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Scotty Martin's Jadmi Junba: a Song Series from the Kimberley Region of Northwest Australia (1).


Barwick (1990) finds that, in Central Australian performance, whilst text and melody in isolation are relatively fixed, 'there is immense variability in their combination, which is accomplished by what may be crudely characterised as a process of expansion and contraction of the melody to accommodate texts of different lengths' (Barwick 1990:61). Following musicological examinations by both Barwick (Barwick 1989, 1990 and 1995) and Keogh (Keogh 1995) which focus on identifying principles that underlie this process of expansion and contraction, the paper presented here looks at songs of the junba genre, composed and performed by Ngarinyin elder, Scotty Martin, in the North central Kimberley. In addition, it is suggested in this paper that the style of musicological analysis developed by Barwick and Keogh has relevance beyond the discipline of musical analysis, as its results allow the analyst and reader to begin to trace relationships between creative processes active in the moment of performance with 'patterns and rules' evident in other aspects of the music-makers' ways of being in the world, an endeavour identified by Adamo (1982) as one of the 'cardinal points' in ethnomusicology (Middleton 1990: 146, after Adamo 1982). (2) The examination presented here suggests that patterns and rules, evident in performance/composition in contemporary time, can be seen to directly relate to and, in some way, perpetuate, other creative processes central to the music-makers' world.

Scotty Martin is a senior Ngarinyin traditional owner, a retired head-stockman of Mount Elizabeth Station which is located in Ngarinyin country in the Kimberley region of northwest Australia, and the chairperson of Dodnun Aboriginal Community located on the Mount Elizabeth pastoral lease. He is also a performer and composer of a genre of dance-song referred to as junba which is indigenous to the region. Focusing on some of Martin's junba songs, this paper examines several aspects of junba composition, viewing it as a process that involves both composers' initial conceptions of songs and the subsequent performances of them. Following a basic introduction to junba and to how composers initially conceive or 'find' songs, the first part of the paper describes traditional creation-beliefs held in the northwest Kimberley region as described by Howard Coate in the paper The Rai and the third eye: north-west Australian beliefs (Coate 1966). From this, ways in which a creative process that can be seen to exist in the Dreaming relates to contemporary accounts of song finding are suggested. Through a detailed musical analysis, the second part of the paper shows how the performance of Martin's junba is itself a creative compositional process that can, in one way, also be seen to continue the process of creation which is said to exist in the Dreaming.


As noted above, junba is a performance genre that is indigenous to the Kimberley. (3) The name junba is used in many languages of this region, including Ungarinyin, (4) Wunambal, and Worrorra languages, (5) to refer to a type of dance-song that is performed in an 'open' context where there are no restrictions as to who in the community may attend performances. (6) Based on dance paraphernalia, junba can be placed into two distinct groups. One group utilises tall paperbark head-caps called ngadarri and leaves tied to the knees and elbows. Junba of this type are referred to as jadmi, jodmolo or ngojben, depending on the region from which they originate. The songs examined in this paper are, as suggested by the paper title, songs of the jadmi type. The other group utilises frameworks of wood woven with string called waringgi and/or large rounded boards upon which images that relate to the junba are painted. These are also woven around the outside with string. Junba of this type are referred to as jerregorl or galinda, also depending on the region from which they originate. (7)

There are several performance genres from throughout the Kimberley that share a number of characteristics with junba. These are:

i. A series of songs and dance-songs dreamt, usually, in a series of dreams by a composer/singer who is then usually the owner of the song series and song leader in performances of the series;

ii. A stick percussion (clapstick or boomerang clapstick) accompaniment performed by the song leader and sometimes one or two other singers and a hand-clapping/lap-slapping accompaniment performed by the remainder of the singers (Lap-slapping refers to a type of body-percussion accompaniment that is performed by women who, with outstretched legs crossed at the ankles, strike their upper thighs with a cupped hand, the other hand holds the wrist of the cupped hand.);

iii. 'Open' performance genres, performed and attended by both men and women.

iv. Where each song has a unique text that is repeated and set isorhythmically throughout the song performance. That is, throughout the song performance, each repetition of the text has the same rhythmic setting.

