrictions that pertain to this constriction.

Thus, our claims contribute both to the study of SVC and to the study of the colorative construction. (4) We add a Uralic language to the stock of SVC languages; moreover, we provide further evidence for a particular type of SVC, namely manner SVC (cf. Aikhenvald 2006:29). From the perspective of Finnish, we add a grammatically driven analysis (cf. Ojutkangas 1998) to pragmatically or stylistically motivated interpretations of colorative constructions (cf. Jarva & Kytola 2007).

The remainder of the paper is organized as follows. First, we outline our assumptions with respect to what counts as a SVC (section 2). In section 3 we then describe our corpus, and define the scope of our data, Finnish manner of motion SVC. In section 4 we examine the morphosyntactic, phonological and semantic characteristics of Finnish SVC and conclude by proposing an event type analysis of Finnish SVC. Earlier alternative approaches to colorative constructions are considered in section 5. Finally, we review questions still to be addressed (section 6).

2. What Counts as SVC, and Why

In determining the criteria for identifying SVC cross-linguistically, we must take into account the context of the larger debate on such constructions. Typological or theoretical inclinations notwithstanding, it is now recognized that both the empirical descriptions and theoretical analyses of SVC vary greatly: see Newmayer (2004), Aikhenvald & Dixon (2006) and Muysken & Veenstra (2006) for detailed overviews of general descriptive and theoretical issues. To avoid unnecessary repetition of content available in these excellent overviews, we simply briefly identify the issues disputed and the consensus attained as they pertain to the study at hand.

There are two main reasons for the disparity in the views on SVC: vagueness of the definition of what constitutes a SVC and the diversity in data. As Aikhenvald (2006:2) aptly puts it: "Serial verb constructions are grammatical technique covering a wide variety of meanings and functions." Diverse means may be used to construct "a technique," and, therefore, it has been easy to assume that "serial verbs are so called because they, or at least the primary examples of them, involve verbs in series" (Zwicky 1990:2). As Zwicky (1990) is quick to point out, however, vastly diverse data fall under such a definition. This is exactly what has happened.

Over the years, distinct types of SVC have been analyzed in numerous languages, using narrower, language specific definitions that may or may not be applicable to data crosslinguistically. Now the studies on SVC cover a vast amount of cross-linguistic data, ranging, e.g., from Niger Kongo Kwa languages to Carribean creoles (Awoyale 1988, Sebba 1987, among many others). Moreover, the types of data vary: there is no one universally attested SVC; rather, SV constructions may be found in a range of domains from the functional (e.g., they may change aspectual or event type of a verb) to the lexical (e.g., they add a descriptive quality). Thus, diversity in data has led to diversity in perspectives on what constitutes a SVC. This proliferation has led some researchers to question even the existence of SVC (e.g., Delplanque 1998), while others have tried to isolate some abstract, cross-linguistically attested characteristics of SVC and argue for a universal SVC parameter (e.g., Stewart 2001). Currently, a consensus to disagree has been reached, acknowledging that the interpretation of SVC data and their analysis depend on the criteria chosen, be it descriptive or theoretical. Summarizing a number of pre-theoretical, typologically driven studies, Aikhenvald posits a multidimensional continuum, with several types, of SVC (2006:56-58). Newmayer (2004:15) sums up the status quo in the theoretical camp, stating that there is no one serialization parameter that everyone agrees upon, even within the same school of thought. We view this consensus to disagree as a temporary truce. We interpret the truce as an implicit working hypothesis: SVC do not form a homogeneous class; however, a principled overarching account of what the possible sub-classes there are, and, more importantly, how these sub-classes emerge, is yet to be proposed.

Given this context of agreement to disagree, for our study on Finnish we sought testable criteria rooted in the behaviour of SVC. In essence, we take the stance that a given language has SVC as long as it can be identified by properties distilled as being particular to the construction. We assume diagnostic criteria for SVC outlined in Muysken & Veenstra (1995; 2006). (5) To our knowledge, these criteria have not been contested. Moreover, the criteria have been applied to cross-linguistic data and used to identify SVC in sign languages (Benedicto et al. 2008). Thus, a "series of verbs" are SVC if they have:

(i) only one expressed subject

(ii) at most one expressed direct object

(iii) one specification for tense/aspect

(iv) only one possible negator

(v) no intervening coordinating conjunction

(vi) no intervening subordinating conjunction

(vii) no intervening pause possible

Based on these criteria, one can test candidate sets of "verbs in series" and establish whether they behave as a SVC unit in terms of argument structure, functional projections and prosody. The two verbs must share their arguments, whether the arguments are in subject and object position. Only one functional projection of tense/aspect and negation are allotted per SVC. The prohibitions on coordination and subordination rule out the interpretation of SVC as two independent phrases. Finally, the lack of pause between the two verbs within a SVC establishes that the verbs behave as a single prosodic constituent. (6)

In section 4, we show how the Finnish colorative constructions follow the assumed criteria, i.e., are SVC. We also discuss earlier analyses of the colorative construction. Before we delve into the analysis of the constructions, however, we explain what constitutes the corpus of our data.

3. The Data Corpus

In this section, we introduce our data corpus. In 3.1, we show the wealth of colorative constructions that are used in Finnish, and then limit our data set to the manner of motion colorative constructions. In Section 3.2., we explain the sources of our data collection, and the arrangement of the data sets. We conclude the section with a table of representative examples.

3.1 The broad range of Finnish colorative constructions

The colorative construction is typically used in narrative contexts, and its most common use is to indicate the manner of motion (cf. e.g. Ikola et al. 1989, Airola 2007):
(6) Hiiri  juos-ta  piiperta-a
    mouse  run-INF  IdPh-PRES.3SG
    'The mouse patters along'

(7) Mutta  silti  men-na  ryski-tt-i-in              eteenpain
    but    still  go-INF  IdPh-PASSIVE-PAST-PASSIVE  forwards
    'But still (they/the people) were crashing forwards'
    Airola (2007: 68)

(8) Tukki  ui-ja     jolkotta-a
    log    swim-INF  IdPh-PRES.3SG
    'The log is floating along' Jarva (2003:76)

(9) Kuka-han      tuala  tul-la    kempuroitte-e
    who-EMPHASIS  there  come-INF  IdPh-PRES.3SG
    'I wonder who's coming there (on stiff legs)' Jarva (2003:76)

(10) Varis  lenti-a  kahnust-i      piha-n    ylitte
     crow   fly-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG  yard-GEN  over
     'The crow flew slowly over the yard' Jarva (2003:76)

In manner of motion we also include examples that describe manner of non-motion:
(11) Kosija  istu-a   jurotta-a      nurka-ssa
     suitor  sit-INF  IdPh- PRES3SG  corner-INE
     'The suitor sits in the corner withdrawn, silent, unapproachable'

