Ruptured Memory on the Streets of Vienna.
I had claimed Austrian citizenship in 2007, (1) and Austria was now "my" country. Walking the streets searching for the evidence of thousands upon thousands of murdered citizens, I gradually felt compelled to tell a story about National Socialism in Austria that had not yet been told.
Relying on the project axiom "What Happens When We Forget to Remember," The Vienna Project would be developed as a memorial project marking the 75th anniversary of the Anschluss, (2) representing seven persecuted Austrian victim groups, murdered under National Socialism between 1938-1945. Perceived as an outsider without family, friends, or connections in Vienna, I developed the project at a distance of 4,000 miles, without speaking German, and with no advanced funding. For many years I was the only Jewish member of the project team, and I remained the only descendant of murdered Austrian victims.
"Ruptured Memory on the Streets of Vienna" reviews the project's inception in Vienna in conjunction with my gradual movement from outsider to insider status. The essay also compares The Vienna Project's Naming Memorial with the Deserter Memorial, two memorials with contrasting agendas and methodologies, presented the same week, 400 meters apart. Consideration of outsider and insider status shed light on how these two memorials were received at a time when political issues concerning immigration policies were gaining widespread media attention.
Designing, directing and implementing The Vienna Project reflected my scholarship as an artist, writer, and activist, interested in the artistry of public art and public memory. Opening on 23rd October, 2013 at the Odeon Theater in the second district, The Vienna Project closed on 18th October, 2014 at the Austrian National Library at the Hofburg Palace in Vienna's first district.
In 1923, the city of Vienna was home to the largest German-Jewish population in all of Europe, numbering 201,513 inhabitants and constituting 10% of the population. (3) Following the devastating effects of the Shoah on Austria's Jewish community, an estimated 10,000-15,000 Jews live in Austria today. (4)
A small and wealthy country, Austria has one of the highest standards of living in all of Europe. Voted year after year as the world's most livable city, (5) Vienna is referred to as a "city of the future," a smart city with a top notch infrastructure. (6) Vienna has also been named Europe's new capital for the arts, a city boasting of its expenditures in the arts, reflected in an enormous network of opera houses, theaters, museums, and world-renown orchestras. (7) Vienna was recently nominated a "Human Rights City" based on its democratic policies and its commitment to "respect, protect, implement, and promote human rights." (8)
Following worrisome trends of anti-Semitism growing in many major cities across Europe, combined with increased presence of Austria's rightwing Freedom Party (FPO) under the leadership of Heinz-Christian Strache now holding 27% of the electoral vote, (9) the Austrian government now faces new challenges regarding minority representation. These challenges are further exacerbated by the growing presence of asylum-seekers arriving in Austria. Taxed by the rising tide of nationalism, a tight economy, and new demands for protection of minority rights, political leaders in Austria, as well as in other parts of Europe, are caught navigating an increasingly complex terrain.
Political tensions are also measured by recent protests concerning the annual "Wiener Korporationsring" (WKR) Ball sponsored by far-right extremists groups. (10) The ball takes place at the Hofburg palace at the end of January (near or on Holocaust Remembrance Day). A second event, organized by the same group and dedicated to "commemorating the dead," occurs on May 8th at the crypt at Heldenplatz. (11) Far-right extremist groups congregate there each year to publicly mourn murdered Wehrmacht soldiers. Starting in 2012, the Austrian government instituted a "Celebration of Joy" concert with the Vienna Symphony Orchestra to commemorate Victory Day in Europe, when the allies defeated Germany, in an effort to displace far right extremist groups who were claiming historic allegiance to Heldenplatz. The momentum for this kind of remembrance initially came from far left political groups. The Social Democrats and liberal NGOs then stepped on the train.
In these limited examples, one can quickly grasp how Austria's past is gaining ground on present-day politics. While Social Democrats and other liberal groups actively support memory work regarding the racist treatment of minority groups under National Socialism, right-wing extremists remain fervently tied to neo-Nazi nationalist ideologies.