The musicologist Ray Keogh, in his thesis Nurlu songs of the West Kimberley (Keogh 1990), identified and tabulated the names of these genres and some of their respective languages. (8)

There are some differences between the genres. One such difference, concerning the relationship between text and melody in Martin's jadmi junba and a nurlu referred to as Bulu, investigated by Ray Keogh (Keogh 1989, 1990, and 1995), is outlined in Jadmi junba: a song series from the Kimberley region of northwest Australia (Treloyn 1999). (9) Preliminary investigation suggests that such structural differences may parallel differences between the traditional trade practices and partners of the language groups. This will be discussed in forthcoming work, following Keogh's examination of the socio-political world of performers of nurlu (Keogh 1990).


Song finding

Martin first found songs of the jadmi type in 1973 when he was taken on a journey by the spirit of a deceased person (referred to as an anguma or agula), in this case the ghost of his deceased mother's father. These spirits come from a place referred to as Dulugun, located off the western coast. On this journey he was shown one or more songs, their dances and dance paraphernalia. Martin has also found many songs since this time and his junba now consists of at least twenty-nine. Because the number of songs varies from performance to performance, however, the exact size of the series is not presently known. (10)

The texts of these songs describe the events witnessed by Martin in the dreams. They refer to places traveled to, to the activities of spirits of deceased ancestors and Dreaming ancestors, to birds and animals such as night-jars, night-owls, brolgas, an ibis or pelican, and an echidna (which in some cases may themselves be a Dreaming ancestor or a rai [a conception spirit with a similar role to an anguma or agula]), to natural phenomena mostly involving water, such as tides, tidal waves, reflections and ripples, and to dance paraphernalia, such as ngadarri (paperbark headcaps) described above.

Texts often also describe the way in which the composer (junba jumanjuman, sometimes also barnman) is assisted in his journeys by a buyu, which is a glowing string-like beam that is sent out by the spirit/s referred to above, along which composers can move but on which ordinary people get tangled up, become confused and can die. Malnic, in Yorro Yorro: Aboriginal Creation and the Renewal of Nature quotes a Ngarinyin traditional owner who is now deceased, as saying:
 The argula-mob protect the banman on the death cord [buyu]. They
 surround him with an arc of energy, a kind of walkway of light, so
 he can't fall off like in tightrope walking. They bring him back on
 the same thing. (Malnic and Mowaljarlai 1993:161)

The text of one Jadmi song, for example, refers to the buyu and the way in which it is used to transport the composer to the place where songs are found. This text and the explanation given to the linguist and musicologist, Linda Barwick, by Martin (M) and Dicky Tataya (DT), a junba dancer and singer, after a performance of the song in 1999, is reproduced below.
Song text: buyu minya redbendinga
 buyu minya redbendinga
 buyu buyu menmurangi
 buyu buyu menmurangi
Explanation: M: buyu minya redbendinga
 DT: buyu buyu menmurangi, that radar follow that thing
 M: that person might say "you pull that", minya--you say
 something like, you ask me and I'll say "this is it".
 DT: this thing, this thing
 M: redbendinga that's mean, that's just like he was
 pulling it along
 DT: that thing dragging you along you know ... along to
 that place now,junba ground
 M: buyu buyu menmurangi, that's just like someone would
 say you can follow that along.

The dances accompanying the songs also often describe the events that the composer witnessed and experienced on his song-finding journeys. In the dance that accompanies the song-text set out above, a length of fishing line, representing the buyu, is tied between the composer, who sits in the centre of a group of singers, and the bough shade (wurawun) which is on the opposite side of the dancing ground. Dancers come from behind the bough shade wearing ngadarri and sprays of green leaves, as is characteristic of jadmi junba dances, and move along the fishing line with an arm-over-arm action towards the composer before returning to the bough shade.

