Samuel Kneeland of Boston: Colonial Bookseller, Printer, and Publisher of Religion.
The colonial book trade has often been painted with a dark and gloomy brush. Its lack of originality, overworked types, small print runs, and marginal profits confirm the provincial nature of bookselling and printing in pre-Revolutionary America, a trade that heavily depended on Britain. (1) While there are some upticks here (most notably in the triangular relationship between Scotland, England, and America that emerged around mid-century when some innovative Scotsmen came across the Atlantic to set up bookshops, which increased the tempo of transatlantic exchange), nonetheless, America played a modest role in this triad. (2) Despite its second-rate status, the colonial market has thankfully not been ignored by the academy. The first volume in A History of the Book in America: The Colonial Book in the Atlantic World, edited by Hugh Amory and David Hall, is the most obvious and thorough example of such scholarship. From this magisterial collection of essays, we learn about key printers and booksellers, customers and markets, and the literary culture in various regions from New England to the southern colonies. While there is much to digest in this volume, a number of major figures in the colonial world remain obscure. One such individual is the Boston printer Samuel Kneeland (1697-1769).
Samuel Kneeland, known primarily as a printer, was also a publisher and bookseller. Born in Boston on 31 January 1697, he was the son of Mary Green, the daughter of Samuel Green, the Cambridge printer who worked between 1649 and 1692, and John Kneeland, a "bricklayer" in Boston whose family emigrated from Scotland earlier in the seventeenth century. (3) Samuel's mother tied him to the Green family dynasty of printers. He probably apprenticed with his uncle Bartholomew Green (1667-1732), who eventually took his nephew on as a junior partner. (4) In 1722, Kneeland married Mary Alden and founded his own family of printers, having at least four sons, all of whom apprenticed under their father, but only two, John and Daniel, became independent printers. (5)
Kneeland began his print business in 1718 near the center of old Boston. Isaiah Thomas described him as "a good workman, industrious in his business, and punctual to his engagements," as well as being "a pious, friendly, and benevolent man." (6) Shortly after Kneeland established his shop, the second newspaper in the colonies, the Boston Gazette, appeared on 21 December 1719. (7) James Franklin, the elder brother of the more famous Benjamin Franklin, had originally been given the responsibility of printing the weekly, but after a few months, the newspaper was turned over to Kneeland until it was taken away from him in 1727. Not deterred by this loss, Kneeland started a new venture, the New-England Weekly Journal, with the first issue appearing on 20 March 1727. (8)
Kneeland and his uncle printed for the colony of Massachusetts Bay, sometimes for the governor and province council, and at other times for the House of Representatives. Bartholomew Green printed for the governor and province council from 1694 until his death in 1732, after which time another son-in-law, John Draper, filled this position. Green also printed for the House of Representatives with Samuel Kneeland as a partner. Rollo Silver shows that the competition to print for the province council and House of Representatives was fierce, allowing the colony occasionally to entertain lower bids from other printers and booksellers like Nicholas Boone, Benjamin Eliot, and Rogers and Fowle to do the same work. Thomas Fleet, for instance, successfully undercut Green and Kneeland in 1729, but three years later, the pair once again was printing for the House of Representatives. (9) When Bartholomew Green died in 1732, Kneeland continued to serve Massachusetts, sometimes by himself and at other times with a partner, until 1764, shortly before his death.
Several detailed bills from Kneeland to Massachusetts Bay are extant, giving us a glimpse of the kind of printing that he did and at what cost. (10) On 15 May 1738, Kneeland charged the colony 103 [pounds sterling] 6s. 8d. for five items, with the highest charge for the paper and printing of the votes for the House (64 [pounds sterling]) on thirty-two sheets at forty shillings per sheet. (11) The next year, in 1739, Kneeland billed over 143 [pounds sterling] for printing and paper, accepting 47 [pounds sterling] 17s. 2d. in New Tenor for his services. (12) Not all the bills were for large amounts. On 25 September 1742, for example, the colony only had to pay Kneeland and Green about 52.13 [pounds sterling] Less than one year later, on 13 July 1743, the cost of printing amounted to the small figure of 36 [pounds sterling] 11s. 5d., with individual entries ranging from three shillings for a minute book to 13 [pounds sterling] 7s. 6d for 534 copies of an election sermon by Nathanael Eells entitled Religion Is the Life of God's People. (14) Since election sermons did not usually sell well, they often needed a financial sponsor such as a relative, friend, or, in this case, a corporate entity. (15)
Around mid-century, many of the bills escalated to more significant amounts of money. On 18 April 1744, for instance, Massachusetts Bay owed Kneeland the staggering sum of 520 [pounds sterling], which they paid in installments on 29 April, 10 May, and 23 November of the previous year, and on 3 December of 1744; 130 [pounds sterling] was "By an agreement made for Priviledge of Printing," indicating that Kneeland had secured a contract with the colony. (16) Five years later, in 1749, Massachusetts Bay paid Kneeland 75 [pounds sterling] to print and stitch five hundred copies of William Balch's May 1749 election sermon entitled A Publick Spirit. This sermon constituted one entry of a total that added up to 590 [pounds sterling]. Much of this high figure is attributed to the printing of the votes of the House on sixty sheets at eight pounds per sheet, clearly a raise from the earlier fee of forty shillings per sheet that he had charged in 1738. (17) About a year later, in April 1750, the colony owed Kneeland 19 [pounds sterling] 2s. in Lawful Money for printing and supplies like quills and ink, which would have equaled about 150 [pounds sterling] in Old Tenor. (18) A bill dated 13 July 1758, totaled the lofty figure of 214 [pounds sterling] 9s. 5d., largely because printing the votes for the House of Representatives between 25 May 1757 and 29 April 1758 required the use of 113 half sheets of paper at nineteen shillings per sheet. With Old Tenor valued at approximately one-eighth the value of Lawful Money, this fee was most likely on a par with the eight pounds per sheet that Kneeland had charged in 1749. Massachusetts commissioned Kneeland and other printers to produce a variety of items including acts and laws, the colony's journal, minute books, election sermons, proclamations, tax warrants, muster rolls, and special news-worthy notices. There are 304 entries in the English Short Title Catalogue (ESTC) identifying Kneeland as printing on behalf of Massachusetts between the years 1732 and 1764. This steady supply of work orders might not have been lucrative--especially if he had to minimize profits in order to box out his competition--but surely he benefited from what must have been an added boost to his total income and prominence as a New England printer.