(12) Aiti    maa-ta        retkotta-a     flunssa-n  kouri-ssa
     mother  lie.down-INF  IdPh-PRES.3SG  flu-GEN    grip-INE
     sohva-lla  ja   valitta-a
     sofa-ADE   and  complain- PRES.3SG
     'Mother lies sprawled on the couch in the grip of the flu and

There are also plenty of colorative constructions that depict sensory experience, most often auditory (13), but also visual (14) or tactile (15).
(13) Lapsi  itke-a   jollott-i      kadonnut-ta  karhu-a-an
     child  cry-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG  lost-PART    bear-part-3.POSS
     'The child cried long and monotonously after her lost bear'

(14) Nyt,  lukkari-Jutte,  mina  katso-a   mulauta-n
     now   cantor-Jutte    I     look-INF  IdPh- PRES1SG
     'Now, Cantor Jutte, I look towards you (sideways, angrily)' (Kivi
     1997: 217)

(15) Mopo-t      aja-a      tarista-vat    katukiveykse-lla.
     scooter-PL  drive-INF  IdPh- PRES3PL  cobbled.stone-ADE
     'The scooters are rattling on the cobbled stone street'

It is not easy or even possible to separate ideophones that would be specific to each of these distinct categories. This is due to the fact that the same ideophone may be used to express a number of different sensory experiences. For instance, the ideophone taristavat in (15) simultaneously refers to a rattling sound, a shaky movement and an uncomfortably bouncy feel of driving a small scooter on cobbled stones.

Besides the manner of motion or non-motion, colorative constructions may also indicate manner of ingesting (16), manner of speaking (17)-(18), bodily processes (19), manner of throwing (20), contact by impact (21), and even a change of possession (22) and so on (verb classes based on Levin 1993). Typically, there is either an auditory or visual aspect included in the implied meaning.
(16) Minka  muotois-ta  voileipa-a     Kroko  itse  syo-da
     what   shape-PART  sandwich-PART  Croc   self  eat-INF
     IdPh- PRES3SG
     (from advertising blurb for Lodge 2010)

(17) Kaikki  puhu-a     polis-i-vat    yh-ta      aika-a
     all     speak-INF  IdPh-PAST-3PL  same-PART  time-PART
     'Everyone blathered on at the same time'

(18) Oppilas  luke-a    jorott-i       puhee-nsa            paperi-sta
     student  read-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG  presentation-3.POSS  paper-ELA
     'The student read his/her presentation from the paper (in a droning

(19) Ukko     sylkais-ta  parskaytt-i    lattia-lle  spit-INF    IdPh-PAST.3SG  floor-ILL
     'The old man spat on the floor with a splash'

(20) Leena  heitta-a   paukautt-i     kunnon  loyly-t
     Leena  throw-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG  proper  sauna.water-PL.ACC
     'Leena properly threw so much water [on the stones in the sauna],
     so that there was a banging sound'

(21) Rakennusmies         iske-a   jymayttel-i    moukari-lla-an
     construction.worker  hit-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG  sledge.hammer-ADE-3.
     'The construction worker hit with his/her sledgehammer so that it
     produced loud thumps'

(22) Anne  myy-da    paukautt-i     talo-nsa
     Anne  sell-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG  house-3.POSS
     'Anne sold her house (suddenly and surprisingly, i.e. with a bang)'

3.2 Corpus

The data for our present study consist of 720 tokens collected manually from diverse sources. The published sources are: a recent Finnish grammar, two dictionaries, classical and modern works of fiction, print magazines, folk songs, and traditional children's rhymes. Online sources are: newspapers and journal articles, discussion forums and blog posts, advertising, and YouTube clips. In addition, we elicited data from native speakers. Although our data base is not large, it shows (i) most importantly, that the construction is productively used in modern Finnish (7) ; and (ii) that it can be found in formal and semi-informal registers alike.

Approximately half of examples in our data base were retrieved from two dictionaries of standard Finnish: 262 tokens from the electronic version of Kielitoimiston sanakirja (2007, The Dictionary of the [Finnish] Language Office); and 81 tokens from the first and second parts (A-I, J-K) of Nykysuomen sanakirja (1996, Dictionary of Modern Finnish). The dictionaries were systematically searched for occurrences of the colorative construction. For the electronic dictionary, for each letter of the alphabet, we extracted all words ending in aa, aa, ta or ta, which are markers of the infinitival dictionary entry forms of Finnish verbs. Each of these lists were then manually combed through for instances of the colorative constructions. For the printed dictionary Nykysuomen sanakirja, entries were searched page by page in alphabetical order. In both sources, bare dictionary entries of ideophones were not considered; only instances where the colorative construction was used in a provided example were collected.

Four examples derive from the Finnish online grammar Iso Suomen Kielioppi (2004). These were discovered by searching for the term koloratiivikonstruktio (colorative construction). 138 samples were found in literary works of fiction, both Finnish classics and more contemporary works (cf. list of sources in the reference section at the end of the paper). 24 examples appeared in newspapers or professional journal texts, seven in magazines, and three come from traditional Finnish folk songs and children's rhymes. Four tokens appeared in a speech given by the author Laila Hirvisaari (2004, available online, cf. data sources). Five instances were found on YouTube, either as video clip titles or in spoken dialogue. Finally, 152 occurrences were collected from blogs, web forums, or websites.

All the examples from online and print sources other than the dictionaries and the grammar are ones that the native Finnish speaking author has come across inadvertently. We have yet to come up with a systematic method of searching for these constructions in fiction or online other than example by example. The difficulty is due to the lack of means for data screening. Recall that the first verb is neutral and, hence, can be found on its own or in numerous other constructions. The ideophonic verb in each case is unique, and it is nearly impossible to predict in what combination the two verbs might occur.

42 tokens were obtained from a discussion-elicitation session with a group of native Finnish speakers. Eighteen participants (all female, between ages 26 and 78, from various dialect areas) were presented with ten sentences, each of which included a neutral verb that frequently occurs in the colorative construction. From a list of ten ideophonic verbs chosen by one of the authors, the participants were asked, in groups of three, to create colorative constructions for the sentences. Participants were also invited to propose ideophones that they might use outside of the original ten. The sentences were then discussed one at a time among the full group, allowing speakers to compare their choices and to assess how the choice of ideophone affected the meaning of the sentence. While no one outright challenged the grammaticality of others' choices, there were instances where clarification of meaning was requested. The author collected all tokens produced during the session. (23) shows a sample sentence frame and (24) lists the ideophones chosen by participants for this specific example.
(23) Lapsi  juos-ta  _____  piha-n    poikki  lyhy-i-lla
     child  run-INF         yard-GEN  across  short-PL-ADE
     'Intended meaning: The child ran across the yard on his/her short

(24a) hipsutt-i
      'ran lightly, with hardly any sound'

(24b) jumputt-i
      'ran with energy, creating a slight pounding sound'

(24c) retost-i
      'ran boisterously'

(24d) tikitt-i
      'ran with very short steps'

4. Finnish Manner of Motion SVC

This section presents evidence to support our claim that Finnish colorative constructions are SVC. Specifically, we argue that assuming the set of criteria outlined in section 2, the two verbs that appear in the colorative construction can be identified as a single constituent, SVC (section 4.1). Furthermore, in section 4.2 we show that there are language specific properties associated with both [V.sub.i] and [V.sub.ii] (cf. also Rytkonen 1937, Ikola et al. 1989, Jarva & Kytola 2007). At the end of the section 4.2 we go over the views alternative to our proposal. In 4.3, we outline our proposed syntactic structure for Finnish SVC.