Creation beliefs

Traditionally, Ngarinyin people believe that during the Dreaming, when the Earth was soft, Wanjina (the creator-figure) deposited the creative essences of people and animals at water holes near rock shelters. In these shelters Wanjina also deposited images of himself, which remain today as rock-paintings. Howard Coate, in The Rai and the Third Eye explained how people are born from these sites and are seen as incarnations of the nearby Wanjina,
 Wandjinas are responsible for the increase of species, for the rain
 and for the sacred waters where 'spirit-children' sojourn awaiting
 incarnation ... a child is conceived by or through the father
 catching one of these spirit-children in a dream or in a flash of
 lightning ... and taking it home to his wife. Eventually it is born
 in the usual way. (Coate 1966:93)

Resonating with this description, the same Ngarinyin elder who is quoted by Malnic above explained to the anthropologist Tony Redmond that composers:
 are people who pull Unggurr (the Rainbow Serpent) out of the gorge
 waterholes and are then given quartz stones by her. These stones are
 soft, like jelly ... When a composer visits Dulugun, the island of
 the dead, in order to find new songs and dances, the tune sticks in
 his mind like a stain, it can't be forgotten. (Redmond 1997: no page

Thus, some similarities can be considered to exist between the process of finding songs and the process of conceiving children. Just as fathers are imprinted with spirit-children at particular sites in a dream, composers are 'stained' with songs at particular sites in a dream. Furthermore, often this 'staining' of the composer, like the catching of spirit-children as described by Coate, occurs in a flash of light or with a shining object. Explaining a text from another jadmi junba called Jalarrimirri, Jack Dann, who is also a senior Ngarinyin traditional owner, described the experience of the composer:
 In that place, he can see something shining--that agula shining
 power song. Then turned it round outside.

Another person accompanying Dann then added
 Like he recorded it. (Treloyn 1999: no page reference)

This suggests that, just as looking into a bright light leaves an imprint on one's vision and, in a similar way, audio-data makes a 'stain' or 'imprint' on recording tape, the shining object seen by the composer has the effect of a recording, making a 'stain' of the songs on his or her mind.

In summary, a creative process that is installed during the Dreaming, when the creative essences of people, animals, and the Wanjina are deposited in the Earth at particular sites, continues in contemporary times when a person is born from one of these sites. This person may then become a father and be imprinted with his own spirit-children, which he would then take to the mother to be 'born in the usual way'. And/or this person may become a composer, such as Martin, and be stained with songs, which he would then take to the ordinary world to be performed in the usual song and dance tradition of jadmi junba--we could say, to be 'born in the usual way'. In this way, a process of creation that is deposited in the land during the Dreaming provides for its replication in contemporary times--the creation or finding of songs, like the creation of people, and the land are fundamentally related.


Drawing mainly on a performance of Martin's jadmi songs that was recorded by Linda Barwick near Dodnun Aboriginal Community in 1999, I examine below one way in which the creative process of song-performance also replicates the process of creation outlined above.

Tempo and metre

In the performance referred to above twenty-four of Martin's Jadmi songs were performed by twelve singers, eleven of whom clapped whilst Martin, as the song-leader, played clapsticks at twice the rate of this clapping. Each song was repeated before another was performed, as is usual in unelicited performances. Martin described the songs as either slow or quick. Following the convention of referring to the tempo of songs as slow and fast established by Barwick in her analysis of Central Australian songs (Barwick 1989:19), in this paper the slow songs are referred to as slow songs and the quick as fast songs. As set out in Figure 2, the slow songs have a tempo of about 92 clap beats per minute and the fast songs have a tempo of about 112 clap beats per minute. As is typical in performances of this songseries, slow and fast songs (together with the repeat performance) generally alternated throughout the performance.


