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Selling Forbidden Books: Profit and Ideology in Thomas Godfray s Printing.

There is a long-standing narrative about the earliest English printers of the Reformation that tells us they were as happy to print evangelical as conservative material, providing their risk (legal and financial) was minimized and a good return likely. As Charles Butterworth argued in 1947, "as soon as one such [controversial] volume had been issued with impunity, the other ... printers stood ready to join in this most welcome and profitable market, offering such material as they had at " (1) Or as David Loades put it a few decades later, "the appetite of Londoners for controversial ephemera was enormous, and... most printers were men of trade first, and proselytisers second (if at all). ("2) A variation on this narrative attributed the earliest English evangelical printing to the combined effect of printers' mercantile interests and either humanists or the influence of Cromwell. In the words of James McConica, "the years immediately after Wolsey's fall from office witnessed a remarkable publication enterprise which truly deserves the name 'Erasmian.' It is sponsored by humanists committed to reform in Church and State.sup. ("3) Although this introduced an ideological motive for publication, McConica attributed it to sponsors "committed to reform" and made printers the means by which these reformers achieved their ends.

Indeed, in Andrew Pettegree's version of this tale, printers are erased entirely, becoming simply the purveyors of a medium of production, "one means by which the core messages of the reformers were brought to the reading public," and not even doing as much as that in England until the mid-1530s for fear of jeopardizing their own prosperity. (4) Conversely, when scholars do argue that "the printers who issued [controversial material] may have been motivated by a reforming religious agenda," they give little attention to how these printers went about pursuing this agenda in a commercially viable manner, from finding texts to negotiating censorship to enticing readers. (5)

What all these narratives have in common is that they take for granted the hunger of the laity for evangelical material, which writers such as William Tyndale repeatedly emphasized in their prefaces and envoys. As William Roy put it, "lett the vngodly roare and barcke never so lowde...the fyre which Christ cam to kyndle on erth / can nott butt burne." (6) Such claims of burning demand seem truthful to the modern reader because we know that over a single decade Tyndale's New Testament alone went through fifteen editions, and increasing numbers of evangelical texts were printed in English, first abroad and then within England itself. But in taking these rhetorical claims at face value, there is a tendency to see this growth in printing and reading as merely reflective of a preexistent market just waiting to be exploited and to make the printers into curiously naive figures, functioning either as mere market agents responding mechanically to demand or as mouthpieces of God with no care for their bottom line. This is the trap that Michael Saenger suggests modern critics fall into too easily: "because paratexts are (often implicitly) read in non-literary terms," their assertions "are often read as transparent reflections of... truth," but "marketability not honesty, is the constant" in front matter. (7) Statements like Roys expressed hope and belief in the laity's desire for reformation, but they were also meant to encourage new readers by presenting the tracts as desirable.

An approach that sees printers of evangelical material in English as merely responding to burning demand gives too much sway to Thomas Mores claim that evangelical books were "for no lucre, caste...abrode by nyght" in order to spread the word. (8) Some texts were certainly given away, such as Simon Fish's pamphlet Supplication of Beggars, which Fox claimed was "throwen and scattered at the procession in Westminster vpon Candelmas day" in February 1529. (9) However, this distribution method would have been unsustainable for every book, especially the longer works, and the evangelicals do not seem to have had a limitless supply of funds from their supporters. The possibly apocryphal tale in Hall's Chronicle, published in 1548, depicts William Tyndale as grateful that Cuthbert Tunstall, the bishop of London, bought up "a heap of New Testaments and books" which he had "beggared" himself to print even though they were going to be burnt. He apparently replied to the go-between:
I am the gladder... [for] 1 shall get money of him for these books, to
bring myself out of debt (and the whole world shall cry out upon the
burning of God's word). And the overplus of the money, that shall
remain to me, shall make me more studious, to correct the said new
Testament, and so newly to imprint the same once again (10)


Like any other type of printing, to produce an evangelical book abroad required money to cover the costs of the initial printing as well as some hope of recovering those costs through sales.

Thomas More was keenly aware of this despite his comment that evangelical books were given away for "no lucre." He marvels in The Confutation of Tyndale's Answer that though "they neyther can be... prented [outside of the realm] without great coste, nor here solde wythout aduenture & perell: yet ceace they not with mony sent from hense, to prente them there & sende them hyther by y\e/ whole fattes full at ones. ("11) Similarly, in the Dialogue Concerning Heresies, he emphasizes the vital role groups of sponsors had in defraying the costs of printing:
They let not to lay theyr money togyder and make a purse amonge them
for the pryntyng of an euyll made or euyll translated boke / which
thoughe it happe to be forboden and burned yet some be solde ere they
be spyed / and eche of them lese but theyr parte / yet I thynke there
wyll no prynter lyghtly be so hote to put any byble in prynt at his
owne charge / wherof the losse sholde lye hole in his owne necke (12)


More had a clear vision of early Reformation printing as both physically and financially perilous, dependent on the making of a joint "purse" to spread the costs and risks across a number of backers.

The financial risk remained even after the break with Rome heralded a period in which evangelical printing was tolerated within England even if it was not officially legal. A letter from John Rastell to Cromwell in August 1534 reveals the ways in which printers might risk financial ruin by publishing controversial material. Asking for financial support, Rastell observed:
I have spend my tyme 7 gyffyn my bysynes principally this iiij or v
yers in compylyng dyuers bokes concernyng the furtherance of the kynges
causis 7 opposing of the vsurpyd auctorite 7 therby gretly hyndered myn
own bysynes that as I shall answer afore god I aw the wors by it by a C
l. 7 aboue / and beside that I haue decayd the trade of my lyffyng for
where before yat I gote by the law in pledyng... xl m\a/rks a yere that
was xx nobles a terme at the lest and printyd euery yere ij or iij C
reams of papyr which was mor yerely profet to me than y\e/ gaynys yat I
gate by y\e/ law / I assure you I get not now xls a yere by y\e/. law
nor I printyd not a C. reams of papyr this ij yere. (13)


Having foregrounded the financial cost of his commitment to the king's causes and opposition to the pope, Rastell goes on to explain why he had lost rather than made money on books that modern critics assume were in hot demand. He explains that he had attempted to make such material attractive to readers by devising "certeyn prayers \in/ englissh to be put in primers of dyuers sortes of small prise" and had already produced a "lytyl primer" to "bryng y\e/ people...from the beleue of y\e/ popes noughty doctrine" (fol. 114r). However, he laments that far from there being great custom, "y\e/ most part of the people be loth to bye any such bokes and yet yf they \be/ gyffyn to them skantly rede them" (fol. 114r). He thinks that one solution would be to put the "matter in englyssh...in primers which they vse to bryng with them to the church [so] they shal be in a maner compellyd to rede them" (fol. 114r), but is also keenly aware of the price barrier, recommending that the king print 4,000 or 5,000 and "gyff them among y\e/ people." He thinks this would bring them to the right belief, "and do as much good as y\e/ prechyng do."