4.1 Finnish manner of motion colorative constructions meet SVC criteria

Finnish SVC have only one expressed subject, mummu 'granny' in (25a). If another subject is added, e.g., vaari 'grampa', the expression becomes ungrammatical, as illustrated in (25b):
(25a) Mummu   kavel-la  kontyst-i
       granny  walk-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG
       'The granny trudged along (= walked slowly and stiffly)'

(25b) * Mummu  kavel-la  vaari   kontyst -i
      granny   walk-INF  grampa  IdPh-PAST.3SG
      Intended: *'Granny to walk Grampa trudged'

Two subjects are possible, but only if the SVC is broken apart. Then the two verbs become independent, coordinated predicates with individual tense marking: (8)
(26) Mummu   kavel-i        ja   vaari   kontyst-i
     granny  walk-PAST.3SG  and  grampa  IdPh-PAST.3SG
     'Granny walked and Grampa trudged'

The second property ascribed to SVC is that they have at most one expressed direct object. This is true of Finnish SVC, too. In (27a), ikkunan 'the window' is the only object. The insertion of a second object, lasin 'the glass', is ungrammatical, as (27b) shows.
(27a) Anssi  iske-a   taraytt-i      ikkuna-n    rikki
      Anssi  hit-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG  window-ACC  broken
      'Anssi hit (smashed) the window broken'

(27b) *Anssi  iske-a   ikkuna-a     taraytt-i      lasi-n     rikki
      Anssi   hit-INF  window-PART  IdPh-PAST.3SG  glass-ACC  broken
      Intended: 'Anssi hit the window so hard that he broke the glass'

Once the SVC is transformed into two consecutive events, two objects are possible:
(28) Anssi  isk-i         ikkuna-a     ja   taraytt-i      lasi-n
     Anssi  hit-PAST.3SG  window-PART  and  IdPh-PAST.3SG  glass-ACC
     Intended: 'Anssi hit the window and he smashed the glass broken'

The third property of SV, only one specification for tense betweent the two verbs, also holds for the Finnish SVC. The first verb in the colorative construction appears in the infinitive form, and the second verb in a tensed form, as we have seen in all the grammatical examples hitherto. If one attempts to inflect both verbs for tense, the expression becomes ungrammatical. (9) For example, in (29) and (30), one verb is inflected for present, the other past tense, and the resulting sentences are ungrammatical.
(29) *Anssi juokse-e lonkytt -i
Anssi run-PRES.3SG IdPh-PAST.3SG
Intended: 'Anssi runs trudged'

(30) *Anssi  juoks-i       lonkytta-a
     Anssi   run-PAST.3SG  IdPh-PRES.3SG
     Intended: 'Anssi ran trudges'

In addition to one specification for tense, only one specification for aspect - the internal time of event- per SVC is allowed. To demonstrate how this applies to Finnish data, we used the adverbial 'for x time/in x time' test (Verkuyl 1972). In (31), the SVC is an activity predicated without an inherent endpoint, therefore it is felicitous with the 'for x time' adverbial, and ungrammatical with the 'in x time' adverbial which picks out predicates with endpoints.
(31) Mummu   kavel-la  kontyst-i      tunni-n   ajan  /*tunni-ssa
     granny  walk-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG  hour-GEN  time  / hour-INE
     'The granny trudged along for an hour/*in an hour'

Conversely, in (32), the SVC predicate iskea taraytti is an achievement type predicate with an inherent endpoint which makes it ungrammatical with the 'for x time' adverbial:
(32) Anssi  iske-a   taraytt-i      ikkuna-n    rikki   hetke-ssa
     Anssi  hit-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG  window-ACC  broken  instant-INE
     /*hetke-n      ajan
     / instant-GEN  time
     'Anssi hit (smashed) the window broken in an instant/*for an

If the two verbs do not form a SV construction, their aspectual classes may differ. For example, kaveli and taraytti are of different aspectual classes, yet they can be coordinated:
(33) Anssi  kavel-i        ympari huone-tta  ja   lopulta  taraytt-i
     Anssi  walk-PAST.3SG  around room-PART  and  finally  IdPh-PAST.3SG
     nyrkki-nsa   poyta-an
     fist-3.POSS  table-ILL
     'Anssi walked around the room and finally slammed his fist on the

Finnish SVC also meet the fourth criterion: only one negator is allowed per SVC. In (34) we see that ei suffices to express negation of the event.
(34) Sen   jalkeen  mummu   ei       enaa     kavel-la
     that  after    granny  not.3SG  anymore  walk-INF
     'After that, the granny did not trudge along anymore'

More than one negator is not allowed. If another negator is inserted as in (35), it renders the expression ungrammatical:
(35) *Sen  jalkeen  mummu   ei       enaa     kavel-la  ei(-ka)
     that  after    granny  not.3SG  anymore  walk-INF  not.3SG(-NOR)
     Intended: 'After that, the granny did not walk nor trudge anymore'

With verbs that express separate events and do not form a SVC, one may have more than one negator:
(36) Sen   jalkeen  mummu   ei       enaa     kavel-lyt
     that  after    granny  not.3SG  anymore  walk-PAST.PARTICIPLE
     ei-ka        kontysta-nyt
     'After that, the granny did not walk nor trudge anymore'

Neither an intervening coordinating nor subordinating conjunction is allowed in SVC. Finnish is no exception to the rule: if either type of conjunction is inserted, the result is ungrammatical as we can see in (37). 1n (37a), the coordinating ja is used, while in (37b), the subordinating niin etta.
(37a) *Anssi  iske-a   ja   taraytt-i      ikkuna-n    rikki
      Anssi   hit-INF  and  IdPh-PAST.3SG  window-ACC  broken
      Intended: 'Anssi hit and so hard that the window broke'

(37b) *Anssi  iske-a        niin  etta  taraytt-i      ikkuna-n
      Anssi   hit-PAST.3SG  so    that  IdPh-PAST.3SG  window-ACC
      Intended: 'Anssi hit so hard that the window broke

With the insertion of the conjunctions the SVC is dissolved, and one event is transformed into a sequence of two events. This requires each verb to bear its own tense:
(38) Anssi  isk-i         ja   taraytt-i      ikkuna-n    rikki
     Anssi  hit-PAST.3SG  and  IdPh-PAST.3SG  window-ACC  broken
     'Anssi hit and (he) smashed the window broken'

(39) Anssi  isk-i         niin  etta  taraytt-i      ikkuna-n     rikki
     Anssi  hit-PAST.3SG  so    that  IdPh-PAST.3SG  window- ACC  broken
     'Anssi hit so hard that (he) smashed the window broken'

The final property of SVC to be considered is their prosodic status. An intervening pause is not allowed between the two verbs, i.e., a SVC construction is one constituent in terms of prosody.