Kneeland formed a partnership with his cousin Timothy Green (1703-63) shortly before the establishment of the New-England Weekly Journal in 1727, with the earliest imprints of S. Kneeland and T. Green appearing in 1726. The firm of Kneeland and Green produced a wide array of publications for over twenty years until Green returned to his hometown of New London, Connecticut, probably in 1749, to assist with his family's print business. (19) Thomas wrote that the two men opened a bookshop on King Street (now State Street) soon after the founding of the firm, with Kneeland concentrating his efforts at selling books and Green on the print business. According to Thomas, the shop did not last longer than four or five years. Supposedly, Kneeland abandoned this part of the business, redirecting his efforts at printing again. (20) Thomas's account, however, does not appear to be entirely accurate since an imprint for Cotton Mather's A Voice from Heaven (1719) describes the work as "Printed for Samuel Kneeland at his shop in King Street." An imprint in 1723 further explains that Kneeland's shop was "below the town-house," or the Old State House, on what is today State Street, a popular area for colonists to congregate. (21) When considering similar imprints on publications as late as 1731, the evidence points to Kneeland opening up a bookshop early in his career on King Street, and maintaining it until at least 1731. After this date, his business relocated to Queen Street, "opposite the prison." Almost certainly, this was where he conducted his printing operations, but he most likely also sold books at this location since more than three hundred works from the 1730s to the 1760s were "Printed and sold by S. Kneeland" at Queen Street.
Although Kneeland had lost the right to print the Boston Gazette in 1727, he and Timothy Green regained this honor in 1736 under the auspices of John Boydell. When Boydell died a few years later in December 1739, his heirs eventually sold their interest in the newspaper to Kneeland and Green, who became both the printers and publishers of the Boston Gazette in October 1741. (22) After Kneeland and Green bought the rights in 1741, they combined it with the New-England Weekly Journal, which became the Boston Gazette, or New England Weekly Journal, the first known newspaper merger in colonial America. After Green's departure for New London, Kneeland changed the title to the Boston Gazette, or, Weekly Advertiser with the 3 January 1753 issue, and after a few years, he sold the newspaper to Benjamin Edes and John Gill, who once again altered the title to the Boston Gazette, or, Country Journal with the new issue appearing on 7 April 1755. (23) Kneeland continued his printing business until the mid-1760s, dying a few years later in December 1769. (24)
By the time that Kneeland retired, he could boast of over nine hundred imprints bearing his name. These were predominantly religious in nature--catechisms, psalmbooks, or best sellers like Philip Doddridge's The Rise and Progress of Religion in the Soul--texts that had a good chance of selling well since they were chiefly used for teaching children how to read through memorization and repetition. (25) In order to lessen his risks, Kneeland often worked with Daniel Henchman, Samuel Gerrish, Nathaniel Belknap, Joseph Edwards, Samuel Eliot, Thomas Hancock, and Benjamin Gray, the principal booksellers in early modern Boston. (26) His closest relationship seems to have been with Daniel Henchman (1689-1761), who, according to Thomas, was "the most eminent and enterprising bookseller that appeared in Boston, or, indeed, in all British America, before the year 1775." (27)
Henchman lived a busy life as a distinguished man in the community. Besides selling books, he served as a justice of the peace and a lieutenant-colonel of the Boston regiment of the militia, dabbled in real estate, invested in ships, conducted business as a banker, and founded one of the first paper mills in America. (28) Along with Kneeland, Henchman attended the Old South Church, sitting on several committees as a deacon. (29) He was a deeply religious man. Besides his role as a deacon in one of Boston's most prominent churches, he kept accounts with eminent colonial evangelicals (such as Aaron Burr, Jonathan Edwards, Thomas Foxcroft, Thomas Prince, and Eleazar Wheelock), sponsored several religious publications, and gave generously to worthy causes. (30) He donated one hundred ounces of silver and two hundred and fifty pounds to Harvard College to help fund an endowment for the chair in divinity. (31) It would be difficult to name a more upstanding subject of the crown in colonial America.
Henchman began his business around 1711 at the age of twenty-one by selling books and stationery in Boston. He opened a bookshop at the south corner of State and Washington streets, "over against the Brick Meeting House." (32) Like other merchants at this time, Henchman sold a variety of products, including wheat, corn, timber, butter, cheese, beef, and pork, as well as knives, forks, and other manufactured goods. Books, however, seemed to be his chief concern. Not all merchants, however, were as committed to the book trade as Henchman. Thomas Hancock, Henchman's son-in-law, for instance, sold books, but gradually shifted his focus to profiting primarily from general merchandise. (33) Other colonial printers and booksellers worked as postmasters, binders, and auctioneers, selling not only stationery and paper supplies, but also musical and mathematical instruments, food, and tobacco products. (34) In this provincial environment, most bookselling merchants accepted corn, pork, or beef as payment for their goods, even though they preferred "ready money" of specie or London bank notes. (35) While historians disagree on whether any true publishers existed in colonial America, Henchman certainly comes closest to qualifying for that title. As a true publisher, he sometimes sponsored editions such as Jonathan Edwards's sermon, True Saints, When Absent from the Body, Are Present with the Lord (1747), without the security of subscribers. (36) By selling and commissioning books, Henchman fits the bill of an early "bookseller-publisher" who specialized in marketing religious literature.