A similar picture emerges from the correspondence between another publisher with Lutheran leanings, William Marshall, and Thomas Cromwell. Marshall appealed to Cromwell to lend him money since his printer, Thomas Godfray, was trying to avoid making the kinds of losses that Rastell had incurred by refusing to allow Marshall "to fett... bokes from the prynters for lacke of money. ("14) In response, Cromwell lent Marshall [pounds sterling]20, for which Marshall and his brother, Thomas Marshall, stood surety with the hope that sales of The Defence of Peace (STC 17817), which Robert Wyer printed for Marshall the following year, would allow the loan to be repaid. However, even though Marshall described this as "the best book in English against the usurped...bishop of Rome," it did not sell, and Cromwell forgave the debt late in 1535. ("15)

The experiences of Rastell and Marshall bring into doubt the assumption that English printers had only to take advantage of "enormous" preexisting demand for material that broke with traditional doctrine and that they did not have to continue to encourage this new market after 1534. This assumption has caused Reformation scholars to ignore the question of how the market for vernacular, evangelical writing was initially fostered and expanded. For instance, in his excellent chapter on "Reading" in Being Protestant in Reformation Britain, Alec Ryrie discusses the importance of reading to Protestantism and the ways in which members of this "book-religion" were trained to see reading as a fundamental part of their spiritual lives.16 However, Ryrie takes the existence of a "Protestant reader," or would-be reader, for granted and does not address how such a reader was created in the earliest years of the Reformation, despite the book's covering 1530 to 1640. Focusing on how literacy was acquired, he avoids the question of how a reader steeped in traditional religion became a reader open to engaging with evangelical texts in the first place, especially in a period when the reading of such material was still forbidden de jure if not always de facto. This tendency, like the narratives I mentioned above, obscures the ways in which writers, printers, and publishers in the 1520s and 1530s independently and deliberately encouraged a nascent--not preexisting--market through their choice of material and the manner of its presentation.

Julia Boffey, however, offers an alternative approach in her study of John Mychell, a Canterbury printer active from the 1530s. Arguing that his "commercial shrewdness, as well as his conscience, may have prompted... [his] overt engagement with the printing of less traditional material during a period of religious change," she explores the ways in which he exploited the potential of "older Middle English writings in a new polemical context. ("17) In a similar vein, this article focuses on Thomas Godfray, who printed at least thirty-six editions between the late 1520s and 1530s, and shows the ways in which he deliberately nurtured an emerging evangelical readership, balancing his commitment to the new thinking with commercial sensitivity. A few scholars, such as Andrew Wawn, have previously suggested that Godfray was an "integral part of the Henrician propagandist organization," but in doing so, they have shifted the focus away from the printer and focused overmuch on the shaping force of Cromwell. (18) Similarly, Torrance Kirby's suggestion that Godfray s publications were part of an attempt to persuade the government erased the majority of likely readers. (19) This article argues instead that the texts that Godfray printed after 1534 were primarily aimed at assuaging the anxieties of curious readers and encouraging their demand for evangelical material, at conversion rather than political persuasion.

Godfray was "probably a Stationer" whose printing career ran "between the end of 1530 and the beginning of 1537. ("20) During his career, he printed thirty-six texts and seems to have operated from two separate locations, though there are only three colophons that give a more detailed address than "London": John Stanbridge's Sum esfui, which was "Printed at London: in the Olde bayly," and the Exonoratorium curatorum and The Folowyng of Christ, which were "Prynted at London at Temple barre," though whether inside it or outside is unknown. (21) To add to the obscurity of Godfray's career, only three of the texts Godfray printed are dated: The Workes ofGeffray Chaucer (1532), The Forme and Matter of... Helpyngfor Pore People (June 1535), and Tyndale s New Testament (1536). (22) A further three can be fairly closely dated as a result of internal references: A Primer in Englysshe, which begins with the almanac for 1535,. (23) The Boke of Marchauntes, which says it was translated in August 1534, and A Panegyric of Henry VIII, which mentions Henry VIII's "most lawfull wyfe quene Jane" as if she were alive, so must have been written between her succession on May 30,1536 and death on October 24, 1537. (24) Another work, A Treatyse of the Donation...by Constantyne, can probably be dated to early 1534 based on the letter (mentioned above) by William Marshall to Cromwell in April of that year asking for a loan to help bring "the book of Constantine...from the printers,. ("25) and Godfray's edition of the Exonoratorium curatorum must have been completed before November 1534, when the Act of Supremacy, was passed since it makes mention of "thy gostly father... the pope."

Two more works can be dated fairly closely based on typographical evidence, since Godfray used a 73 textura with a rotated 4 in its fount for these and three other editions that can be dated (for the reasons outlined above) between 1534 and 1537, that is A Treatyse of the Donation...by Constantyne, A Panegyric of Henry VIII, and A Primer in Englysshe. According to Blayney, Godfray "ordered some correctly oriented examples, but... added them to his typecase without discarding the rotated ones," and these corrected 4s can be seen alongside the erroneous 4s in these three works as well as two others, The Fountayne or Well of Lyfe (STC 11211, 1534?) and A Treatise Declaryng... That Pyctures [and] Other Ymages...Ar in No Wise to Be Suffred (STC 24239,1535?). (27) This suggests that The Fountanye or Well of Life and A Treatise on Pyctures and Other Ymages postdated the other three and should be dated 1535 or 1536. For most of the other twenty-six texts' chronological order, the Short Title Catalogue offers ranges that cover "up to three years on either side" of a central date.