Finnish SVC again meet this criterion, as shown in the examples below: insertion of a pause (indicated by |) is ungrammatical.
(40) *Anssi  iske-a   |      taraytt-i      ikkuna-n    rikki
     Anssi   hit-INF  PAUSE  IdPh-PAST.3SG  window-ACC  broken
     Intended: 'Anssi hit so hard that the window broke.'

If the SVC is deconstructed by separating the two verbs into individually tensed events, then a pause can set the verbs apart, too.
(41a) Anssi isk-i | niin etta taraytt-i ikkuna-n rikki
Anssi hit-PAST.3SG PAUSE so that IdPh-PAST.3SG window-ACC broken
'Anssi hit so that he smashed the window broken'

(41b) Anssi  isk-i,        |      taraytt-i      ikkuna-n    rikki
      Anssi  hit-PAST.3SG  PAUSE  IdPh-PAST.3SG  window-ACC  broken
      'Anssi hit, smashed the window broken'

We have shown how Muysken & Veenstra's (1995; 2006) criteria for SVC apply to the Finnish colorative construction. Thus, we conclude that the 'colorative constructions' are best analyzed as SVC. Note that, conversely, Finnish verbs that are not SVC have not met the set criteria. To date, this is the first study that compares what we call serial verbs versus non-serial verbs in Finnish. Table 2 provides a summary of the SVC properties in contrast to verbal constructions that are not SVC.

The Finnish colorative construction has previously been an object of study by a small number of Finnish linguists (Rytkonen 1937, Luttinen 2000, Hamunen 2007, Jarva & Kytola 2007; cf. also Ikola et al. 1989, Sivula 1989, Airola 2007, Jomppanen 2009). (11) Although the idea of treating them as a SVC has been entertained by Ojutkangas (1998), Airola (2007), and Jarva & Kytola (2007), no full-fledged, syntactically motivated account has ever been offered.

Airola (2007: 91-92) pointed out that the colorative constructions display semantic properties associated with SVCs; however, her study addresses verb-verb sequences coordinated with ja 'and'. On one hand, our account is not limited to semantic properties as we seek to reveal grammatical restrictions. On the other hand, we specifically rule out any coordinated verb-verb sequences. Thus, neither Airola's exclusively semantic point of view nor the data focus make the two analyses comparable. Ojutkangas (1998: 115-117) observed that the colorative construction is a "serial verb-like" construction, in that the two verbs encode a single event--they permit only one subject and share a single tense. However, as Ojutkangas' thesis investigated numerous asyndetic verbal expressions in different Finno-Ugric languages, it did not offer a detailed account of the syntactic properties of CC.

Jarva & Kytola (2007: 240) rule out the Finnish colorative construction being a SVC for two reasons: the presence of infinitive marking, and the particular descriptive function that the colorative construction serves. Under our view, the infinite affixation is not problematic, because the infinitive is simply a non-finite citation form needed to construct a CC (bare verb roots cannot stand alone in Finnish). We still adhere to one-finite-form-per-SVC constraint, i.e., one tense/aspect criterion: only one finite form is allowed. The issue of the descriptive function of the construction does not concern us either. We assume that SVCs have a diversity of functions across languages, and descriptive function is not excluded (cf. Aikhenvald 2006 and references therein). The point of divergence is the perspective taken. Jarva & Kytola (2007; see also Ojutkangas 1998:115-117), crucially, assume Givon's (1991) functional approach to what counts as a SVC, while we look for grammatical constraints (both the ones listed in Muysken & Veenstra (1995; 2006) as well as language internal ones). Under our view, the diversity of functions is not problematic as long as the assumed grammatical constraints are obeyed.

In sum, the purely functional or semantic accounts have thus far excluded the morphosyntactic facts. In contrast, our analysis of the Finnish colorative constructions as SVC is rooted in morphosyntax, with complementing semantic and phonological evidence.

Having shown the properties of SVC as a single constituent, we now turn to a discussion of its internal make up. In the following section we examine further properties of [V.sub.i] and [V.sub.ii], and show how the individual properties of each verb are in line with our proposal.

4.2 Language specific properties of SVC

In this section we explore properties specific to verbs that constitute manner of motion SVC. We demonstrate that Vi is usually - but not exclusively - a verb denoting an event devoid of manner. We then identify Vii as ideophone.

Let us first discuss the nature of Vi as an event without manner. While compiling the data corpus for our study, we observed that some verbs are allowed in Vi position, while others, although similar in their lexical meaning, are not allowed in Vi. For example, the verb 'to come' of example (42a) may not be substituted by the verb 'to appear' of (42b):
(42a) Vieraa-t  tul-la    tupsaht-i-vat  yhtakkia
      guest-PL  come-INF  IdPh-PAST-3PL  suddenly
      'The guests popped up all of a sudden'

(42b) #Vieraa-t  ilmesty-a   tupsaht-i-vat  yhtakkia
      guest-PL   appear-INF  IdPh-PAST-3PL  suddenly
      'The guests appeared all of a sudden'

In a non-SVC environment 'to appear' may substitute for 'to come':
(43a) Vieraa-t  tul-i-vat      yhtakkia
      guest-PL  come-PAST-3PL  suddenly
      'The guests came all of a sudden'

(43b) Vieraa-t  ilmesty-i-vat    yhtakkia
      guest-PL  appear-PAST-3PL  suddenly
      'The guests appeared all of a sudden'

Similarly, 'to topple over' is not accepted instead of 'to fall' in the SVC, as example (44) shows. (44a) Vanha puu kaatu-a kellaht-i kumoon tuule-ssa old tree fall.over-INF IdPh-PAST.3SG over wind-INE 'The old tree fell over suddenly and lightly in the wind'
(44b) #Vanha  puu   keikahta-a       kellaht-i      kumoon  tuule-ssa
      old     tree  topple.over-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG  over    wind-INE
      ??'The old tree fell toppled over suddenly and lightly in the

Again, in a non-SVC environment the substitution is possible:
(45a) Vanha  puu   kaatu-i             kumoon  tuule-ssa
      old    tree  fall.over-PAST.3SG  over    wind-INE
      'The old tree fell over in the wind'

(45b) Vanha  puu   keikaht-i             kumoon  tuule-ssa
      old    tree  topple.over-PAST.3SG  over    wind-INE
      'The old tree fell toppled over in the wind'

There are two reasons for the observed ungrammaticality. One reason is semantic: in the Finnish SVC, there is a strong preference to have the Vi slot filled by verbs that denote events without manner. In other words, the description of manner - how an event takes place - usually does not form a part of the lexical entry for Vi. The manner of the event is usually encoded by Vii (Airola 2007:91, footnote 1 has a similar observation).