Historic tensions polarizing mainstream Austrian "insider" groups from minority "outsider" groups also impacted my ability, perceived as both an insider and an outsider, to secure The Vienna Project as a major national memorial project. I soon discovered that funding The Vienna Project was significantly compromised by the City of Vienna's parallel efforts to fund a new public memory project dedicated to memorializing the Austrian deserters of the Wehrmacht army. The Vienna Project, with its independent focus on the murder of minority groups under National Socialism, was initially regarded as an untimely distraction from the allen-compassing mission to drive right-wing extremist groups from the Hofburg.
Public Memory in Vienna
When I first met with Austrian officials to discuss The Vienna Project, everyone was friendly. I was assured that Vienna had adequately memorialized the history of National Socialism with three national monuments and multiple plaques posted around the city. Additionally, Austrian officials and institutional directors reported that Austrians did not like naming memorials. Unflustered, I maintained course, believing in my ideas and my capacity to make a valuable contribution to Austria's memory culture. I was also motivated to create a memorial that would include the names of 16 members of my family.
I was told that the only possibility for funding a project on such a short timeline to meet the 75th anniversary date of the Anschluss was through KOER, a temporary public art foundation. Sometimes KOER funds memory projects, but if the project is too tightly tied to history, they exclude it from funding: research-based history projects are eligible for support through a different municipal fund. Creating a project that would qualify for funding by KOER partially explains the temporary nature of the design. In 2011, 2012, and 2013, I submitted three different applications representing different aspects of project development to KOER. All three applications were rejected without further explanation. City officials communicated their disappointment, expecting me to abandon my plans.
Funding a public art project is always a challenge. I could not decipher if the funding stalemate was about money or about my status as an outsider. I assumed both.
As director, it was myjob to find funding and keep the project solvent. In Vienna, project development must take into account that everyone expects to be paid: artists, students, as well as interns. Artists funded by government programs are typically established German-speaking Austrian artists, who enjoy some degree of public recognition. As an outsider without a prior history of Austrian funding, I needed to build my own network for support.
Becoming acclimated to Austria's cultural industry, I quickly learned that Austria does not have a strong record of philanthropy. There are no tax incentives. The economic crisis hitting Europe in 2012 made it plausible for federal ministries, private foundations, corporations, and small companies to decline making a financial contribution to the project, despite Austria's robust economy.
Partnerships were also difficult to establish. Most institutions managed a tight operational budget. Partnerships providing in-kind support signaled to funding agencies that they were enjoying some degree of budgetary surplus. Contributing any form of support to The Vienna Project would jeopardize future funding for their programs. Therefore partnership development, like philanthropy, was generally not forthcoming.
In addition, laws granting permission to install art in the public sphere are highly regulated. Without government permission, which is generally quite liberal, art activism becomes an outlawed practice. Thus, in regard to gaining permission and funding, Austrian artists are obliged to work with the government. Under such circumstances, securing government approval, while pursuing politically charged art that likely critiques government policies, undercuts the very definition of art activism. Despite various cultural blind spots, these facts were fairly easy to assimilate. Other negotiations, dealing with more nuanced expressions of resistance, were harder to decipher.
While I did not have funds to hire Austrian artists and historians, I could do the preliminary work of organizing the project independent of Austrian funding. Since I wanted the project to represent a collaboration between Austrian artists and historians with my own work as an Austrian-American artist and scholar of Jewish ancestry, (12) I would eventually need to secure Austrian funding. However, this could happen closer to project implementation, when permissions and working partnerships to support project production were in place.
Over the course of many months, I learned about three memorial projects sited for Vienna that were currently under consideration. One proposal was for a permanent naming memorial, to be developed by the City of Vienna, for Jewish victims who were deported from the Aspanghof train station in the third district. Another was for a permanent naming memorial for Jewish victims of the Holocaust, developed by a Canadian survivor and supported by the Jewish community of Vienna, to be situated in a public park. The third, mentioned earlier as a memorial dedicated to Austrian Wehrmacht deserters, is the only new memorial that has been completed to date.