Nevertheless, the approximate time line of Godfray's career that emerges from a combination of the dated texts and approximate ranges falls into two parts. The first part, from approximately 1530 to 1534, shows little cohesiveness, encompassing The Workes ofGeffray Chaucer, the encyclopedic History of Kyng Boccus,. (28) the conventional Folowyng of Christ. (29) and Golden Epistle. (30), and An Introductoriefor to lerne... Frenches. (31) The second part seems to begin around 1534 and runs to the end of his printing career, during which texts of an evangelical or controversial nature dominate. On the controversial side are texts concerned with the relationship between Crown and Church, including two tracts by Christopher St German on the limitations of the powers of the Church, A Treatise Concernynge Impropriations oj Benefices and A Treatise of the Donation or Gyfte...by Constantyne mentioned above. There is also Marcourt's The Boke of Marchauntes, which uses mercantile satire to explore questions of ecclesiastical power. (32) On the more explicitly evangelical side are translations by George Joy and William Tyndale of The Psalter of Dauid, The Prouerbes of Solomon, and The New Testament, Tyndale's A Pathway into the Holy Scripture, and Patrick Hamilton's Dyuers Frutefull Gatherynges. Only four texts-15 percent of the output--printed by Godfray in this second period are concerned with other matters: two grammatical works by John Stanbridge, a third edition of the Golden Epistle, and a pamphlet celebrating the Battle of Agincourt.

Godfray s concentration on printing evangelical material becomes more apparent when we consider what other printers were doing at this time. In the period from 1530 to 1537, only two other London printers put their names to works by Tyndale: James Nycolson in 1536, who printed The Parable of the Wicked Mammon, (33) and Robert Redman, who printed three editions of An Exposycyon vpon... Mathewe between approximately 1533 and 1539. (34) Two other unidentified printers published The Prophet Jonas and The Obedyence of a Chrysten Man, but neither dated them nor added an imprint, while two more unidentified printers were more cautious still and used false imprints, claiming they were produced in "Nornburg" or "Malborowe, in the lande of Hesse." (35) When other evangelical writers are taken into account, only Redman comes close to the range of material that Godfray printed. Indeed, Redman and Godfray seem to have been unusually willing to explore whether previously forbidden works by Tyndale might be printed as Henry VIII led the Church in England away from Rome. Yet Redman's experiments were against a backdrop of much higher production: of the ninety-nine works he printed between 1530 and 1537, less than 14 percent, might be considered evangelical, and they are balanced by religious material of a more traditional or explicitly sanctioned nature. Godfray stands out not only for the risks he took in exploring the boundaries of acceptability but for his near-exclusive concentration on controversial and evangelical material.

A further striking feature of this period of productivity in Godfray's career is the way in which all the evangelical texts are pitched at a readership only just becoming acquainted with the idea of justification by faith alone. There are texts that introduce readers to the fundamental ideas of Lutheran-inflected belief, such as Tyndale's A Pathway into the Holy Scripture and Patrick Hamilton's Dyuers Frutefull Gatherynges, or that make scripture more accessible by offering the reader a florilegium of quotations, such as The Prouerbes of Solomon, and texts that combine both translations and expansions of biblical texts, such as The Psalter of David. The edition of Tyndale's New Testament attributed to Godfray by the STC is in many ways anomalous in its relatively unmediated presentation of scripture.

Although the introductory nature of these texts in part reflects the foci of the English evangelicals, Godfray seems to have done more than simply print what he "had to hand." Judging from extant editions--admittedly an imperfect guide-he avoided competing with other printers by eschewing further editions of Tyndale's most popular works, such as The Parable of the Wicked Mammon and The Obedyence of a Chrysten Man. Instead he printed the only English editions of Tyndale's A Pathway into the Holy Scripture and was the first English printer to print Tyndale's New Testament. He also avoided lengthier texts, such as Tyndale's An Answere vnto Sir Thomas More, printing almost entirely in octavo format with between twenty-four and sixty-eight folios, making his texts less expensive to produce and more easily purchasable. (In this practice perhaps he learned from William Marshall's experience of failing to sell the folio Defence of the Peace, with its 140 leaves, despite its being the "best book" against Rome.) Reading Godfray's entire print run also reveals a repetitiveness and simplicity in the messages conveyed.

It is the cheapness and basic nature of these works that brings into question Torrance Kirby's assertion that Godfray was a member of a "Tudor evangelical avant-garde whose main object was to prod the government to move toward a radical political break with the Roman hierarchy and to a theological break with the old religion." (36) Godfray's publications seem directed more at the common reader than at the more informed members of the king's circle. Though I argue elsewhere that Godfray was one of the first printers to test where the new boundaries of acceptable publication lay after 1534 by repositioning evangelical texts "as part of the royally sanctioned criticism of traditional Church power and practice," I am now beginning to think that the way in which Godfray chose, presented, and adapted his earliest evangelical texts was as much about fostering a market for this material as it was about negotiating censorship. (37) It seems likely that by propagating the anticlerical discussions of people such as St. German, which fitted a homegrown and monarch-led opposition to papal and clerical power, he helped to make common readers receptive to departures from traditional doctrine, while--as shown below--combining this kind of material with evangelical material made the latter further familiar and acceptable.

Two letters sent to Cromwell in 1535 illustrate how necessary it was to warm readers slowly to evangelical doctrines in the early years of the English Reformation and the risks of imprudent printing. These letters were sent following Thomas Godfray's anonymous printing for William Marshall of A Treatise on Pyctures and Other Ymages (STC 24238, 1535). (38) On September 11, 1535, Thomas Broke reported that "the people gretly murmureth" about the book "for that it enveith gretly ageynst worshipping of images .. . but most specially ageynst the masse wheryn the sacrament of the awter is consecrate." He specifically drew attention to the way this topic was presented "playnely" "-within iiij or v. leves of the latter ende," the point at which the marginalia states that "The supper of our lord was comen to mani men celebrated at his table / 7 nat a priuate eatyng and drinkinge of one alone at the auter." (39) Lord Chancellor Thomas Audeley again marked the book's disruptive potential two days later:
in the parts where he [Marshall] has been there has been some discord
and diversity of opinion touching worshipping of saints and images,
creeping at cross, and such ceremonies, which discord it were well to
put to silence. This book will make much business if it should go
forth. Intends to send for the printer to stop them. It were good that
preachers and people abstained from opinions of such things until the
King has put a final order by the report of those appointed for
searching and ordering the laws of the Church. A proclamation to
abstain until that time would do much good. (40)


Both Broke and Audeley saw the political consequences of not persuading readers, and it is perhaps suggestive of Godfray s cautious approach and ability to anticipate trouble that he took the unusual step of omitting his name as printer from both the first and second edition, choosing instead to clearly state that they were "Printed for W. Marshall." (41) William Marshall, by contrast, was far from careful in either anticipating or responding to such murmurs, putting into print a second edition with a truculent note at the bottom of the title page anticipating that "some popish doctor or peuish proctor" would "grunt at this treatise" but admonishing the reader to "fyrst rede and then iuge." He followed this with final envoy "to the indyfferent reder" (sig. Glr), described as a defensive "buckler" (sig. G3r), objecting that he had been "mystaken and misreported" (sig. G2r) as having "dispysed the masse or the supper of the lorde" rather than having spoken "agaynst the abuses therof... by the byshopps of Rome / their popysshe complyces and counsellours" (sig. G3r).