There is independent evidence that many of the Vi are, in fact, 'bleached' in their meaning. Verbs found in Vi slot are also encountered in verb-adjective constructions that utilize mannerless verbs, exemplified in (46)-(47):
(46a) Kenga-t  tul-i-vat      kura-is-i-ksi
      shoe-PL  come-PAST-3PL  mud-ADJ-PL-TRANS
      'The shoes got muddy'

(46b) Kenga-t  kura-antu-i-vat
      shoe-PL  mud-V-PAST-3PL
      'The shoes got muddy'

(47a) Tyo   tul-i valmii-ksi
      work  come-PAST-3PL ready-TRANS
      'The work got finished'

(47b) Tyo   valmis-tu-i
      work  ready-V-PAST-3PL
      'The work got finished'

(48a) Mies  tul-i hike-en
      man   come-PAST-3PL sweat-ILL
      'The man got sweaty'

(48b) Mies  hies-ty-i
      man   sweat-V-PAST.3SG
      'The man got sweaty'

In the (47a)-(48a) examples, the verb tulla 'to come' appears either with adjectival objects in the translative case or nominal objects in illative. In the (47b)-(48b) sentences, the tulla + Adj/N constructions are replaced with deadjectival or denominal verbs. The meanings of the (a) and (b) sentences are identical.

The mannerless Vi examples are the dominant tendency. There are, however, some instances where a semantically more specific verb surfaces as Vi. There are about thirty such examples in our corpus, i.e., approximately four percent of the data. For example, the following constructions involve two entries for 'lick'. With respect to manner, the entry in (49) is more neutral than the entry in (50):
(49) Lehma  nuol-la   kahnutta-a kive-a
     cow    lick-INF  IdPh-PRES.3SG rock-PART
     'The cow is slowly, repeatedly licking the rock, creating a sound
     of friction'

     (Nykysuomen sanakirja 2:136)

(50) Lehma  lipais-ta      lutkautt-i     kive-a
     cow    lick.once-INF  IdPh-PAST.3SG  rock-PART
     'The cow licked the rock once, in that wet and somewhat icky way
     that cows do'

The lexical entries for these two verbs in Nykysuomen sanakirja (1996) are:
(51) Nuolla: sivella, pyyhkia, lipoa kielellaan
     'To lick: to daub, to wipe, to lick with one's tongue'

(52) Lipaista: pyyhkaista t. hipaista kielellaan, nuolaista
     'To lick: to take a wipe or to brush with one's tongue, to take a lick'

Examples such as those above show that mannerless semantics of the Vi cannot be the only constraint on verbs appearing as Vi. In section 4.3, we argue that the mannerless-ness of the Vi falls out as an expected (but not obligatory) property of the SVC construction as a whole, once we take into account the properties of Vii. Before we propose what bond holds Vi and Vii as a unit, let us take a look at the Vii.

As is true of the Vi position, in the Vii position also only a subset of verbs may appear. We argue that this is a syntactic restriction, in that verbs in this position exhibit particular properties. The properties we have identified are: flexibility in sound, elasticity of semantics and co-occurrence with--ise/-inA affixes.

Example (53) exemplifies that not all verbs can be used as Vii of Finnish SVC. The two verbs in (a) and (b) placed in Vii are identical in their grammatical form, and, therefore, would be expected to be equally acceptable, yet this is not the case: example (b) is ungrammatical.
(53a) Mina  sinne  lume-en   kaatu-a   tupsahd-i-n
      I     there  snow-ILL  fall-INF  IdPh-PAST-1SG
      'I tumbled into the snow' (with a soft, sudden, unexpected thud)

(53b) *Mina  sinne  lume-en   kaatu-a   putos-i-n
       I     there  snow-ILL  fall-INF  drop-PAST-1SG
       'I fell into the snow'

The reason for ungrammaticality is the choice in Vii. We argue that only ideophonic verbs can be used as Vii in Finnish. We define ideophones as linguistic elements that highlight sensual perception of the world by sound, vision, or touch from a speaker's perspective. The range of expressive senses encoded by ideophones differs across languages. The grammatical status and lexical category of ideophones may also vary, and often are language-specific (for more discussion, see Bodomo 1998, 2006, Voeltz & Kilian-Hatz 2001). In Finnish, various morphophonological, semantic, and syntactic-pragmatic tendencies have been proposed to identify ideophones.

Mikone (2001) examines the phonological structure of Finnish ideophones. Citing research on the Kihtelysvaara dialect of Finnish, she observes that the vowel o appears unusually frequently (more than 80% of the Kihtelysvaara dictionary words beginning with o or Co are ideophones). Mikone also points out a difference in the occurrence of initial consonant clusters in nonideophonic and ideophonic words. While older Indo-European loan words have reduced such clusters to a single consonant, in ideophones clusters are relatively common. At the same time, only a very reduced number of initial consonant clusters are permitted in ideophones. While recent Indo-European loan words permit twelve possible clusters: [fl-], [fr-], [kl-], [kn-], [kr-], [pl-], [pr-], [sl-], [sm-], [sn-], [sp-], [sr-], [st-], [sv-], only four of these clusters appear in ideophones: [kl-], [kr-], [pl-], [pr].

Mikone (2001) as well as Jarva (2008) remark on an unusual characteristic of this word type. In ideophones meaning is not necessarily affected by a change in sound structure. For instance, loyhottaa--loyhyttaa--leyhyttaa--leyhytella--leuhuttaa--leuhottaa all mean the same thing (Mikone 2001:227). Such variation is not normally permitted in the language: mokkia 'hut' and mykkia '(the) dumb (ones)'; kuva 'picture' vs. kova 'hard' etc. form minimal pairs. This phonological trait has semantic consequences, as Jarva (2003:72) remarks: the meanings of Finnish ideophones are flexible. More or less the same meaning can be expressed with a number of ideophones, as seen above, and the same ideophone can be used in various contexts. For example, the ideophone jumputtaa can appear in very dissimilar circumstances:
(54) Pari  ela-a     jumputta-a     paiva-n kerrallaan
     pair  live-INF  IdPh-PRES.3SG  day-ACC at.a.time
     'The pair is living a day at a time, i.e. the days thump by at a
     regular rhythm'

(55) Kone     kay-da    jumputta-a hiljakseen
     machine  work-INF  IdPh-PRES.3SG slowly
     'The machine is working relatively quietly, with a regular thumping

(56) Lapsi  juos-ta  jumputta-a     piha-n    poikki  lyhy-i-lla
     child  run-INF  IdPh-PRES.3SG  yard-GEN  across  short-PL-ADE
     'The child runs across the yard at a steady beat on his/her short