Methodologies of Remembrance
The Vienna Project was initiated under my direction and developed as a new methodology for memorialization that featured a number of conceptually fresh ideas. The Vienna Project would present multiple persecuted Austrian victims of National Socialism, murdered between 1938-1945. As an inclusive and differentiated memorial project, multiple victim groups with different histories would be presented at the same time. This methodology was integrated into ten aspects of project development, including: Opening Events, the "Sidewalk Installation" project encompassing 38 memory sites, performance art, oral history video interviews, guided tours, the Reading Marathon, Holocaust education curricula, social media activity, the Closing Ceremony, and the Naming Memorial.
The interactive and participatory approach of The Vienna Project was primed to invite contemporary public discourse in the form of video art installations, performance art, guided tours, and social media output. (13) The goal was to find a means of combining archival research with participatory practice without compromising the approach or integrity of either discipline. This methodology was particularly effective in developing the "Sidewalk Installation" project, comprised of 38 memory sites, referencing 1938, when racial persecution officially began.
The 38 memory sites reflected rigorous scientific research, conducted by historian Jerome Segal, at the University of Vienna. Extensive research represented multiple victim groups and different examples of aggression and exclusion, as well as instances of resistance and rescue occurring in 16 districts around Vienna. Waltraud Jungwirth from the University of Applied Arts worked with graphic design students to create hand-cut stencils containing the project axiom in ten languages "What Happens When We Forget To Remember?" The sidewalk stencil sprays marked the location of the 38 sites. (14) Rather than install static sprays that would become "invisible" over time, I wanted to activate the sites with contemporary commentary from Austrian artists and performers. I hired Ildiko Meny to curate the performance art program, who worked closely with Johanna Taufner, our social media coordinator.
The smartphone app was initially developed by Kabren Levinson as a navigational tool to find the 38 sites. The app was also capable of seamlessly integrating historic research about the sites, produced in German and English, with video clips from contemporary artists, plus oral history video interviews from survivors and historians commenting on the history of specific sites, further enhanced by a guided tour program. Georg Traska and Jerome Segal conducted these interviews, and Kate Melchior created the guided tours. The result was a rich interplay of information about each site that could be accessed through one's smartphone while standing at the site.
Subsequently, a new generation of smartphone apps has appeared in Europe to mark historic sites for a variety of purposes. However, I have not heard of any apps of this type, equally as ambitious. The actual design of The Vienna Project's smartphone app, developed by software engineers in our partnering organizations (Kapsch AG and CSS GmbH), featured the project's many programs. The programs, unfolding in public spaces over twelve months time, required the support of a large, interdisciplinary team, consisting of two historians, a fleet of graphic designers, a cartographer, a performance art recruiter and curator, a social media coordinator, a tour guide and curriculum specialist, technologists, and documentation artists. The Reading Marathon became an additional site-based project developed in conjunction with the Closing Ceremony, requiring additional staffing of students, teachers, volunteers, translators, as well as transcribers, readers, documentation artists, and navigators. Taking place for one hour, archival letters collected from 16 countries were read by Austrian high school students and adult children of Austrian emigres and refugees, at 26 memory sites located in l6 districts.
The Sidewalk Installation project was distinguished from other European memorial projects in additional ways. Not only did the 38 sites mark places where different groups were murdered, deported, and on occasion, rescued, the sites also identified state-sponsored, racist institutions depriving citizens of their civil rights. Permission to spray stencils in front of the Parliament, national museums, universities, the courts, prisons, and cultural institutions represented a new level of criticality that was endorsed by the Austrian government. While these historic sites warranted fresh attention, such a candid look at the past is indeed remarkable by any government, given the degree of savagery this history represented.