In his capacity as a publisher, Henchman frequently, though not exclusively, employed Kneeland as his printer. Out of a total of 393 editions associated with Henchman in the ESTC, seventy-four list Kneeland as the printer, with very few that did not pertain to religion. (37) The most notorious collaboration between the pair involved an illegal Bible, which, if this story is true, would have been the first of such printed in English in America. According to Isaiah Thomas, Kneeland and his partner Timothy Green utilized a standard London imprint in order to escape potential prosecution since only a royal printer licensed by the crown could legally print the scriptures. Thomas stated that the edition was not very large, perhaps no more than seven or eight hundred copies. As an apprentice, Thomas claimed to have heard others involved in the book trade speak about this illegal venture and further added that John Hancock, Thomas Hancock's nephew, knew of this publication and even owned a copy of it in his personal library. According to Thomas, the Bible rolled off the press in the early 1750s. (38) Hugh Amory, however, has challenged Thomas's date for the secret edition, believing that the evidence points to 1731 as the true year of publication. In examining Henchman's papers, Amory discovered an entry in August 1731 for 8 [pounds sterling] 5s. from Kneeland and Green to Henchman for "printing your part of a Book, intitled, The &c." Kneeland and Green list the cost for this unnamed title as 382 [pounds sterling] 10s. for fifteen hundred copies on 127 half sheets at three pounds per sheet plus an additional 191 [pounds sterling] 5s. for "setting up the first sheets ... and several others," equaling the enormous sum of 573 [pounds sterling] 15s. Because of the unusually high cost and the extensive materials for this particular book, its clandestine nature, and the fact that, in other records for Kneeland and Green around this time, they normally only charged Henchman between thirty and forty-five shillings a sheet for five hundred or one thousand copies, Amory has good reason to question the reliability of Thomas's account of the surreptitious American Bible, rightly positing that it had been printed much earlier than the traditional date of 1752. (39)
By reviewing Henchman's papers and some of Kneeland's bills, we can see the type of business that one printer provided for a specific bookseller-publisher. In 1727, the firm of Kneeland and Green charged Henchman a total of 66 [pounds sterling] 16s. 6d. for five items: Henry Gibbs's ninety-three-page Godly Children Their Parents Joy for 11 [pounds sterling], twenty-five hundred psalms for 40 [pounds sterling] 12s. 6d., four thousand primers for 10 [pounds sterling], two reams of bonds for 1 4s. [pounds sterling], and one thousand of Isaac Watts's Divine Songs for 4 [pounds sterling]. (40) Two years later in 1729, Kneeland requested payment from Henchman for several projects including 66 [pounds sterling] for the approximately three-hundred-page second edition of Solomon Stoddard's The Safety of Appearing at the Day of Judgment. (41) Although Kneeland did not reveal the number of copies, this must have been a sizable edition because it far surpasses the costs of the other pieces that he normally produced. In the same bill, Henchman owed Kneeland 3 [pounds sterling] 7s. 6d. to print Edward Wigglesworth's Discourse Concerning the Duration of the Punishment of the Wicked in a Future State. (42) Kneeland printed five hundred copies of this roughly twenty-page sermon on one and one-half sheets at forty-five shillings per sheet. The fact that he only charged 1 [pounds sterling] 15s. for two sheets on "small letter" of a 1729 edition of Isaac Watts's The Doctrine of the Passions Explained and Improved, printed in London "for the booksellers," suggests that Henchman must have bought into this particular venture as a part-owner. Another entry of 1 [pounds sterling] 3s. 9d. by Kneeland for "my part of your half" of Isaac Chauncey's thirty-page funeral sermon Blessed Manumission of Christ's Faithful Ministers was printed "for D. Henchman and T. Hancock," obviously a joint venture between a father-in-law and a son-in-law. Henchman and other booksellers also commissioned Kneeland to reprint John Flavel's Token for Mourners. For this item, Kneeland billed 3 [pounds sterling] 9s. for "my part of half" of the five hundred copies that he printed on six sheets. Continuing on in the same bill, Kneeland printed half of John Cotton's thirty-fourpage funeral sermon on behalf of Nathanael Cotton for 2 [pounds sterling] 10s., although without any information on how many copies and at what cost per sheet. Finally, Kneeland printed one thousand of the obscure Life of Mercy Paddock on one sheet for 2 [pounds sterling] 15s., and one sheet of an Act of Parliament for 2 [pounds sterling] 5s. The total cost for this assembly amounted to 87 [pounds sterling] 5s. (43) Henchman was only one of many booksellers who enlisted the printing services of Samuel Kneeland.
Henchman's ledgers also show vibrant business activity with Kneeland. The majority of debit entries are for paper to Kneeland who received cash payments periodically for his services. In 1735, for example, Henchman paid Kneeland a total of 90 [pounds sterling] 14s. 6d.: 14 [pounds sterling] 12s. 6d. to print Lionel Slator's Instructions for the Cultivating and Raising of Flax and Hemp, 18 [pounds sterling] for Peter Clark's A Sinners Prayer for Converting Grace, 8 [pounds sterling] for Hull Abbot's Jehovah's Character as a Man of War, 39 [pounds sterling] 12s. for psalters, and 10 [pounds sterling] 10s. for three primers. (44) Almost fifteen years later, in March 1749, Henchman credited 100 [pounds sterling] in Lawful Money to Kneeland for printing Jonathan Edwards's Life of David Brainerd, a large project that involved multiple entries from the end of 1748 to March of 1749.45 What we may determine from examining the previous bills is that, although Kneeland's business included secular productions, his primary interest was religious in nature.
Living in Boston, and as a member of the Old South Church, Kneeland developed relationships with influential religious leaders like Benjamin Colman, Thomas Prince, and Thomas Foxcroft who served as a bridge to connect Kneeland to the wider evangelical network in New England and the Middle Colonies that included people like Jonathan Edwards and the "New Divinity" men Joseph Bellamy and Samuel Hopkins. The revivals in colonial America, collectively known as the Great Awakening, fueled the colonial book trade. During this time, Kneeland and Green were among four other printing houses in Boston, the others belonging to John Draper, Rogers and Fowle, and Thomas Fleet. (46) According to James Green, "Never had there been so many auguries favorable to book publishing in America." (47) Green claims that, in Pennsylvania from 1740 to 1743, the value of annual imports from London increased two to three times from previous years. (48) In the wake of George Whitefield's American preaching tour between 1739 and 1741, even Benjamin Franklin sought to capitalize on the religious frenzy, publishing titles by Isaac Watts, Joseph Alleine, and George Whitefield at his own expense. Other printers like Andrew and William Bradford of Philadelphia, and Daniel Henchman in Boston, followed suit. (49) In 1741, Henchman paid Rogers and Fowle the remarkable fee of 165 [pounds sterling] to print George Whitefield's Sermons on Various Important Subjects in one volume on sixteen sheets. One year later, Henchman commissioned the firm of Green, Bushell and Allen to print two thousand copies of Thomas Shepard's The Sound Believer in 1742, and in 1743, Thomas Hooker's The Poor Doubting Christian Drawn to Christ and Edward Fisher's The Marrow of Modern Divinity. (50) The increase in imported books, the risks by some booksellers in assuming the costs of publishing, the abnormally high costs of production, and large print runs all point toward a comparatively exciting time in the colonial book trade.
Men and women who had contracted religious fever looked for spiritual guidance in publications, not only from eighteenth-century divines, but also from seventeenth-century Puritans. Charles Hambrick-Stowe argues that early modern evangelicals like Thomas Prince purposely connected the transatlantic revivals of the eighteenth century with the theology of Puritanism. Prince and other evangelicals wanted to present a religious movement that "was essentially the same" as described in the writings of men like Thomas Shepard, Samuel Willard, and Samuel Stoddard. (51) While in many ways the evangelical revival offered something new in innovative preaching and marketing techniques, in terms of its message, there remained a consistency with the traditional orthodoxy of the past.