Slow songs may have either a heavily syncopated compound duple or simple duple vocal metre. All fast songs have the same triple vocal metre. When the fast songs (which have a triple vocal metre) and often when the heavily syncopated slow songs are performed a polymetric temporal texture is created because of the duple metre percussion accompaniment. An example of each of the three metric types is set out in Figure 3. In these transcriptions the clapsticks are represented with the symbol x and the hand-clap beats, which coincide with every second clapstick beat, with the symbol. [cross product] Text structure


As noted earlier, each song has a distinct song-text. Each song-text has two lines that are repeated in the form AABB, AABB and so on (||: A A B B :||). In this analysis this is referred to as the 'textual cycle' of the song. This structure is also common in Central Australian songs and is referred to by Barwick as a 'doubled' text structure (Barwick 1989:18). As noted in the introduction to this paper, the texts are set isorhythmically. That is, each time a particular text is repeated, it has the same rhythmic setting (see Figure 3). (12) The two lines of a song (A and B) may be of equal or unequal durational (rhythmic and in real time) and syllabic length. The durational structure of each of the song texts performed, referred to by the number of beats per line, is set out in Figure 4. Clearly the 3:3 (Text line A : text line B) structure is the most common (three examples of these are set out in Figure 3). Within this group, the slow songs with a compound duple metre (see Figure 3(ii)) are the most common. These are underlined in Figure 4. The other slow songs with a compound duple metre, those with lines of unequal length, are marked with an asterisk. In this paper, one of each of these two groups is focused on, Songs 1 and 5. (13)


Melodic structure

Each slow song consists of three, four, five or six descents, within which there are two distinct types. Typical forms of these are set out in Figure 5. The first type of descent, which will be referred to as Type I, consists of four descending terraced melodic sections (labeled Melodic Section 1, 2, 3 and 4 on Figure 5). The second type, which I refer to as Type II, consists of variant forms of the final three of these (Melodic Sections 2, 3 and 4). Both types are followed by a sustained period of level movement on a pitch that may be described as 'tonic'. There is no gap in the sound when breaths are taken because the singing alternates between men and women. Generally, other male singers join in shortly after Martin has begun each descent. Women begin singing during Melodic Section 3 or 4 and continue into the period of level movement on the tonic pitch. In Type I descents the men stop singing when the women are performing this period of level pitch, during which time they may breathe freely. As the song leader begins a new descent the women stop, when they may breathe.


Each Melodic Section consists of a number of melodic cells. These have been identified according to the regular appearance of particular pitches in relation to each clap-beat, following Keogh (1995: 47) and Barwick (1995: 101). They are labeled according to the dominant pitch or pitches in the cell. The Type I descent has a range of an eleventh and the Type II descent has a range of an octave. Some dominant pitches occur in two octaves. In the transcriptions that follow, the lower case letters refer to pitches in the higher octave (e, c, a, g and f) and upper case letters (F, E and C) to those in the lower octave.

To facilitate analysis, the melodic examples are transposed from the performance pitch so that the tonic pitch is middle c. Pitches in brackets are not dominant in the melodic cell. Pitches flattened by approximately a semitone are indicated with the abbreviation 'fl.'.

Each song consists of at least two Type I and one Type II descents. Songs always begin and end with a Type I descent and have as their penultimate descent a Type II descent. Thus, songs which have in them three descents have the form Type I followed by Type II followed by Type I--I II I. Songs which have in them four descents have the form Type I--Type I--Type II--Type I--I I I II I. These two contours of three and four descents may be extended by the addition of a Type II descent followed by a Type I descent. (14) This results in songs with five, six, and seven descents. The extended forms tend to occur in performances that are danced. The five contours are set out in Figure 6.

The relationship between text and melody

In most isorhythmic songs from the Central Australian and Western Desert regions that have been examined by researchers such as Linda Barwick (1989, 1990, 1995), Catherine Ellis (1985), Ray Keogh (1989, 1990, 1995), Prabhu Pritam (Antony McCardell) (1976), Richard Moyle (1979, 1986 [with Morton]) and Guy Tunstill (1987), it appears that isorhythmic/textual cycling is relatively independent of melodic contour. That is, the beginning of each melodic descent may coincide with a number of points in the isorhythmic/textual cycle. In each of Martin's Jadmi songs, however, as illustrated by Figure 7, the isorhythmic/textual cycle always recommences at the beginning of the melodic descent. Furthermore, one text line usually coincides with one melodic section.