William Underwood suspects that Cromwell's protection allowed Marshall not only to continue with the issuing of the first edition but to follow it with a second edition. (42) Yet this protection eventually ran out, and in Underwood's view, this book may well have supplied evidence for the act of attainder against Cromwell in 1540, which argued that he had "secretly set forth and dispersed into all shires... great number of false erroneous books" including one that "hath expressly been against the said most blessed and holy sacrament." (43) Imprudent printing that failed to persuade readers and caused "public discord" by stirring up a "diversity of opinions" could have disastrous consequences. The commercial decisions that Godfray made were shaped by that awareness.

In this, Godfray s printing practices were in line with the careful tactics of evangelical writers, printers, and publishers abroad who had begun to foster the market he sought to enter. Before Mores fall from power and Cromwell's ascendency made it possible for printers to experiment with printing evangelical texts in England, the Crown and Church had made it clear to printers, booksellers, and readers alike that books that strayed from accepted faith were forbidden. (44) In March 1529, a royal proclamation enforced general statutes against heresy and prohibited unlicensed and heretical books, providing a list of fifteen forbidden works. A second proclamation, issued three months later, focused more directly on the book trade and added six more books to the prohibited list. These royal proclamations were supported and strengthened by William Warham's Public Instrument, published in May that year, which included the judgments of university scholars on such works as The Wicked Mammon, The Obedience of a Christian Man, and The Supplication of Beggars. It also provided a sermon to be read by all parish priests to reassure the laity that these named works were full of "detestable and abominable heresies." (45) Nor were these idle words. In the persecution of heretics, ownership of banned books was used as significant evidence of heresy.

Under these circumstances, obtaining texts by writers such as Tyndale or Simon Fish before 1534 was not only difficult but dangerous, so writers and printers of evangelical texts had to find ways to persuade potential readers to take the risk of purchasing their smuggled work. These books were designed not only to bolster the faith of believers but to reach and convert new, tentative readers within a hostile environment. Andrew Pettegree observes that published under similar circumstances, "the evangelical book in France and the Netherlands eschewed the confident, self-advertising quarto format of the Flugschriften," which tended to have title pages containing "virtually no visual embellishments...made up almost wholly of text," and "very often concealed their content behind an uncontroversial anodyne title." (46)

In like fashion, the title pages of English evangelical texts seem remarkably bland to a modern reader used to thinking of writers like Tyndale as subversive firebrands. The vast majority avoided the unbridled heretical tone of the title page to Tyndale's An Exposicion vppon...Mathew, (47) which placed in opposition those who aim to restore "Moses lawe" and the "Scrybes and Pharises," who were explicitly described as "papistes." Instead, biblical translations and cribs were presented without fanfare and without any initial acknowledgment of the debate over vernacular translation, relying on the potential reader s desire for access to these texts and avoiding emphasizing the forbidden nature of that desire.

Thus there are title pages that carry no more than the titles, such as The Newe Testamente, The Fyrst Boke of Moses Called Genesis, A Compendious Introduccion...vnto the Pistle off Paul to the Romayns, and The Exposition of the Fyrste Epistle ofSeynt Ihon with a Prologge before it. (48) Of Tyndale's works, only The Prophete Jonas has a more fulsome title page, and even then, it is a title page that frames the text within more acceptable humanist approaches to the scriptures. The title pages of these imported and forbidden works also emphasized the interest of the text to all Christian readers, denying any sectarian specificity. In this way, Fish's The Summe of the Holy Scripture is described as "the true Christen faithe / by the which we be all iustified .. . with an informacyon howe all estates shulde lyve." (49) Likewise, John Friths The Souper of the horde recommends the text to the reader in the intimatebut nonspecific--third person: "that thou mayst be the better prepared and suerlyer enstructed." (50)

But if these texts needed to appeal to new, tentative readers, they also needed to signal to more radical readers that they would find the tract satisfyingly challenging of the old order. Often they achieved this through using marked or loaded vocabulary. We can see this particularly clearly in two of Tyndale's earliest and most influential tracts: The Obedience of a Christian Man and The Parable of the Wicked Mammon. The sparse title page of The Obedience of a Christen Man and How Christen Rulers Ought to Governe (51) advertises the book as being about the duties of both Christian men and their rulers, but also promises rather mysteriously that if the readers "marke diligently" they shall also "fynde eyes to perceave the crafty conveyaunce of all iugglers." Since the late fourteenth century, the term "iuggler" could mean "a parasite, deceiver, rascal" and in Lollard tracts had begun to be used as a derogatory term for religious. In Piers the Ploughman's Creed, for instance, the narrator calls the Carmelites "jugulers and iapers," who deceive "the folke with gestes of Rome," marking the kinship between Carmelite preacher and wandering minstrel. (52) On this title page, then, the word functions as a code for those familiar with the idiom of radical religious critique signaling the likely evangelical nature of the tract. For less informed readers, there is simply the promise of an additional bonus: learning the tricks of would-be deceivers, not necessarily religious ones.

The title page of the tract now known as The Parable of the Wicked Mammon" is much more verbose but makes similar maneuvers. The book has an unusual title page that not only presents the title of the text but gives a precis through a homely analogy, "That fayth the mother of all workes iustifieth vs / before we can bringe forth anye good worke: as the husbonde maryeth his wife before he can have any lawefull chylderne by her." The way this title page functions is suggested in the next extant edition, when this material is left to the final pages and renamed "A shorte rehearsall or summe of thys present treatyse of iustifycation by faith." (54) The first three lines of the title page are laden with words that had become heavily freighted by this point--"faith," "iustifieth," "good worke"--and would appeal to sympathetic readers while piquing the curiosity of others only vaguely aware of the debate. However, the argument presented in brief does much to present the text not as an evangelical diatribe against and wholesale rejection of good works but as a careful explanation of how faith and good works interrelate, making the work seem less a matter of controversy and more a matter of common sense.

Like later Renaissance texts that, in Roger Pooley's words, use "apparently contradictory gestures" (55) to attract different types of reader, it seems that the function of most early evangelical title pages was to appeal to multiple readers, an aim that is sometimes developed in accompanying tabula and notes. Just as other types of book might be "demonstrably multifaceted [and] aimed at several social classes simultaneously," (56) these early evangelical title pages are deliberately pitched at a spectrum of readers, from those already committed to heterodox ideas to those as yet still committed to the practices and beliefs of the Catholic Church but who might, with care, be encouraged to engage with a different type of thinking. There is not space here to illuminate the ways in which other paratextual elements of these evangelical tracts were exploited to simultaneously encourage tentative readers and catch the eye of the converted. However, even this brief discussion places Godfray's printing in context and reveals the extent to which he had absorbed the lessons of these earlier tracts.