From Susan O'Brien's research, we know that men and women influenced by the preaching at the revivals were indeed drawn to the works of seventeenth-century divines for spiritual edification. In the month of January 1740, for instance, Nicholas Gilman, a pastor in Durham, New Hampshire, read not only George Whitefield, but also John Flavel and Matthew Henry--all authors printed by Kneeland--in addition to issues of the Boston Gazette, which disseminated information about the revival. When he traveled to Boston at the end of that same month, Gilman purchased some "small books" at Daniel Henchman's bookstore for 26s. 6d., presumably other religious literature. From Gilman's notes, O'Brien deduces that he studied Joseph Alleine's influential Alarme to the Unconverted (1641), and Thomas Shepard's Sincere Convert (1641) and Sound Believer (1648). Gilman also appears to have perused literary contributions by William Law, Richard Baxter, Solomon Stoddard, James Jennings, and Jonathan Edwards. (52) Encouraged about what he had learned, Gilman urged other people interested in religion to borrow from his expanding library. (53)
O'Brien posits that the "core" transatlantic network consisted of Jonathan Edwards, Benjamin Colman, and Thomas Prince in New England; William McCulloch, James Robe, John Gillies, and John Maclaurin in Scotland; and Isaac Watts, George Whitefield, and Philip Doddridge in England. (54) According to O'Brien, "Other ministers, financial supporters, lay exhorters, booksellers, and printers could tap into this entire network if they had only one correspondent who was linked to it, and in this way literature was made available for private circulation and reprinting either whole or in part." (55) Certainly Daniel Henchman and Samuel Kneeland were among the booksellers and printers who "tapped" into the evangelical network, since they commissioned and sold a substantial number of the works of Puritan and evangelical divines.
Upon an examination of the appendix at the conclusion of this article that describes the works chronologically published by Samuel Kneeland, it is clear that Kneeland favored religious literature. What is also evident is that besides the surge in the late 1720s, Kneeland published feverishly at the time of the Great Awakening. Whereas Cotton Mather and other seventeenth-century divines appear to be among his favorite authors prior to the revivals, in the 1740s, he continued to print Puritans like Thomas Wilcox while also adding authors such as George Whitefield, Jonathan Dickinson, and Jonathan Edwards. Like many other colonial printer-booksellers, Kneeland proceeded cautiously as a publisher by not offering very many titles that exceeded the length of a pamphlet or sermon. These kinds of endeavors, according to James Green, were "about as much as most colonial printers could afford to venture from their slender capital." (56) Hugh Amory explains that, because bookselling was risky, colonial Americans sold primarily sure sellers with London titles and issued very small print runs. (57) From the appendix, we can see that only rarely did Kneeland turn out anything above one hundred pages, especially early in his career. The exceptions were works by the Spanish Jesuit Juan Eusebio (1595-1658), the English commentator Matthew Henry (1662-1714), the Glasgow merchant and member of Parliament Daniel Campbell (1665-1722), the Presbyterian minister and first president of the College of New Jersey, Jonathan Dickinson (1688-1747), and the Congregational minister and theologian Jonathan Edwards (1703-58), an eclectic blend to say the least, but authors who produced literature deemed by Kneeland to be salable.
Kneeland knew that not all religious titles would be profitable. Often, a hot-selling sermon had to do with an intriguing criminal case or a well-timed natural disaster. Increase Mather's Sermon Occasioned by the Execution of a Man Found Guilty of Murder on the death of James Morgan, for example, was originally published in 1687, but went through two subsequent editions the next year. (58) Besides a public interest in death, discourses on natural catastrophes also sold well. Cotton Mather's 1727 earthquake sermon, The Terror of the Lord, went through three editions, all printed in Boston "for S. Kneeland." The fact that Kneeland operated as a publisher for this timely sermon, commissioning the services of Thomas Fleet as an outside printer, implies that he recognized its potential profitability and wanted to take advantage of the situation.
Another occasion when Kneeland acted as a publisher was with Jonathan Edwards's Religious Affections (1746), perhaps the most important title in the Boston printer's repertoire. Up to 1745, Kneeland had already whetted his appetite printing Jonathan Edwards's God Glorified in the Work of Redemption (1731), A Divine and Supernatural Light (1734), Discourses on Various Important Subjects (1738), A Faithful Narrative of the Surprising Work of God (1738), The Distinguishing Marks of a Work of the Spirit of God (1741), Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God (1741 and 1742), Some Thoughts Concerning the Present Revival of Religion in New-England (1742), Copies of the Two Letters Cited by the Rev. Mr. Clap (1745), and An Expostulatory Letter from the Rev. Mr. Edwards of Northampton, to the Rev. Mr. Clap (1745). (59) Of these, the lengthiest, and therefore the most costly, were Edwards's Discourses on Various Important Subjects (286 pages; octavo) and Some Thoughts Concerning the Present Revival of Religion in New-England (378 pages; twelvemo). By 1745, Kneeland no doubt recognized the salability of Edwards's writings, giving him the confidence to publish this eminent author. Yet, Kneeland continued to exercise caution by utilizing the method of subscription, the best way to ensure profitability for eighteenth-century Americans involved in the book trade. (60)
Kneeland occasionally advertised, as he did for Edwards's Religious Affections. A broadside dated 1 May 1745 made the following announcement:
Proposals for Printing by Subscription, in one Volume, a Treatise concerning Religious Affection; wherein are considered their Nature and Importance, and how far Religion consists in them. Largely shewing from the Word of God, how far unregenerate men may go in religious Affections and Resemblances of Grace. Also endeavouring distinctly to point forth, and plainly to demonstrate, wherein do lie the grand Differences and Distinctions between those religious Affections and Experiences that are genuine, spiritual and divine, and those that are common and delusive.
The advertisement further declared, as a way of enticing potential readers, that "In this Treatise are handled many important Articles relating to Christian Experience; such as: The Nature of the Witness and Seal of the Spirit, Spiritual Understanding, A saving Belief of the Truth of divine Things, The indwelling of the Spirit in the Hearts of the Saints, The Nature of the leading of the Spirit, The Nature of a true Assurance and of a false Confidence. And many others." (61) The final product came out as a quarto of 343 pages. Its success is described on the last page: "There being near Thirteen Hundred Books subscribed for, and more Subscriptions sent in than Books Printed; It seems needful that Those who send in first for their Books should have them." (62) Although we do not know the profitability of Edwards's seminal treatise, it seems that Kneeland had covered his expenses and been a part of one of the more successful, and certainly one of the most influential, religious texts of colonial America.