This means that (remembering that both descent types occur in every song and that the Type I descent consists of four terraced melodic sections and the Type II descent consists of the final three of these) in the course of performing a song, whilst the first and second melodic sections are always set to the A text-line and the fourth melodic section is always set to the B text-line (see Figure 8), the third melodic section is set to both lines, depending on whether the descent is of Type I or Type II. Whilst this may not mean much when the two lines are of the same length, as in the majority of songs (see Figure 4 above), when the A line is a different length to the B line, the third melodic section must expand to accommodate additional textual material.

Herein lies a question that preoccupies most researchers of music from Central Australia and the Western Desert--what are the processes and principles underlying song performance by which a melody is set to text? Keogh found in his examination of this question in Bulu nurlu that melodic cells, defined by the regular occurrence of particular pitch material within each boomerang-clapstick beat, are added and subtracted from descents in order to maintain what Keogh refers to as a 'preferred melodic layout' (see Keogh 1995). In order to begin to view these processes in Martin's jadmi songs, I will now compare three- and five-beat settings of the third melodic section--the Type I and II descents of a compound duple slow song which has a 3:3 durational structure (that is, a third melodic section with a length of three beats) and the Type I descent of a compound duple slow song which has a 3:5 durational structure (that is, a third melodic section with a length of five beats). These descents, from the first and fifth songs performed, respectively, are set out in Figure 9.


Two terms are employed in the analysis that follows, 'cadence' and 'core', which had not been discussed with the performers when this paper was written. Both terms are used in the analysis to facilitate the explanation of the pitch structure of melodic sections. 'Cadence' refers to the 'falling' and resting melodic gesture that occurs at the end of each melodic section. 'Core' refers to pitch material that occurs between a generally level period that occurs at the beginning of each Melodic Section and the aforementioned 'cadential' material. The results of discussions with performers and composers about this analysis will be presented in forthcoming work.

A pattern emerges in these descents where the cadence at the end of one melodic section anticipates the pitch and contour of the core of the following melodic section. In the Type II descent of Song I, the pitch and contour of the cadence from a through g to f at the end of the first melodic section forms the core of the second melodic section. And the pitch of the cadence from g through f to e at the end of the second melodic section forms the core of the third melodic section. The Type I descent of Song 5, including the additional melodic section at the beginning of the descent, also has this structure.

The only descent which does not maintain this pattern throughout its contour is the Type I descent of Song 1. In this descent the contour of the cadence from a to g up to c at the end of the second melodic section is not that of the core of the third melodic section which moves from c down to g. Strikingly, this encompasses the majority of the third melodic section--the very section of the descent that, as explained above, must expand and contract when the lines are of unequal length--the very section that is expanded in Song 5.

The Type I descents of all songs with three beats in each line (that is, the 3:3 durational structure) have the basic contour set out in Figure 9 for Song 1. That is, the cadences of only the first and third melodic sections anticipate the core of the following melodic section. In the Type I descents of songs that have other durational structures, however, as in Song 5, the cadence of every melodic section anticipates the pitch and contour of the core of the following melodic section. Furthermore, the additional material in the third melodic section, like the core material, is also based on the cadence of the second melodic section, thereby extending the core of the third melodic section, as set out in Figure 9.


In the first part of this paper a series of parallels between the creation of songs and people was identified. In summary, in the Dreaming the creative essences of people and animals are deposited at particular sites. The father is imprinted with a spirit-child at one of these sites in a dream and/or in a flash of light and takes it to the mother to be born in the usual way. The composer is stained with a song in a dream and maybe with a flash of light at a particular site and takes it to the ordinary world to be performed in the 'usual way'.