This is immediately apparent in the type of evangelical material Godfray printed and the ways in which he presented it. With three exceptions, which are discussed below, he focused primarily on publishing translations that revealed their evangelical nature through the translator's linguistic choices rather than outright engagement with doctrinal debate. Moreover, Godfray's editions tended to downplay their controversial nature. For instance, the only text that the STC attributes to Godfray which named a heretical author and was explicitly listed among forbidden books by state and ecclesiastical proclamation was The New Testament, and it is notable that--like the edition of A Treatise on Pyctures and Ymages--Godfray omitted his name from its colophon. More often, he chose to omit the name of the author, as with his edition of Diuerse Fruitfuall Gatherings discussed below, or to further obscure it, as with his edition of George Joye's The Psalter of Dauid. The first edition of this text had been printed in 1530 by Martin de Keyser, who had already taken steps with Joye to anonymize its production. It was originally presented as a faithful translation "aftir the texte of Feline" (STC 2370), a pseudonym for Martin Bucer, with a prologue byjohan Aleph, a pseudonym for George Joye, and the false imprint attributing its production to "Francis foxe" in "Argentine" rather than to de Keyser. (57) When Godfray printed his edition, he kept the reference to "Felyne," clearly trusting in its pretense, but omitted the greeting byjohan Aleph, which marked the translation as the product of a foreign pen addressing "the Englishe nacion" and explicitly placed it within the freighted environment of exiled writers and translators.

Another way in which Godfray tailored his evangelical printing to the uncertain reception of the mid-1530s was to choose his material carefully so that its nature was not immediately obvious. The Psalter is characteristic of such a choice. Although it offered vernacular scriptural translation, which was technically forbidden, the "interest in possessing such [texts] extended far beyond the circles of those who fully endorsed the Protestant agenda." (58) Moreover, in writing The Psalter,)oye had emphasized the importance of obedience to the Crown--exhorting that "no man resyste his kinge" in his gloss of Psalm 75-and only intermittently ventured onto controversial matters. For instance, the argument for Psalm 16 ventures into the debate on faith and works in arguing that "god hath no nede of... goodes," that all "goodes oughte to serue...poore neighbours," and that "they that bestowe their goodes of any other thyng than profyteth these sayntes [i.e., poor neighbors] / make Idols with them." This critique is then extended in the argument for Psalm 50, which states the importance of the gospel and faith over good works:
Asaph declareth howe mightely god wolde call vnto him / all natyons of
the worlde by the gospell / delyuerynge by his mightye power his
chosen: also howe that he wolde than requyre of his / rather faythe 7
knowlege and declaringe of his goodnesse / than sacrifyces or workes /
and howe greuously he wyll curse 7 entreat them that boste them of his
relygyon without the pure study of his true worship.


However, these Lutheran notes were not the focus of the volume. Instead, the principal effect of The Psalter was to encourage the reader to trust in God through the example of David. As the argument for Psalm 27 puts it, David "remembringe the promyse of god / dyd animate himself strongly agaynst so presente 7 stormy tempestes... [and] excyteth humselfe to truste strongly in god." Joye's Psalter was designed to appeal to potential readers' desire for scriptural translation and, having taken advantage of that desire, to begin to teach them to value faith over works through the explanations of the Psalms. For those already committed to the principle of sola fide but aware of the continued risk of persecution, it also subtly offered consolation. It was not, however, an overtly evangelical volume.

Godfray's edition of the anonymous The Fountayne or Well of Lyfe--a translation of the biblical compilation Pons vitae published by Martin de Keyser in 1533-would have appeared similarly conservative and acceptable to adherents of traditional religion at first reading. (59) Although it expresses the hope that the reader "parauewture... mightest seke" the quotations "after in the Bible," it does not offer a full biblical translation. It also presents the quotations as "consolation or comfort" not in opposition to what the traditional Church offered but to the physical help given by "parentes 7 frendes" who could provide only "bodyly helth /7.. hope of lenger lyfe" (sig. A2r). The prefatory letter "to the christen reder" even seems to suggest it was a conservative text, one aligned against those the traditional Church labeled heretics, which would help the reader leave "all contagions 7 pudels / that may infecte thy minde with errour / heresye / and sedycion" (sig. A3v).

Yet the title, the metaphor of contagious puddles, and the prominent use of Jeremiah 2:13 to conclude the preface--"My people have commited two euyls / they haue forsaken me / that am wel of the water of life / and haue dygged out broken cisterns that can hold no water" (sig. A3r)--connected it to recently published humanist and evangelical tracts that presented the traditional Church, not evangelicals, as having poisoned the waters of God's teachings. For instance, in the translation of the Enchirdion militis christiani printed by Wynkyn de Worde for John Byddell in 1533, Erasmus laments that "we haue phylistyans whiche do preferre y\e/ naughty erthe to the lyuely fountaynes" and:
caste in naughty erthe / and with a corrupte interpretacyon they stop
vp the vaune / and driue away y\e/ dygger: or at the leste they make it
so muddy with claye 7 fylthynesse / that who so euer drinketh therof
shall drawe vnto hym more slyme 7 naughtynesse than he shall good
lycour. (60)


Similarly, Tyndale promises in the Parable of the Wicked Mammon to "bringe the scripture vnto the right sense 7 to digge againe y\e/ welles of Abraham 7 to purge 7 dense them of the erth of wordly wisdome / where with these philistenes have stopped them." (61) He also describes Christ in the Exposition vnto the V, VI, and VII Chapters of Matthew as "oure spiritual Isaac," who "diggeth agayne the welles of Abraham: whiche welles the scribes and phareses... had stopped and filled vp with the erth of their false exposicions." (62)

It is, however, the final "orysons / prayers / 7 exhortacyons" added at the end of the The Fountayne or Well of Lyfe that shift the tone of the volume subtly. In Merten de Keyser's version of The Fountayne or Well of Lyfe these prayers were added "ne charta maneret uacua" (sig. H4v) and were used as a practical and meaningful means of filling the last four blank folios of an eight-leaf quire. However, in Godfray's version of The Fountayne, there was no need to do this, since the text proper concluded on the penultimate page of an eight-leaf quire, so the decision to include the prayers and the addition of a four-leaf quire to accommodate them suggests their significance in the conception of this English translation. They are explicitly martial in tone and seem chosen to bolster the faith of the persecuted with headings such as "A blame of them that mistrust in batayle" (sig. G8r), "The exortation of Asarye son to Obed in warre 7 tyme of vexation" (sig. Hlr), "The prayer of Josaphat against his enemyes" (sig. H2r), and "The prayer of Judas redy to fight with his enemys" (sig. H3r). Indeed, the final page of print is taken up with "The prayer of Judas to the people," set in eye-catching hourglass fashion, which exhorts, "although our tyme draw nere yet let vs dye with ma[n] hode / for the loue of our brethren / and let vs nat brynge our honour to rebuke" (sig. H4r).