The non-ideophonic Vi verbs in these sentences do not display the same kind of semantic elasticity:
(57) *Pari  kay-da          jumputta-a  paiva-n  kerrallaan
     pair   live-INF IdPh-  PRES.3SG    day-ACC  at.a.time
     Intended meaning: 'The pair is living a day at a time, i.e. the
     days thump by at a regular rhythm'

(58) *Kone     juos-ta   jumputta-a      hiljakseen
      machine  work-INF  IdPh- PRES.3SG  slowly
      Intended meaning: 'The machine is working slowly, with a regular
      thumping rhythm'

(59) *Lapsi  ela-a    jumputta-a      piha-n    poikki  lyhy-i-lla
      child  run-INF  IdPh- PRES.3SG  yard-GEN  across  short-PL-ADE


Intended meaning: 'The child runs across the yard at a steady beat on
his/her short legs'

Due to this semantic fuzziness of ideophonic interpretation, Jarva (2003: 75) observes that such terms are context-bound within the clause, i.e. their exact meaning is determined by the infinitival verb in a CC. The definition of jumputtaa in Kielitoimiston sanakirja (2009) is:

'of monotonous, even doing or of a relatively loud, throbbing, low sound'

While a number of such phonological, semantic and morpho-syntactic traits have been associated with Finnish ideophones by Mikone (2001) and Jarva (2003), no criteria have been identified that apply to all ideophones; rather, stronger or weaker tendencies have been documented (as also commented by Jarva 2003: 70). Moreover, the boundaries between ideophonic and nonideophonic roots are not clear. Semantically, ideophonic roots are often onomatopoeic (based on sound) or descriptive in some other way (of movement, light, position). This is what a typical dictionary entry looks like:
(60) Nykysuomen sanakirja (1996):
kakattaa onom.v.      aantaa katkonaisesti ka-ka-ka; puhua ankyttaen,
                      jankuttaen, inttaen
'Onomatopoeic verb -  to make a choppy ka-ka-ka sound; to speak
                      stutteringly, naggingly'
kahmia deskr.v.       liikkua t. toimia haparoiden, hiiviskella,
                      haarailla salaa jossk.
'Descriptive verb -   to move or act fumblingly, to tip-toe, to busy
                      oneself secretively'

While we take the descriptive entries into account, we do not rely on a dictionary list alone. We use additional tests to ascertain that a particular verb is an ideophonic one. Specifically, we rely on the fact the roots that appear with the verbalizing suffix -ise and the nominalizing suffix--inA are always ideophonic (cf. Jarva 2003), here exemplified in (61):
(61a) Lattia  tom-ise-e          laste-n juost-e-ssa
      floor   IdPh-ISE-PRES.3SG  child-PL-GEN run-E.INF-INE
      'The floor thumps while the children are running'

(61b) Juoksu-n  tom-ina   kuulu-u    luoka-sta
      run-GEN   IdPh-INA  sound-3SG  classroom-ELA
      'The thump of running can be heard from the classroom'

While not all ideophonic verbs in Vii position bear these suffixes, crucially, non-ideophonic verbs never accept either suffix, as can be seen in (62). This is yet another piece of data evidence revealing morpho-syntactic behavior particular to ideophones. Here we attempted use of -ise and -inA with the non-ideophonic verb juosta 'to run'.
(62a) *Lapse-t  juoks-ise-vat      meluisasti
      child-PL  run-ISE- PRES.3PL  noisily
      'The children run noisily'

(62b) *Las-te-n     juoks-ina  kuulu-u          luoka-sta
      child-PL-GEN  run-INA    sound- PRES.3SG  classroom-ELA
      'The children's running can be heard from the classroom'

Thus, in conlusion, we have argued that the Vii position is restricted to ideophonic verbs that exhibit the following properties:

Note that we rule out the possibility that the Vii is some sort of an adverbial. If adverbials were to occur in this position, we would expect any adverb to surface in a finite tensed form. This is not the case. Consider the following data. When adverbials modify verbs, they are formed from adjectives with the help of suffix -sti (akin to English adverbial suffix -ly):
(63a) meluisa  tomina
      noisy    IdPh-INA
      'the noisy thumping'

(63b) Lattia  tomise-e       meluisa-sti
      floor   IdPh-PRES.3SG  noisy-ly
      'The floor thumps/thunders noisily'

(64a) reipas  juoksu
      brisk   run
      'a brisk run'

(64b) Poika  juokse-e      reippaa-sti
      boy    run-PRES.3SG  brisk-ly
      'The boy is running briskly'

However, if we try to use these adverbials with tense inflection in the Vii position of the SVC, the result is ungrammatical:
(65) *Lattia  tomis-ta  meluisasti-i
     floor    IdPh-INF  noisily-PRES.3SG
     Intended meaning: 'The floor thumps/thunders noisily'

(66) *Poika  juos-ta  reippaasti-i
     boy     run-INF  briskly-PRES.3SG
     Intended meaning: 'The boy is running briskly'

4.3 Proposal: Vi is Aktionsart

In the previous sections, we have looked at Vi and Vii in detail, as two distinct elements with distinct properties within a SVC. In this section, we introduce our working hypothesis on what holds the two verbs together and makes them a syntactic atom.

We have already shown that Vii in Finnish SVC provides rich descriptive information, i.e., the manner of an event (hence the colorativeness of the construction). A hithereto overlooked fact is that Vii lacks specificity of an event kind. Namely, Vii may be compatible with events of different kinds as illustrated in the examples below, where the same Vii retostaa co-occurs with two distinct Vi, kavella 'to walk' and elaa 'to live':
(67a) Kurkiperhe    ...kave-lla  retosta-a  jalkelais-i-ne-en  walk-INF     IdPh-3SG   offspring-PL-3POSS
      'The crane family is walking proudly showing off its offspring'

(67b) Ylaluokka    ela-a retost-i  omi-ssa
      upper.class  live-INF        IdPh-PAST.3SG
      own-INE world-PL-INE-3POSS
      'The upper class lived showily in its own world (and spent the
      state's money...)'

While the manner instantiated by Vii remains constant, 'to show off' in this particular example, the event instantiated by Vi changes from 'walk' to 'live'. To put it schematically, Vi provides the event, while Vii describes it. Based on examples of this kind we propose that Vi is a spell-out of an aspectual head, namely Aktionsart. Aktionsart is defined as lexical aspect: it classifies verbs based on their inherent event type (Rothstein 2004, among others). Four event types are recognized as Aktionsart: activity (e.g., walk), state (e.g., live), achievement (e.g., blink) and accomplishment (e.g., climb a mountain). The event types are usually considered inherent to verbs in the sense that there is no overt morpheme on the verb that would indicate a particular Aktionsart class. However, (67) shows that Finnish Vii is comparable with more than one event type, i.e., it is underspecified for a particular event class. Thus, we propose that Vi introduces an event to complement the Vii: the entire SVC obtains the Aktionsart specification of Vi. Structurally, a Finnish SVC would look as follows:
(68) [mathematical expression not reproducible]

As indicated above, SVC spans across two heads, V and Aktionsart, where manner is encoded by Vii and event type is provided by Vi. This working hypothesis captures our data well and is in line with observations about the properties of both Vi and Vii.