Kneeland went on to work with Jonathan Edwards on a number of additional manuscripts, including An Humble Inquiry into the Rules of the Word of God (1749), A Careful and Strict Enquiry into the Modern Prevailing Notion of That Freedom of Will (1754), and The Great Christian Doctrine of Original Sin Defended (1758). In order to promote the sale of a collection like this, Kneeland employed people in Edwards's sphere of influence who lived a considerable distance outside of Boston. One such individual was Edwards's New Divinity disciple Joseph Bellamy, pastor of a Congregational church in Bethlehem, Connecticut. Extant correspondence between Kneeland and Bellamy reveals that the latter served as an advocate of the works of Edwards. We can see evidence of this in his distribution of Edwards's 1749 Humble Inquiry into the Rules of the Word of God.
Sometime in 1749, Daniel Henchman had told Kneeland that Bellamy volunteered to take two hundred and fifty copies of the Humble Inquiry. Reflecting on the potential cost of this job, Kneeland pleaded with Bellamy to take "as many of them as you possibly can procure" since "the work exceeds very much what was at first proposed" with very few people having subscribed for it. (63) With Bellamy residing in Connecticut, Kneeland depended on him to find as many subscribers as possible outside of the more familiar Boston network. A total of 385 people are listed as subscribers; 53.5 percent hailed from Connecticut, 34.2 percent from Massachusetts, 11.4 percent from New York, and less than one percent from New Hampshire. Although not a tome, Edwards's Humble Inquiry of 136 pages was not an edition that Kneeland wanted to risk overprinting and therefore used subscription and selling agents to ensure that he covered his costs.
From the numbers of subscribers coming from Connecticut, it seems that Bellamy played a vital role there. Writing to Bellamy on 2 October 1749, Kneeland sent two hundred and fifty copies of the Humble Inquiry. Fifty were earmarked for Bellamy and two hundred for subscribers in his network. Kneeland described the work as containing twenty sheets, and according to the specifications in the proposal, priced at twelve pence per sheet. The subscribers were entitled to receive one copy gratis for every half dozen, but Kneeland was so impressed with Bellamy's ability to corral two hundred people that he offered fifteen to the dozen, reminding the Connecticut minister to dispose of as many copies of Edwards's work as possible since very few subscribers existed in Boston. Kneeland further requested that Bellamy "take a note of hand" of the payment from the subscribers "payable to your self or me," promising to take back in the spring or sooner whatever books could not be sold. (64) Bellamy thus served as a kind of agent for Edwards by assisting with the sale of a key evangelical title. As a religious man himself, Kneeland felt comfortable trusting Bellamy to keep an account of the money that was coming in from the subscribers.
When Kneeland wrote to Bellamy on 1 February 1750, he provided a breakdown of the number of Edwards's Humble Inquiry that he had dispatched to Bellamy. Using Thomas Foxcroft's son as the bearer of the letter, Kneeland said that he had sent a total of 178 books to Bellamy, 102 printed on the "best" sheets of paper, thirty-four on "something meaner," and forty-two in calf. Obviously, this number fell short of the two hundred promised in addition to the fifty intended for Bellamy. Kneeland apparently could not fulfill the order at that time, partially because he had run out of the proper binding materials. Kneeland now believed that he could finish the job since he presently had "a good number of choice calf leather," which had been previously unavailable. Of the books completed, eighteen had been designated for Captain Robert Tallmadge to distribute (subscribing for six of the books himself); fifty-two went to a Mr. Brown, fifty to a Reverend Mr. Greenman, four were to go to Jonathan Edwards, ten to Foxcroft, one to a Mr. Parkman, and one to a Mr. Tyler. Kneeland had allocated twenty-six for a minister named John Gordon of Voluntown, Connecticut. Unfortunately, they ended up in Halifax because a relative whom Kneeland commissioned to ship the books accidently forgot to remove them before traveling on to Nova Scotia. Kneeland was thus anxious that there would not be enough books for subscribers. Once again, he advised Bellamy to keep track of the number of copies of the Humble Inquiry distributed, otherwise "there will not be many books left, if all the subscribers are so good as to call or send for them," and to return any province money paid in order to cover the cost of the paper that had been used. (65) Four months had passed since Kneeland's October letter, but it is interesting to note the change in his demeanor. Whereas he had earlier feared that he might be stuck with a glut of unsold books, now he worried about the opposite problem: that there would not be enough of the Humble Inquiry for everyone desiring a copy.
Kneeland was not the only one who fretted about sales. On the other side of the ledger, Jonathan Edwards as the author similarly worried about the format, distribution, and success of his publications. In his letters, we can observe an anxious Edwards writing to his friend and fellow evangelical Thomas Foxcroft, who served as a kind of freelance editor and agent for Edwards in Boston. Edwards showed particular concern for his influential Freedom of the Will (1754). In a letter dated 13 April 1753, Edwards asked Foxcroft for his help in promoting the upcoming book, admitting, "I am indeed concerned about it, and ashamed to ask of you to continue that assistance with respect to this piece, which you have afforded in times past with respect to former publications." Edwards made the additional request that Foxcroft forward thirty proposals to John Maclaurin of Glasgow with the hope that additional subscribers could be added using his connections in Scotland. (66) Here again is evidence of an extensive transatlantic network involved in the promotion and distribution of evangelical literature.
One month later, on 24 May 1753, Edwards wrote to Foxcroft with his opinion on how Freedom of the Will should be printed. (67) "With respect to the character," Edwards asserted, "I should be glad the book might be printed in the best character Mr. Kneeland has, and that it should be done every way in as handsome a manner as may be." Reflecting on some recent examples from Kneeland's print shop, Edwards had this remark: "I think the character in which my answer to Mr. Williams is printed is better than that of my book on Religious Affections" After hearing word that Kneeland had ordered new type, Edwards hoped that "perhaps they will be better than any he now has." (68) The continued use of overworked type was not unusual for colonial printers trying to pump out as many editions as possible, and so it seems likely that, when Kneeland put forward Edwards's Religious Affectio3s in 1746, he had used an inferior specimen by comparison to Edwards's 1752 Misrepresentations Corrected, a reply to Solomon Williams's The True State of the Question Concerning the Qualifications Necessary to Lawful Communion in the Christian Sacraments. (69) Kneeland as the printer and sometimes publisher, and Edwards as the author, both shared an apprehension for the success of a particular title, partially to ensure that its revenue paid for the expense of production, but they also had a legitimate concern for the promotion of evangelical religion.