The effect of these prayers is to cast The Fountayne subtly as a text of consolation in a period of spiritual persecution. As Susan Felch puts it, "The Fountayne's conservative rhetoric... is pressed into a reformist narrative that highlights the moral responsibilities of the Christian life, set within a context of spiritual warfare." (63) In this context, the explanation that the prayers were added "to the entent that the boke shuld be replenished" (sig. G8r) suggests not the filling of blank space but the encouragement of resistance to spiritual persecution and the continued pursuit of biblical truth to bring about the replenishment of the wells of Abraham. In this way, readers already open to evangelical thought might be encouraged to buy the volume, recognizing its place within a larger discourse, while others of a more neutral bent might be brought to greater scriptural understanding without being frightened away.

In addition to carefully selecting the material he printed, Godfray adapted other volumes to make them more politic. One example of this is his edition of Dyuers Frutefull Gatherynges, also known as Patrick's Places, which was first printed by S. Cock in Antwerp between 1528 and 1532 and originally consisted of a set of theses by the evangelical Patrick Hamilton (1504?1528) translated into English and prefaced by John Frith, who would later be burned for his heterodoxy. (64) In his preface to the first edition, Frith refers explicitly to Hamilton's execution for heresy in February 1528: "because he wolde not denye his savioure christ at their instance they burnte him to ashes" (fol. lr). It was Frith's outrage at this that prompted him "to pub[l]ish vnto the hole worlde / what a man the monsters haue murthered" through the printing of this "litle treatise." Not only were the author and translator known evangelicals, the text itself was markedly unorthodox in the distinction it drew between the law and the gospel--"The lawe sayeth / paye the dette | The gospell sayeth Christ hath payed it" (fol. 3r)--and the emphasis on justification through faith alone--"No man is iustefyed by the dedes of the lawe / but by the faith of Iesu Christ" (fol. 6v). The combination of this text's author, translator, theology, and place of publication can have left a contemporary English reader in little doubt about its controversial nature.

Indeed, the first English printer of this text, Robert Redman, seems to have simultaneously acknowledged this and tried to play it down. (65) On the one hand, he entitled his edition (1534?, STC 12731.8) Dyuers Frutful Gatherynges of Scripture and Declarynge of Fayth and Works rather than "Patrikes Places." (66) By doing so, he alerted readers to the tract's relevance to contemporary religious debate and where they could find additional copies. On the other hand, he carefully removed the preface by the infamous John Frith, with its identification of the author as the condemned Patrick Hamilton. It seems that Redman wanted to take commercial advantage of the interest in this topic but was ambivalent about whether it was safe to do so.

When Godfray printed the next edition in about 1532, he, too, seems to have been persuaded of the commercial potential of printing the text, retaining the title, and adding his own imprint. However, he also added three folios of criticism--in the St. German stamp--focused on ecclesiastical corruption and late-medieval devotional practice. The text that follows shifts the emphasis away from a complete denial of the efficacy of good works to a rejection of particular late-medieval practices such as "fastyng / keping of holy dayes / watchyng / prayeng / 7 syngynge longe prayers / dayly / 7 all day heryng of masses / settyng vp of candels / ronnyng on pylgrymages" (sig. B8r). This material was taken, without acknowledgment, from chapter twelve of The Summe of the Holye Scripture, translated by the evangelical Simon Fish and first printed in Antwerp in 1529.

One way of interpreting this addition is to see it as evidence that Godfray was unconvinced that Redman had done enough to alleviate risk and so presented the text as part of the royally sanctioned criticism of traditional Church power and practice, obscuring its doctrinal focus. The fact that Godfray repositioned Patrick's Places by selecting a section from another banned evangelical tract suggests his familiarity with such material as well as a finely attuned--and somewhat wry--sense of what was and what was not considered acceptable. However, these changes also seem designed to entice resistant readers steeped in traditional religion into reading material that was both still forbidden and probably uncomfortably challenging. Godfray's edition of Patrick's Places surrounds evangelical ideas with innocuous material, beginning with an unremarkable discussion of the Ten Commandments and ending with the increasingly familiar critique of the excesses of religious works. It turns a clearly heretical work into one that, like Joye's Psalter of David, any reader might comfortably pick up as a basic work of catechetical instruction and be gently introduced into the fundamentals of evangelical teaching.

Godfray's two editions of A Pathway unto Scripture--published around the same time as Patrick's Places (67)--adopt a similar tactic for enticing a reader by broadening the text's appeal through adaptation. The majority of each edition is taken up by Tyndale's reworking of the preface to his 1525 Cologne New Testament, which he probably composed around 1530. (68) Godfray's editions, however, append two further texts to Tyndale's Pathway: "A letter sent vnto a certayn frewde / to enstructe him in the vnderstandynge of the scripture / translated out of French into Englysshe" (sigs. D5r-G6r) and "Of gouernours / as Iudges / baylyfes / 7 other lyke / An information after the gospel" (sigs. G6r-H4v). (Michael Whiting does not believe either to be "Tyndale originals," though there are echoes of his language throughout.) (69)

While A Pathway offers readers an introduction to key terms so that they could understand the New Testament according to evangelical belief, the letter suggests how the reader might build biblical reading into his or her life. The writer encourages readers to bear with them constantly the remembrance of scriptural quotation with such admonitions as "studye in that daye 7 nyght / and in all places goynge and commynge / let that neuer slyde out of your hert nor mynd all your studye to rede 7 vnderstande these holy wordes in allhumylytie of hert" (sig. G4r).