If we argue that the two verbs form an atomic unit spanning two heads, then we need to explain how it is posible that both verbs are inflected: Vi is in an infinitive form while Vii inflects for tense, person and number. It has been observed for other constructions identified as SVC that typically one of the verbs is in some uninflected form (see typological data in Aikhenvald 2006, Voeltz & Kilian-Hatz 2001). Thus, the presence of the infinitive affixation appears to be a problem. We argue, however, that the infinitive form is the only available citation form that is grammatical in Finnish. We observe that Finnish does not allow bare verbs roots, as illustrated in (69).
(69) Mina aio-n juos-ta /*juos kauppa-an
     I run- INF /run store- ILL
     'I plan to run to the store'

In other words, Finnish verbs must bear some sort of inflection. We conclude that the--a (traditionally known as the first) infinitive is the most neutral verb form. It is the form of a verb found in dictionary and grammar entries. Finnish has two other infinitival forms: -e and--ma infinitives. While the -a infinitive appears in a wide range of functions (in dictionary and grammar entries, following auxiliary verbs, in a wide range of embedded nonfinite complement clauses, and in rationale adjunct clauses), the other two infinitives have more restricted distribution: the -e infinitive is used in temporal and manner adjunct clauses, and the--ma infinitive in a small number of complement and adjunct clauses and as a prenominal modifier. It is also worth noting that the -a infinitive is the most verbal of the three nonfinite forms in Finnish in that the -a verb never bears nominal inflection. The -e and -ma infinitives always appear with number, case and possessive marking (cf. e.g. Koskinen 1998). If the infinitive within the SVC were more than citation form, we could expect the other infinitive types to appear in the construction. This is not possible. Only the least marked -a form may appear in the SVC, as illustrated in (70).
(70a) Mina  juos-ta    viuhahda-n kauppa-an
      I     run-A.INF  IdPh- PRES.1SG store- ILL
      'I'll quickly nip over to the store'

(70b) *Mina  juos-te    viuhahda-n      kauppa-an
      I      run-E.INF  IdPh- PRES.1SG  store- ILL
      'I'll quickly nip over to the store'

(70c) *Mina  juos-ma     viuhahda-n      kauppa-an
      I      run-MA.INF  IdPh- PRES.1SG  store- ILL
      'I'll quickly nip over to the store'

We conclude that the presence of the infinitive marking on the Vi verb is not a counterargument against our Aktionsart head proposal. For a more detailed account of the internal structure of Finnish SVC and the theoretical implications of the proposal, see Armoskaite & Koskinen (in prep).

5. Conclusions and Further Questions

The main empirical goal of the paper has been to argue for Finnish colorative constructions as SVC. Our analysis is based on an examination of the morpho-syntactic properties of the structure in relation to criteria outlined for serial verbs by Muysken & Veenstra (1995; 2006). We have also discussed the nature of the two verb types that appear in the construction, identifying the first one as a neutral verb unspecified for manner, and the second as an ideophone that supplies such manner specification. Moreover, we have proposed that the existence of this serial verb structure is due to a deficiency in the event type of the ideophonic Vii: they lack Aktionsart specification, which, in turn, is provided by Vi.

We have shown that a SVC account of the constructions is in line with their morphosyntactic behavior. Such an account offers insight into the morpho-syntax of Finnish that goes beyond the stylistic impact that has been the usual focus of studies on this structure (cf. e.g. Rytkonen 1937, Luttinen 2000). Moreover, our study is supported by the data corpus compiled from a range of sources, which has not been done before.

This study also contributes to the discussion on the grammaticalization of ideophones. Although the range of grammatical guises of ideophones has been observed (Voeltz & Kilian-Hatz, 2001; Newman 1968), the use of non-ideophonic verbs for Aktionsart specification has not been discussed, to the best of our knowledge (note the discussion of grammatical rather than lexical aspect in ideophones of Pastaza-Quechua in Nuckolls 1996). Thus, our analytical contribution is the proposed analysis of the grammatical roles within Finnish SVC: event and Aktionasart heads. The following questions will be the goal of our on-going research.

With respect to colorative constructions, we have limited our data to motion predicates. It remains to be seen whether our observations extend to other classes of verbs. If they do not, we will investigate what it tells us about the heterogeneity of the colorative constructions and the reasons behind any variation.

With respect to the SVC account, the internal structure of SVC construction requires further elaboration. As a working hypothesis, we have posited that the first verb in the Finnish SVC can be analyzed as an overt head of Aktionsart aspect. The data introduced hitherto is in line with such a hypothesis. However, we need to find independent evidence in support of spelling out an Aktionsart head, as well as to ascertain what implications this proposal has for Finnish grammar as a whole (see Armoskaite & Koskinen in prep). To that end, we will compare Aktionsart behaviour of regular verbal predicates with that of the SVC predicates, exploring similarities and differences. We will also test the effect of aspectual affixes on SVC: which affixes do and do not select for SVC, and why. Yet another venue to explore will be the shift from one Aktionsart type into another. This will provide valuable insight into the mechanics of Aktionsart, given that overtly spelled out Aktionsart heads are rare.


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Solveiga Armoskaite and Paivi Koskinen

University of Rochester and Kwantlen Polytechnic University



ET lehti.

Kaks Plus.


Me Naiset.

Meidan perhe.



Helsingin Sanomat.




Kouvolan Sanomat.

Loviisan Sanomat.

Satakunnan Kansa.

Savon Sanomat.

Uusi Suomi.

Author's Contact Information:

Solveiga Armoskaite

University of Rochester

Paivi Koskinen

Kwantlen Polytechnic University

(1) For numerous comments and discussions, we thank Erik Anonby, Lev Blumenfeld, Rose Marie Dechaine, Carol Lord, Kumiko Murasugi, Victor Manfredi, Martina Wiltschko, the participants of the Finno-Ugric Studies Association of Canada annual conference, the participants of the Canadian Linguistics Association annual conference and two anonymous reviewers. All the remaining errors are ours.