Around the same time that Bellamy was utilizing his talents as an agent for Edwards, he was also corresponding with Kneeland to print his own manuscript True Religion Delineated (1750), a seminal theological achievement that Edwards endorsed in the preface. This was the first of many of Bellamy's literary contributions printed by Kneeland. Later publications included The Great Evil of Sin (1753), A Letter to the Reverend Author of the Winter-Evening Conversation on Original Sin (1758), Sermons upon the Following Subjects (1758), Theron, Paulinus, and Aspasio (1759), The Wisdom of God in the Permission of Sin (1760), A Letter to Scripturista (1761), An Essay on the Nature and Glory of the Gospel of Jesus Christ (1762), A Blow at the Root of the Refined Antinomianism of the Present Age (1763), and Remarks on the Revd. Mr. Croswell's Letter to the Reverend Mr. Cumming (1763). From this list, it is clear that during his lifetime, Kneeland could be counted as Bellamy's chief printer.
A few letters from Kneeland survive, providing insight into the publication of True Religion Delineated. On 4 September 1749, Kneeland wrote to Bellamy of his "readiness to engage in the proposed work," and that he had since forwarded the proposals for it to Jonathan Edwards, who no doubt encouraged the sale of it in his network. Kneeland informed Bellamy of his plan to print between six hundred and seven hundred copies, mentioning later in the letter that he was "in hourly expectation of new types of several sorts, a specimen of which, if I am not disappointed, you will have an opportunity of seeing." (70) About this time, Kneeland had an outstanding order with William Caslon, the establisher of the leading English typefoundry in the eighteenth century. (71) Kneeland must have correctly assessed that his previous type--perhaps that which had been used for Edwards's Religious Affections--was in dire need of replacement and finally placed an order to import a fresh supply.
In Kneeland's letter written one month later in October, he hinted that Bellamy should be close to completing the corrections to the manuscript. For his part, Kneeland let the author know that he had been "looking out for a suitable paper" for True Religion Delineated and recently received word from his agent in London that such a specimen would be arriving on the next ship. (72) Kneeland's reliance on a London agent is a very telling sign of the provinciality of the colonial book trade and its dependence on imported supplies. (73) While there were some mills operating in colonial America, the best paper throughout the eighteenth century continued to come from abroad. In his letter to Bellamy on 24 August 1750, Kneeland provided a progress report. Apparently, Thomas Foxcroft revised True Religion Delineated, serving as an editor by checking the flow of the work and advising on the order of the content, and he was charged with assembling a page of errata if needed. (74) Foxcroft's role as agent and editor for Bellamy and Edwards was not unusual since authors who did not reside near their printers often had a trusted contact negotiate on their behalf and proofread the manuscript before it went to press. (75) Within the letter, Kneeland reported that he had recently heard from Edward Bromfield that Edwards had come to town with the preface. All that remained was for Kneeland to print the preface and list of subscribers, optimistically declaring that he would finish the job by the first of September before completing the binding of it. Kneeland estimated that subscribers would have their books in hand by 20 September. The paper alone cost Kneeland between 400 [pounds sterling] and 500 [pounds sterling] (Old Tenor) and so he purposely alerted Bellamy to the problem that he would face if subscribers did not make their payments. (76)
After True Religion Delineated went into print, Kneeland wrote to Bellamy the following May saying that he had sent thirty copies (one dozen on "best paper," one dozen on "more ordinary," and six on "best paper") bound in calf. (77) Four months later, on 4 September 1751, Kneeland informed Bellamy that he had sent a box with some one hundred copies of True Religion Delineated, four dozen of which were designated for Mr. Gitteau. (78) The remainder of the lot, Kneeland announced, was printed on "ordinary paper," and Bellamy could distribute to the subscribers as he saw fit. Kneeland reported to Bellamy that "I have not above one hundred and 50 of the books, if so many remaining undisposed of, part of which are bound in calf, ready for gilding, and the other pretty much of the best paper, which I tho't would be best to be reserved to the last; and some of which I design for you, to make up your compliment." (79) Here, we learn that Bellamy most likely received a certain number of gratis copies as payment for his part in this project, which would have been the common practice at that time. (80) In this letter, Kneeland proposed that Bellamy tell subscribers to pay in pork, flax, or grain, probably because of the difficulty at that time for colonial Americans to obtain specie.
Kneeland must have met expectations in printing True Religion Delineated because Bellamy worked with him again for his next publication, The Great Evil of Sin (1753). In his letter on 12 November 1753, Kneeland went over some of the details of the sermon. According to the author's wishes, Foxcroft looked over the manuscript before going to print, and now Kneeland could present the finished product to Bellamy for distribution to subscribers. For his services as editor, Foxcroft received six copies, "as usual," and Bellamy two dozen. Kneeland disclosed that the number of subscribers was "less by 150, or there abouts, than what is usual for the encouragement of what is printed among us," saying later in the letter that five hundred copies had been produced. Kneeland lamented that at this time "the sale of the best things seem to be so exceeding dull and uncertain," claiming that based on its content and the fame of the author, he might have taken on the risk of printing without the assurance of a subscription list. Kneeland let Bellamy know that the sermon had been printed on "a large and good paper" and so "cannot be afforded for less than four shillings" in Massachusetts currency (Old Tenor), or five shillings if paying with Connecticut money. Kneeland proposed payment in either flax or pork, recommending the former since it seemed like a plentiful year for this particular agricultural product. (81)
From examining the life and work of Samuel Kneeland, we can conclude that he was a leading bookseller, printer, and publisher in colonial America. His role as printer and publisher of two of the earliest newspapers in the colonies--the Boston Gazette and the New-England Weekly Journal--alone signifies his importance. While he might not have had the financial resources, capital, and courage of Daniel Henchman, who published far more extensively, Kneeland contributed seminal religious titles such as Jonathan Edwards's Religious Affections, Humble Inquiry, Freedom of the Will, and Joseph Bellamy's True Religion Delineated (all of which continue to be analyzed by students of philosophy and theology). Works such as these were successful because Kneeland could tap into an extensive evangelical network that spanned both sides of the Atlantic and included leading names in the revival. Joseph Bellamy, for example, could be counted on to distribute as many as two hundred copies of a particular title by Jonathan Edwards. Kneeland benefited from the contacts in Boston that linked him to other prominent religious figures. Overall, we can say that Kneeland had a broad business that encompassed bookselling, as well as printing and publishing for individual authors and the colony of Massachusetts Bay. With about nine hundred imprints, Kneeland qualifies as a significant contributor to the history of the book in colonial America.
(1.) Hugh Amory, "Reinventing the Colonial Book," in A History of the Book in America: The Colonial Book in the Atlantic World, ed. Hugh Amory and David D. Hall (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 33-34; Giles Barber, "Books from the Old World and for the New: The British International Trade in Books in the Eighteenth Century," Studies on Voltaire 151 (1976): 191; and Stephen Botein, "The Anglo-American Book Trade before 1776: Personnel and Strategies," in Printing and Society in Early America, ed. William L. Joyce, David D. Hall, Richard D. Brown, and John B. Hench (Worcester, Mass.: American Antiquarian Society, 1983), 48-82.