The tract "Of gouernours" complements this by further demonstrating the relevance of the bible to everyday life, stating at its outset that, "the gospell is written for all persones / 7 for all estates of the worlde. And there is none estate in the worlde / but that he may fynde in the gospell howe that he shuld lyue if that he wyll folowe it" (sig. G6r-v). It then goes on to suggest better ways in which the commonwealth might be secured, including provision for the poor, and concludes with biblical quotations relevant to the good living of "husbandes," "wyues," "fathers 7 moders," "children," "maisters," "seruauntes," and "wydowes." For instance, "fathers 7 moders" are advised according to Ephesians 6, "Ye fathers / moue nat your chyldren to wrath / but bringe them vp with the nurter 7 information of the lord."

In this way, Godfray s editions of A Pathway widens the appeal of Tyndale's tract, helping potential readers to see how such a knowledge of scriptural basics might inform their way of living. It gives a practical slant to a text otherwise concerned solely with the theology and salvation of the reader. We might think of this as analogous to adaptations of more conservative religious tracts such as Richard Whitford's A Work for Householders, which had the economic guide A Policy for Householders appended to it in order to extend its appeal to the perhaps less religiously concerned, more pragmatic layman. (70) Since the first Continental editions do not survive, we cannot be certain that the addition of these two texts to A Pathway was Godfray's innovation. Nevertheless, it is in keeping with his adaptation of Patrick's Places and-even if not his innovation--shows a continuing interest in printing texts with a wider appeal.

The kinds of texts that Godfray printed, the formats he preferred, and the adaptations he made highlight the need to think about the ways in which early printers sought to sell previously forbidden material and the ways in which they whetted what Loades calls the enormous "appetite of Londoners for controversial ephemera." The "contradictory gestures" of Godfray s evangelical editions seem prompted by a keen consciousness that religious identity was fluid in this period. As Alec Ryrie and Peter Marshall remind us, "in earlier decades [of the Reformation], there was no agreed terminology at all. Reformers spoke of themselves as brethren, as gospellers or evangelicals, or simply as true Christians. They were also unwilling to let go of the term 'Catholic.'" (71) In a world where even Luther saw himself as a loyal son of the Church, marketing a forbidden book to readers meant appealing to a range of religious sensibilities from the radical to the wavering or curious traditionalist. Godfray seems to have recognized that an ideological commitment to spreading the good news could be furthered better by a canny negotiation of censorship and readers' anxieties than by intransigent printing.

Cambridge University

NOTES

(1.) Charles C. Butterworth, "How Early Could English Scripture Be Printed in England?" University of Pennsylvania Library Chronicle 14 (1947): 1-12, 10.

(2.) David M. Loades, "Illicit Presses and Clandestine Printing in England, 1520-1580," in Too Mighty to Be Free: Censorship and the Press in Britain and the Netherlands, ed. A. C. Duke and C. A. Tamse (Zutphen, Netherlands: Walburg Pers, 1988), 9-28.

(3.) James Kelsey McConica, English Humanists and Reformation Politics under Henry VIII and Edward VI (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965), 124. See also, e.g., David Loades's argument that "the main driving force behind this campaign was probably Thomas Cranmer, the Archbishop of Canterbury, but it was also consistent with Thomas Cromwell's plans for the promotion of the religious settlement which he had helped to engineer." David Loades, "Books and the English Reformation Prior to 1558," in The Reformation and the Book, ed. Karin Maag and Jean-Francois Gilmont (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1998), 264-291, 280.

(4.) Andrew Pettegree, "Printing and the Reformation: The English Exception," in The Beginnings of English Protestantism, ed. Peter Marshall and Alec Ryrie (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 157-180. 157.

(5.) Brad C. Pardue, Printing, Power, and Piety: Appeals to the Public during the Early Years of the English Reformation (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2012), 85.

(6.) William Roy, Rede Me and Be Nott Wrothe (1462.7, 1528), sig. a4v.

(7.) Michael Saenger, The Commodification of Textual Engagements in the English Renaissance (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2006), 31,21.

(8.) Louis A. Schuster, Richard C. Marius, James P. Lusardi, and Richard Schoeck, eds., The Complete Works of St. Thomas More: The Confutation of Tyndale's Answer, vol. 8 (New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 1973), 12.

(9.) John Foxe, The Unabridged Acts and Monuments Online (TAMO) (1576 edition) (HRI Online Publications, Sheffield, UK, 2011), http://www.johnfoxe.org, 3.497.

(10.) Edward Hall, Hall's Chronicle: Containing the History of England during the Reign of Henry the Fourth, and the Succeeding Monarchs, to the End of the Reign of Henry the Eighth, in Which Are Particularly Described the Manners and Customs of Those Periods (London: Printed for J. Johnson, et al., 1809), 762-763.

(11.) Schuster, Confutation of Tyndale's Answer, 12.

(12.) Thomas M. C. Lawler, Germain Marc'hadour, and Richard C Marius, eds., The Complete Works of St. Thomas More: A Dialogue Concerning Heresies, vol. 6 (London: Yale University Press, 1981), 331.

(13.) PRO SP 1/85, fol. 113v. Summary in J. S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 7, 1534 (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1920), http://www.british-history. ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol7 1073. All other references to Letters and Papers (LP) are to this online edition.

(14.) LP VII, 423, PRO SP 1/83, fol. 52r.

(15.) LP XI, 1355.

(16.) Alec Ryrie, Being Protestant in Reformation Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 259.

(17.) Julia Boffey, "John Mychell and the Printing of Lydgate in the 1530s," Huntington Library Quarterly 67 (2004): 251-260, 258.

(18.) Andrew N. Wawn, "Chaucer, the Plowman's Tale and Reformation Propaganda: The Testimonies of Thomas Godfray and I Playne Piers," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 56 (1973): 174-192,177.

(19.) Torrance Kirby, "Emerging Publics of Religious Reform in the 1530s: The Affair of the Placards and the Publication of Antoine De Marcourt's Livre Des Marchans," in Making Publics in Early Modern Europe: People, Things, Forms of Knowledge, ed. Bronwen Wilson and Paul Yachnin, Routledge Studies in Renaissance Literature and Culture 13 (New York and London: Routledge, 2010), 37-52.

(20.) Peter W. M. Blayney, The Stationers' Company and thePrinters of London 1501-1557, 2 vols., vol. 1 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 277. He offers no explanation for these precise dates.

(21.) Ibid., 278. STC 23163.2,1534?; STC 10634, pre-1534; STC 23963, 1531?

(22.) STC 5068, STC 26119, STC 2831.

(23.) Charles C. Butterworth, The English Primers (1S29-1S4S): Their Publication and Connection with the English Bible and the Reformation in England (New York: Octagon Books, 1971), 74.

(24.) STC 15988a, STC 17313.3, STC 13089a.