(2) The following abbreviations are used throughout the paper:

Verbal suffixes: IdPh--ideophone; INF--A infinitive--(t)A 'to Verb'; E-INF--E infinitive (used for time & manner expressions)-(t)e; PRES--present tense, unmarked; PAST--past tense -i; 1,2,3.SG & 1,2,3.PL--subject-verb agreement 1SG -n, 2SG -t, 3SG -V, 1PL -mme, 2PL -tte, 3PL -vAt Nominal suffixes: SG--Singular, unmarked; PL--Plural -t/-i ; POSS--Possessive suffixes 1SG -ni, 2SG -si, 1PL -mme, 2PL -tte, 3person -nsA (3rd person singular and plural possessive suffixes are identical and indicated with '3Poss'); NOM--Nominative,unmarked; PAR--Partitive -(t) A; ACC--Accusative (= non-partitive objects), unmarked or -n ; GEN--Genitive -n; INE--Inessive -ssA, 'in'; ELA --Elative -stA, 'from in'; ILL--Illative -Vn/-hin , 'to in'; ADE--Adessive -llA, 'on', 'at'; TRANS - Translative (change of state)-ksi, 'into'

Other: |--prosodic pause; ADJ--denominal adjectivizer -inen; V--denominal verbalizer -(An)tU

Note: The capital letters A and U indicate morphophonological variation between [a]/[a] and [u]/[y], based on vowel harmony. For instance, the (first) infinitive suffix may be either -ta or - ta, as in juosta 'to run' or sylkaista 'to spit'. Further phonological processes apply to various suffixes. Discussion of these is beyond the scope of this paper.

(3) Although not all ideophonic Vii's can appear on their own.

(4) See discussion in section 4.1 on the alternative approaches to Finnish colorative constructions.

(5) Note that these criteria overlap, to an extent, with Aikhenvald's (2006) generalizations. On one hand, Aikhenvald offers a larger number of more nuanced characteristics of SVC, but, on the other hand, her generalizations are also more tentative.

(6) One of the anonymous reviewers points out that the assumptions on what constitutes a SVC may not be universally shared, which, in turn, could be a problem for our analysis of Finnish colorative constructions as SVC. We are aware of the controversies. Crucially, however, our assumptions are rooted in empirical tests. The tests may not work for all SVC languages, but we believe them to be the most widely accepted, theory-neutral diagnostics currently available.

(7) This is contra Hakulinen & Karlsson (1979:234), who state that "the colorative construction is a lexicalized mold of an emphatic verbal construction". It is not derived from its parts through productive syntactic rules." We show that the use of the construction continues to be productive. With respect to a particular syntactic process involved, see discussion in section 4.3.

(8) Airola (2007) looked at the constructions with ja in detail. The observed contrast between the constructions with ja and the constructions without ja shows that the two constructions should not be treated as same.

(9) In some South-Western dialects it is grammatical to mark the same tense on both verbs of the SVC (cf. e.g. Kohtamaki 1936: 9, Ikola et al. 1989: 304; Jarva 2003: 76-77), although not so in Standard Finnish or the dialect we work on. Even so, the two verbs refer to a single event and are marked with the same tense. Since, however, this structure has not appeared in our corpus, we leave its analysis for future work.

(10) After the negator, which in Finnish behaves like a verb in that it conjugates for subject-verb agreement, the past tense main verb appears in the past participle form.

(11) The Finnish colorative construction has also been a somewhat popular topic for Masters thesis (cf. e.g. Iisa 1965, Havo 1966, Korhonen 1967, Pursiainen 1967, Haapamaki 1983, Sivula 1989, Kapanen 1990, Raapysjarvi 2005, Gardemaister 2005, Heikkinen & Voutilainen 2009). These works, however, have focused on the stylistic value of the construction for the work of specific Finnish authors, and have not discussed its structure.

doi: 10.1349/PS1.1537-0852.A.438
Table 1 below provides an overview of types of examples used in the

# of    source         example

343     Dictionaries   Lehma nuol-la kahnutta-a kive-a
        (print,        cow lick-INF IdPh- PRES.3SG rock-PART
        CD-rom)        'The cow is slowly, repeatedly licking the rock,
                       creating a sound of friction'
  4     Online         Kaikki puhu-a palatt-i-vat yh-ta aika-a
        grammar        all speak-INF IdPh-PAST-3PL same-PART time-PART
                       'Everyone talked rather loudly at the same time,
                       not necessarily listening to each other'
138     Fiction        Yrjola-n aija puhu-a lassytt-i
                       Yrjola-GEN talk-INF IdPh -PAST.3SG
                       'The old Yrjola geezer babbled on' (F. E.
  3     Folk           Tikka puu-ta koputta-a, janis juos-ta laputta-a,
        songs/rhymes   woodpecker tree-PART knock-PRES.3SG rabbit
                       run-INF IdPh- PRES.3SG
                       'A woodpecker knocks on a tree, a rabbit lopes
  4     Speech         Joku sylkais-i kortti-in ja lyo-da laiskaytt-i
                       sen poyta-an
                       someone spit-PAST.3SG card-ILL and hit-INF
                       IdPh-PAST.3SG it.ACC table-ILL
                       'Someone spat on the card and hit it on the table
                       with a splat'
  5     Youtube        ... Kristo laula-a lurautta-a kaunii-n laulu-n
                       Kristo sing-INF IdPh-PRES.3SG beautiful-ACC
                       'Kristo cheerfully sings a beautiful song'
151     Web            Vappu tais-i kiro-ta taraytta-a suora-ssa
        forums/blogs   Vappu may-PAST.3SG swear-INF IdPh-INF
                       straight-INE broadcast-INE
                       'Vappu seems to have blast a swearing expression
                       in a live broadcast'
 31     News/journals  ... seivashypy-n ME-nainen Jelena Isinbajeva
                       itke-a tihrust-i...
        /magazines     pole.vault-GEN world.record-woman J. I. cry-INF
                       'The pole-vault world record holding female J.I.
  1     Online         Minka muotois-ta voileipa-a Kroko itse syo-da
        advertising    what shape-PART sandwich-PART Croc self eat-INF
                       IdPh- PRES.3SG
                       'What shape of a sandwich is Croc himself
                       crunching on?'
 42     Elicitation    Lapsi juos-ta hipsutt-i piha-n poikki lyhy-i-lla
                       child run-INF I d Ph-PAST.3SG yard-GEN across
                       short-PL-ADE foot-PL-ADE-3.POSS
                       'The child ran nearly soundlessly across the yard
                       on his/her short legs'

Table 1

Table 2. Properties of Finnish SV versus non-SV construction

Finnish    One      One      One      One      One      Co-ordination
           subject  object   tense    aspect   negator

SV         [check]  [check]  [check]  [check]  [check]  X
V (and) V  varies   varies   varies   varies   varies   [check]

Finnish    Sub-        Pause

SV         X           X
V (and) V  [check]     [check]

Table 3

Property                ideophonic V  non-ideophonic V

sound change relevance  X             [check]
semantic elasticity     [check]       X
-ise/-inA affixation    [check]       X
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Author:Armoskaite, Solveiga; Koskinen, Paivi
Publication:Linguistic Discovery
Article Type:Report
Geographic Code:4EUFI
Date:Jan 1, 2014
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