(2.) Robert D. Harlan, "David Hall's Bookshop and Its British Sources of Supply," in Books in America's Past: Essays Honoring Rudolph H. Gjelsness, ed. David Kaser (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1966), 2-23.
(3.) Stillman Foster Kneeland, Seven Centuries in the Kneeland Family (New York: published by the author, 1897), 15-51. Stillman Kneeland does not appear to be correct about Samuel Kneeland working with Mary Green's brother Timothy. Instead, it seems that Bartholomew, another of Mary Green's brothers, took on his nephew Samuel as an apprentice.
(4.) Isaiah Thomas, The History of Printing in America (Worcester, Mass.: Isaiah Thomas, 1810), 1:302; and James O'Donnell, "Samuel Kneeland," in Boston Printers, Publishers, and Booksellers, 1640-1800, ed. Benjamin Franklin V (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1980), 323. On the Green family, see William C. Kiessel, "The Green Family: A Dynasty of Printers," New England Historical and Genealogical Register 104 (1950): 81--93, and Sidney E. Berger, "Innovation and Diversity among the Green Family of Printers," Printing History 12 (1990): 2-20.
(5.) O'Donnell, "Samuel Kneeland," in Franklin, Boston Printers, Publishers, and Booksellers, 324.
(6.) Thomas, History of Printing, 1:303, 306.
(7.) The first newspaper in British North America, the Boston News-Letter, was printed by Bartholomew Green.
(8.) O'Donnell, "Samuel Kneeland," in Franklin, Boston Printers, Publishers, and Booksellers, 327.
(9.) See Rollo G. Silver, "Government Printing in Massachusetts-Bay, 1700-1750," Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 68 (1958): 135-62.
(10.) Unless noted, the figures listed are in Old Tenor.
(11.) See the appendix in Silver, "Government Printing," 154.
(12.) Massachusetts Archives Collection, volume 246:64.
(13.) Massachusetts Archives Collection, volume 246:187.
(14.) Kneeland and Green manuscript bill, 13 July 1743, Book Trades Collection, American Antiquarian Society.
(15.) Rollo G. Silver, "Financing the Publication of Early New England Sermons," Studies in Bibliography 11 (1958): 163. Silver claims that the province council and House of Representatives took turns choosing the annual preacher, with the House deciding in this odd-numbered year. See Silver, "Government Printing," 143.
(16.) Massachusetts Archives Collection, volume 246:210.
(17.) Massachusetts Archives Collection, volume 247:184.
(18.) Massachusetts Archives Collection, volume 247:185.
(19.) On Green's departure to New London, Connecticut, see note 63.
(20.) Thomas, History of Printing, 1:304.
(21.) Amory, "Reinventing the Colonial Book," in Amory and Hall, A History of the Book in America, 48.
(22.) O'Donnell, "Samuel Kneeland," in Franklin, Boston Printers, Publishers, and Booksellers, 327.
(23.) O'Donnell, "Samuel Kneeland," in Franklin, Boston Printers, Publishers, and Booksellers, 328.
(24.) Most historians say that Kneeland retired in 1765, but at least two imprints exist for 1766.
(25.) David D. Hall, "The Uses of Literacy in New England, 1600-1850," in Joyce et al., Printing and Society in Early America, 23.
(26.) Hugh Amory, "The New England Book Trade, 1713-1790," in Amory and Hall, A History of the Book in America, 325.
(27.) Thomas, History of Printing, 2:423.
(28.) William T. Baxter, "Daniel Henchman: A Colonial Bookseller," Essex Institute Historical Collections 70 (1934): 17-27.
(29.) Old South Church Records, CR I, 1669-1766, microfilm roll 87-5006, Congregational Library; Hamilton Andrews Hill, History of the Old South Church, Boston, 1669-1884 (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1890); and Kneeland, Seven Centuries in the Kneeland Family, 52. Stillman Kneeland says that Samuel Kneeland's brother John built the Old South Church.
(30.) For Henchman's accounts, see his ledgers at the Baker Library at Harvard. Although Jonathan Edwards is not listed in the ledgers, Edwards states in a letter to Thomas Foxcroft on 31 July 1750 that he has such an account with Henchman. See Jonathan Edwards, Letters and Personal Writings, ed. George S. Claghorn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 16:360.
(31.) Baxter, "Henchman," 1.
(32.) Baxter, "Henchman," 2.
(33.) William T. Baxter, The House of Hancock: Business in Boston, 1724-1775 (New York: Russell and Russell, 1965), 39-44; Baxter, "Henchman," 11-12; and Rollo G. Silver, "Publishing in Boston, 1726-1757: The Accounts of Daniel Henchman," Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 66 (1956): 17.
(34.) Amory, "Reinventing the Colonial Book," in Amory and Hall, A History of the Book in America, 45.
(35.) James Raven, "The Importation of Books in the Eighteenth Century," in Amory and Hall, A History of the Book in America, 193. Samuel Kneeland, for instance, at one time bartered with two "small" hogs that he valued at 5 [pounds sterling] 7s. 6d. See Kneeland to an unknown correspondent, 13 February 1728, Thomas Prince Collection, Boston Public Library, MS 363.
(36.) Jonathan Edwards, Letters and Personal Papers, ed. George S. Claghorn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 16:244. See Edwards's letter to John Brainerd, 14 December 1747. Henchman also intended to give Edwards some of the sermons, and as many as fifty to Brainerd.
(37.) This cannot be viewed as a complete number since there is evidence that Kneeland printed for Henchman on more than a few occasions where he was not credited on the imprint.
(38.) Thomas, History of Printing, 1:305.
(39.) Amory, "New England Book Trade," in Amory and Hall, A History of the Book in America, 327-8.
(40.) Kneeland and Green to Henchman, 11 July 1727, Book Trades Collection, American Antiquarian Society.
(41.) The imprint only lists Henchman as the publisher, and not Kneeland as the printer.
(42.) Kneeland is not included on the imprint.
(43.) Kneeland and Green to Henchman, 26 March 1729, Book Trades Collection, American Antiquarian Society.
(44.) Daniel Henchman Papers, Baker Library, Harvard University, Volume DH-10, Ledger B, fol. 28.
(45.) Daniel Henchman Papers, Baker Library, Harvard University, Volume DH-11, Ledger C, fols. 43, 76.
(46.) Amory, "New England Book Trade," in Amory and Hall, A History of the Book in America, 320.
(47.) James N. Green, "English Books and Printing in the Age of Franklin," in Amory and Hall, A History of the Book in America, 261.