(25.) STC 5641. William A. Clebsch, England's Earliest Protestants 1S20-1S3S (London: Yale University Press, 1964), 255. LP VII, 422-423.

(26.) Wawn also offers some help in dating a fourth text, The Prayer and Complaynt of thePloweman (STC 20036), but only to a "date of c. 1536" based on "clear indications that a curious anti-monastic poem called the Pilgrim's Tale, written almost certainly between late 1536 and 1538, borrowed lines from [it]." Wawn, "Chaucer," 175.

(27.) Blayney, Stationers' Company, 1:356. STC 24239 is referred to hereafter as A Treatise on Pyctures and Other Ymages.

(28.) STC 3187,1530?

(29.) STC 23963,1531?

(30.) STC 1915, 1531?

(31.) STC 7377, 1533?

(32.) For a full discussion of The Boke of Marchauntes, see Kirby, "Emerging Publics."

(33.) STC 24455.

(34.) STC 24441,24441.3, 24441.7.

(35.) STC 2788.5,1537? and STC 24455.5,1537?; STC 24468,1533 and STC 24455.5, 1537?

(36.) Kirby, "Emerging Publics," 41.

(37.) Alex da Costa, '"Functional Ambiguity': Negotiating Censorship in the 1530s," The Library, 7th ser., 15 (2014): 410-423,420.

(38.) Neither the first nor second edition of this work names Godfray as printer; both colophons simply state that it was "Printed for W. Marshall." However, as Rhodes observes, the type and ornaments used betray his involvement; Dennis Rhodes, "William Marshall and His Books, 1533-1537," Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 58 (1964): 219-231,227.

(39.) LP IX, 345. PRO SP 1/96 fol. 134r. Also partially quoted in William Underwood, "Thomas Cromwell and William Marshall's Protestant Books," Historical Journal 47 (2004): 517-539, 528.

(40.) LP LX, 358.

(41.) The only other volumes attributed to Godfray by the STC without his name in the imprint are The Newe Testament (STC 2831) and Collyn Clout (STC 22600.5). Two other texts exist only in fragmentary condition and may or may not have had imprints naming Godfray: The History ofKyng Boccus and Sydracke (STC 3187) and A Panegyric of Henry VIII (STC 13089a).

(42.) Underwood, "Thomas Cromwell," 528.

(43.) Ibid., 537.

(44.) For a more extensive analysis of censorship's effect during the early English Reformation see da Costa, "Functional Ambiguity." Other comprehensive surveys of early print censorship in England are John B. Gleason, "The Earliest Evidence for Ecclesiastical Censorship of Printed Books in England," The Library, 6th sen, 4 (1982): 135-141; Rudolf Hirsch, "Pre-Reformation Censorship of Printed Books," Library Chronicle 21 (1955): 100-105; Loades, "Books"; Fredrick Seaton Siebert, Freedom of the Press in England 1476-1776 (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1952).

(45.) David Wilkins, ed. Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae, a Synodo Verolamiensi, A.D. 446 Ad Londinensem, A.D. 1717., vol. 3 (London: 1737), 727-737.

(46.) Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 173.

(47.) J. Grapheus, STC 24440,1533?

(48.) The Newe Testamente (STC 2823, 1526, P. Schoffer), The Fyrst Boke of Moses Called Genesis (STC 2350,1530, J. Hoochstraten), A Compendious Introduction / Prologe or Preface vnto the Pistle off Paul to the Romayns (STC 24438, 1526, P. Shoeffer), The Exposition of the Fyrste Epistle of Seyntlhon with a Prologge before It: by WT. (STC 24443,1531).

(49.) STC 3036,1529.

(50.) STC 24468,1533.

(51.) J. Hoochstraten, STC 24446,1528.

(52.) Middle English Dictionary, s.v. "jogelour," http://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/m/mec/med-idx?type=id&id=MED23872.

(53.) J. Hoochstraten, STC 24454,1528.

(54.) James Nycolson, STC 24455,1536.

(55.) Quoted in Saenger, "Commodification," 37.

(56.) Ibid., 45.

(57.) Bucer himself had adopted the pseudonym of Aretius Felinus in 1529 for his Latin commentary on the Psalms so that French and Lower German booksellers might buy it without fear since, as he explained to Ulrich Zwingli, "it is a capital crime to import into these countries books which bear our names." Constantin Hopf, Martin Bucer and the English Reformation (New York: Macmillan, 1946), 208.

(58.) Pettegree, Reformation, 174.

(59.) STC 11211,1534?; USTC 437659.

(60.) STC 10479, sig. a8v.

(61.) STC 24454,1528, fol. lv.

(62.) STC 24440, 1533, fol. 2r.

(63.) Susan Felch, Elizabeth Tyrwhit's Morning and Evening Prayers (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2008), 44-45.

(64.) Since Frith refers to Hamilton's death, it can only have been printed after February 1528, and as Frith returned to England in October 1532, he most likely gave the manuscript to Cook before this and certainly before July 1533, when he was also burned for heresy. There is no evidence of other Continental editions. The discussion of Patrick's Places draws on work previously published in the Library, see da Costa "Functional Ambiguity."

(65.) Full collation of the three editions suggests that Cook's was the first edition of Patrick's Places to be printed anywhere and that Redman's edition was the first surviving edition to be printed in England.

(66.) Cook's edition has no title page and uses the alternative title "Patrikes Places" only once, in the running title on fol. lv.

(67.) STC 24462,24463. The STC gives a date of "1536?" for Godfray's two editions of A Pathway unto Scripture, which translates to a range of "up to three years on either side" of 1536, so between 1533 and 1539.

(68.) The Pathway was in circulation by 1532, since More refers to the text in a Confutation of Tyndale's Answer, complaining that "after the Psalte ...children were wont to go to their Donate and their accidence but now they go straight to Scripture. And thereto have we as a Donate the book of the Pathway to Scripture." Quoted in J. W. Adamson, "The Extent of Literacy in England in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries: Notes and Conjectures," Library, 4th sen, 10 (1929-1930): 163-193, 180.

(69.) Michael S. Whiting, Luther in English: The Influence of His Theology of Law and Gospel on the Early English Evangelicals (1525-35) (Eugene, OR: Pickwick Publications, 2010), 239.

(70.) STC 25422, 1530.

(71.) Peter Marshall, "(Re)Defining the English Reformation," Journal of British Studies 48 (2009): 564-586,574.

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Author:Da Costa, Alex
Publication:The Journal of the Early Book Society for the Study of Manuscripts and Printing History
Article Type:Essay
Date:Jan 1, 2016
Words:10589
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