In the case of the spirit-child, the 'usual way' of birth may eventually entail also being stained with his own spirit-child, who in turn may be imprinted with his own spirit-child and so on. That is, the 'creative essence' that resides in the earth in the Dreaming includes the blueprint not only for people but also for the perpetuation of the creative process upon which the conception and birth of people is reliant. Thus, when fathers are stained and people are born, a creative process that was deposited in the Dreaming is stained on creation in contemporary time--people, as Howard Coate reported, are incarnations of the Wanjina (Coate 1966:93).

In the case of Martin's Jadmi junba, the 'usual way' involves preparation and performance in a recognisable performance tradition. In summary, viewing the Type II and 3:5 Type I descents as described above, the cadential material at the end of a melodic section holds information that is referent of (that is, it has a 'stain' of) the contour and pitch of the core that is to follow. Specifically, to the core of the following melodic section. Looking the other way each core, usually by descent, leads into (that is, it holds information that is referent of--it has a 'stain' of) the following cadence. Thus, each development in the melody refers to both the information by which it is preceded and by which it is followed. The result is a continuum in which each core comes out of not only the information presented in the cadence by which it is directly preceded but also out of the core from which that cadence came, and so on. This might be described as a cadence [left and right arrow] core 'staining' continuum.

The analysis in this paper has shown how additional melodic material is created in the contemporary moment of performance to accommodate additional textual material. In summary, the typical Type I melodic contour shifts to that constructed on the cadence [left and right arrow] core 'staining' continuum and then additional melodic material is generated according to its pattern. The means by which additional melodic information is created resides in the creation of the basic descent.

In this way it can be said that there is a fundamental relationship between the composition/performance of junba and land. The fact that in the moment of performance the melody is itself 'stained' by the cadence-core staining continuum, suggests that the process of imprinting or staining that is fundamentally embedded in the Dreaming is also fundamentally embedded in the structure of each descent. Thus, the creative process that is in the Dreaming, manifested in the way people are created and junba songs are found in contemporary times, is also manifested in the creation of melodic material in the contemporary moment of composition/performance.
Figure 1. Performance genres
similar to junba from the
Kimberley region (based on
Keogh 1989:4).

Genre Language
dyudyu Walmadyarri and Mangarla
ilma Bardi, Nyul Nyul
dyunba Ngarinyin, Worrorra and Wunambal
maru Garadyarri
nurlu Nyigina and related languages

Figure 2. The tempo of Jadmi songs.


Slow. Fast.
MM = c.92 clap beats MM = c. 112 clap beats

Figure 4. The durational structure of Jadmi song-texts.

Text-line ':' Text-line B Song-text

2:3 8 *

3:3 1, 2, 3, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 16, 18,
 19, 20, 21, 25, 26

3:4 4, 23

4:3 6 *

3:5 5 *, 22

3:6 24

4:6 13

5:5 7, 15

6:6 17

Figure 5. The contour and sectionalisation of slow Type I and Type II


Type I (f) -e e-c c - a c c-a g-c

Type II c c-a a-F


TYPE I c-a c-g (F)-E a-F F-E E-C

TYPE II b fk.-a a-F (F)-E g-F F-E E-C

Figure 6. Descent structures in Jadmi songs.

Number of descents Descent Type structure

3 I - II - I

4 I - I - II - I

5 I - II - I - II - I

6 I - I - II - I - II - I

7 I - II - I - II - I - II - I

Figure 7. The relationship between descents, melodic sections, textual
Cycles and text-lines in Jadmi songs.


Type I (f)-e e-c c - a c c-a g-c



TYPE I c-a c-g (F)-E a-F F-E E-C

 b fl.-a a-F (F)-E g-F F-E E-C



TYPE II c c-a a-F f fl.-a a-F (F)-E



Figure 8. The setting of A and B text-lines to particular melodic
Sections in Type I and Type II descents.