(48.) Ibid., 263.
(49.) Ibid., 260.
(50.) American Antiquarian Society, MS G.31.17, no. 6; and Susan O'Brien, "Eighteenth-Century Publishing Networks in the First Years of Transatlantic Evangelicalism," in Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles, and Beyond, 1700-1990, ed. Mark A. Noll, David W Bebbington, and George A. Rawlyk (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 44.
(51.) Charles E. Hambrick-Stowe, "The Spirit of the Old Writers: Print Media, the Great Awakening, and the Continuity in New England," in Communication and Change in American Religious History, ed. Leonard I. Sweet (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1993), 126.
(52.) O'Brien, "Eighteenth-Century Publishing Networks," in Noll et al., Evangelicalism, 38.
(53.) Ibid., 38-39.
(54.) Jonathan M. Yeager, Enlightened Evangelicalism: The Life and Thought of John Erskine (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011). I would also add the name of John Erskine in Scotland.
(55.) O'Brien, "Eighteenth-Century Publishing Networks," in Noll et al., Evangelicalism, 45.
(56.) Green, "English Books and Printing," in Amory and Hall, A History of the Book in America, 266.
(57.) Amory, "Printing and Bookselling in New England, 1638-1713," in Amory and Hall, A History of the Book in America, 104.
(58.) Silver, "Financing the Publication of Early New England Sermons," 163-66.
(59.) In a letter on 2 May 1738, Edwards told Benjamin Colman that "Mr. [Daniel] Henchman some time since informed me that he, and Mr. [Samuel] Kneeland had determined to reprint my letter to you, whether they determined it with your leave I don't know; I wrote to him by no means to do it without your advice. I hope, Sir, you have let them know your thoughts concerning it." See Edwards, Letters and Personal Papers, 77.
(60.) Hall, "The Uses of Literacy in New England," in Joyce et al., Printing and Society in Early America, 9.
(61.) Samuel Kneeland, Proposals for Printing "Religious Affections" (Boston: Samuel Kneeland, 1745).
(62.) Jonathan Edwards, A Treatise Concerning Religious Affections (Boston: Printed for S. Kneeland and T. Green, 1746), 352.
(63.) Samuel Kneeland to Joseph Bellamy, 4 September 1749, Joseph Bellamy Letters, Hartford Seminary Library, box 187, folder 2929, item 81179. Interestingly, in the last part of this letter, Kneeland disclosed that his partnership with Timothy Green was nearly finished. The two men were now acting independently and would soon sever their partnership. The surprise here is that the partnership between Kneeland and Green supposedly continued until 1752, and so we have perhaps the earliest indication that Green had moved to New London at an earlier date. Imprints from the firm of Kneeland and Green for individual authors can be seen as late as 1749, but pieces of legislation sponsored by Massachusetts continued to be printed with the names Kneeland and Green until 1754. The implication is that Green probably relocated to New London at the end of 1749, perhaps making arrangements with Kneeland to keep his name on imprints for Massachusetts for a few years after he had moved to Connecticut.
(64.) Samuel Kneeland to Joseph Bellamy, 2 October 1749, Joseph Bellamy Letters, Hartford Seminary Library, box 187, folder 2930, item 81180.
(65.) Samuel Kneeland to Joseph Bellamy, 1 February 1750, Joseph Bellamy Letters, Hartford Seminary Library, box 187, folder 2930, item 81187.
(66.) Edwards, Letters and Personal Papers, 593. In Scotland, John Erskine and John Maclaurin collected forty-five subscriptions for eighty-five copies of the Freedom of the Will. See Christopher Wayne Mitchell, "Jonathan Edwards's Scottish Connection and the Eighteenth-Century Scottish Evangelical Revival, 1735-1750," (Ph.D. diss., St. Mary's College, University of St. Andrews, 1997), 235.
(67.) Edwards continued to worry about the printing of his Freedom of the Will. In a letter to Thomas Foxcroft on 6 March 1754, Edwards expressed his concern: "I wish the printing of my book might be hastened. I am sorry Mr. Kneeland has not yet begun it. I am afraid the subscribers will be out of patience." See Edwards, Letters and Personal Papers, 625.
(68.) Edwards, Letters and Personal Papers, 596.
(69.) John Bidwell, "Printers' Supplies and Capitalization," in Amory and Hall, A History of the Book in America, 168-71.
(70.) Samuel Kneeland to Joseph Bellamy, 4 September 1749, Joseph Bellamy Letters, Hartford Seminary Library, box 187, folder 2929, item 81179.
(71.) See John Rowe to Daniel Henchman, 1 May 1750, Daniel Henchman Papers, Baker Library, Harvard University, box 10, folder 17.
(72.) Samuel Kneeland to Joseph Bellamy, 2 October 1749, Joseph Bellamy Letters, Hartford Seminary Library, box 187, folder 2930, item 81180.
(73.) Cynthia Z. Stiverson and Gregory A. Stiverson, "The Colonial Retail Book Trade: Availability and Affordability of Reading Material in Mid-Eighteenth-Century Virginia," in Joyce et al., Printing and Society in Early America, 153.
(74.) Samuel Kneeland to Joseph Bellamy, 24 August 1750, Joseph Bellamy Letters, Hartford Seminary Library, box 187, folder 2930, item 81184.
(75.) Silver, "Financing the Publication of Early New England Sermons," 172; and Lawrence C. Wroth, The Colonial Printer (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1964), 171.
(76.) Samuel Kneeland to Joseph Bellamy, 2 October 1749, Joseph Bellamy Letters, Hartford Seminary Library, box 187, folder 2930, item 81180.
(77.) Samuel Kneeland to Joseph Bellamy, 21 May 1751, Joseph Bellamy Letters, Hartford Seminary Library, box 187, folder 2930, item 81189.
(78.) Either Joshua Gitteau of Bethlehem or Francis Gitteau, who subscribed for twelve of the books. See the list of subscribers for True Religion Delineated.
(79.) Samuel Kneeland to Joseph Bellamy, 4 September 1751, Joseph Bellamy Letters, Hartford Seminary Library, box 187, folder 2930, item 81195.
(80.) Silver, "Financing the Publication of Early New England Sermons," 174; and Hall, "The Uses of Literacy in New England," in Joyce et al., Printing and Society in Early America, 9.
(81). Samuel Kneeland to Joseph Bellamy, 12 November 1753, Joseph Bellamy Letters, Hartford Seminary Library, box 187, folder 2930, item 81203.
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|Author:||Yeager, Jonathan M.|
|Date:||Jan 1, 2012|
|Next Article:||An appendix of works published by Samuel Kneeland arranged chronologically.|