Melodic Section 1 2 3 4

Type I A A B B

Type II A A B


Throughout the preparation of this paper, Linda Barwick and Allan Marett have been of great assistance and support, in assisting its development and reading and offering comments on many drafts. I also acknowledge the Musicological Society of Australia which provided an interdisciplinary forum at the Indigenous Symposium at the National Conference of 2000 for which this paper was first developed.


(1.) This paper was written in 2000 for the national conference of the Musicological Society of Australia held in Sydney in that year. Since this time, I have continued musicological analysis of junba songs and engaged in research with junba performers and composers over two years. Consequently, my understanding of junba song composition/performance has shifted along with the approach and directions that I have taken in recent work. Evidence of this is to be seen in a doctoral dissertation to be completed this year. Except for some modifications and additions, the present paper remains in its original 2000 form and is a record of work predating the research mentioned above.

(2.) Adamo (1982) identifies, as one of the 'cardinal points' in ethnomusicology, 'the interest in the relationship between patterns and rules at the musical level and all the other patterns and rules of the biological and social life of music makers' (see Middleton 1990: 146).

(3.) From research done in 2002 it is clear that junba is or has been composed and/or performed by people indigenous to a wide area including Unggumi, Bunuba, Guniyandi, Gija, Wurla, Miriwung, Ungarinyin, Worrorra, Wunambal, Gambere, Miwa, and Gwini.

(4.) Ungarinyin is used when referring to the indigenous language spoken by Ngarinyin people.

(5.) An indication of the approximate locations of the traditional territories of the Ngarinyin, Worrorra and Wunambal language groups can be found in McGregor (1988:x).

(6.) Whilst this is the case, particular tasks and roles in performance and preparation are carried out by people of particular gender, age, ability, or knowledge, within this group. This is to be discussed in the forthcoming dissertation.

(7.) The usage of the terms, jerregorl, galinda, jadmi, jodmolo, and ngojben, and musicological differences between these forms of junba are to be discussed in the dissertation noted above. A further term, balga, that is used variously as a substitute for the term junba or to refer to junba of the jerregorl/galinda type, will also be discussed.

(8.) Keogh uses a different orthography, reflected in this table, to that employed elsewhere in this paper where <j> is represented by <dy>. For example, <junba> in this paper is represented by Keogh as <dyunba>.

(9.) As with an exploration of musicological differences between jerregorl, galinda, jadmi, jodmolo and ngojben some examination of the relationships between dyudyu, maru, nurlu, and ilma will be made in the aforementioned dissertation.

(10.) Following research in 2001 and 2002 it is evident that the number of jadmi songs Martin has composed exceeds thirty. He has also composed songs of the jerregorl type.

(11.) The understanding of patterns and subsequent analysis of Martin's songs presented in this section of the paper have been discussed with Martin in 2001 and 2002, following the writing of this paper. Results of this, and Ungarinyin terminology for musical elements that are identified here, are to be discussed in Treloyn forthcoming.

(12.) The metre and tempo in which a text is performed is determined by several factors including the syllabic length of the textual cycle and the syllabic length of the words in the textual cycle. This is examined in a paper that was delivered at the national conference of the Musicological Society of Australia in Melbourne 2001 (see Treloyn 2001).

(13.) The songs are numbered in this paper in order to facilitate discussion of them. It should be noted that the songs are not necessarily performed in the order represented by the numbers.

(14.) Melodic contours of three and four descents appear to be extended by the addition of a Type II descent followed by a Type I descent to satisfy the progression of the accompanying dance. This is evident from the fact that performances that are accompanied by dances have a higher frequency of five and six descent contours than performances that are not accompanied by dance. Further analysis must be done, however, to establish circumstances governing why some songs (those with a basic four descent structure) begin with an additional Type I descent. In performance this additional Type I descent is cued by a cessation of the clapsticks (and the hand-clapping) in the first Type I descent. Preliminary analysis suggests that the performance of extensions is cued by the song leader as Martin commences each descent and plays the clapsticks.


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Sally Treloyn

University of Sydney
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Date:Mar 1, 2003
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