While outreach to performing artists in Vienna was extensive, only one performing artist, historian and actor, Philipp Reichel, came forward to do a reading from letters and documents in his possession that substantiated his grandfather's allegiance to the Nazi party. At first, the project team was concerned that representing such a presentation could somehow be construed as promoting a pro-Nazi agenda. In fact, the opposite was the case. The Vienna Project was designed to juxtapose historical data with contemporary commentary. In retrospect, it was striking how rarely conversations about family members took place. With that said, it is my impression that many Austrian historians and sociologists, as well as Austrian students of history and art, are eager to explore this history. It is largely a matter of government funding, as to which and how many of these projects move forward.
The Naming Memorial constituted another example of original methodologies regarding activities of remembrance. A number of key components, circumscribed in the Naming Memorial, set this memorial apart from other memorials in Europe. These components include: a nonhierarchical presentation of multiple groups of victims' names displayed at the same moment, multiple victim groups differentiated by group affiliations, multiple victim groups defined by genocide or murder, individual names presented in relation to group representations, groups in relation to other groups, and names and percentages of victims pertaining to each group displayed alongside the multiple groupings. This information was depicted through graphic means, across an unimaginable panoramic view of 91,780 victims' names, projected onto the walls of buildings surrounding Josefsplatz. The Naming Memorial represented a single narrative of a nation's history of genocide and murder.
Early on, people joined the project on the basis of creating an inclusive memorial whereby all names would be treated equally; same font, same size letters, and same duration for projection. When it became clear that I would include group affiliations as part of victims' identity and history, some team members expressed a concern that Jewish victims not dominate an "inclusive" memorial project. I was advised more than once, that "the memorial should not be too Jewish." I was quick to take the position that an inclusive memorial must also represent the history accurately. This included noting victims' names in conjunction with archival categorizations. Nonetheless, team members perceived the issue of numbers as problematic, arguing that depicting group affiliations in any form to reveal numbers would create hierarchy.
Erasure of archival information was unacceptable to me, especially in representing a history of genocide and murder that was all about erasure. The number of Jews murdered reflected factual information, not the urge to dominate or control the narrative. A division of opinion regarding inclusion and difference continued to polarize members of the project team. The debate strengthened my conviction that difference could be represented graphically without imposing a new hierarchical order. As the original artist, the founding director, and producer of the Memorial Project, I was in a position to determine the conceptual design of the Naming Memorial. I worked closely with video artist Elisabeth Wildling to implement the complexity of this plan.
The Naming Memorial became the pinnacle of my scholarship concerning a respectful depiction of this horrific history. No one was left out, nor was history rewritten to satisfy a sanitized or politically revised presentation of memory. (15) The projections were fleeting, lasting about three hours. It was a miraculous moment: a naked confrontation with a dark past, paid for by the Austrian government.
Two Memorial Projects Under Parallel Development
I first introduced The Vienna Project to members of the Austrian government in 2009. At the time, the Austrian government politely expressed disinterest in the project. I did not know that the government was preparing to launch a "call for artists" to submit a proposal for a new memorial project for Austrian Deserters. In fact, five years later, these two memorials had an uncanny convergence.
The Vienna Project opened on 23rd October, 2013 and closed on 18th October, 2014. The unveiling for the Deserter Memorial occurred on 24th October, 2014, just 400 meters away. Curiously, the same rationale invoked at our opening was used at the unveiling of the Deserter Memorial: "national identity must include national memory" (Austria's National Day was celebrated a few days later on both occasions). Additional parallels are equally striking.
The two projects had the same timeline for development, from 2010-2014, and addressed the same history from different vantage points, using different methodologies of remembrance. German artist Olaf Nicolai's permanent memorial reflected the ideas of an individual artist, using traditional motifs and materials (a pedestal, an inscription, and concrete). The memorial is centrally located across from the Federal Chancellery, dedicated to memorializing deserters. (16) Wehrmacht deserters were Austrian. Unlike the persecuted Austrian minority groups represented in The Vienna Project's Naming Memorial, these Austrians were not perceived as "other," actively persecuted as a result of a racist ideology. The plight of deserters and their post-war history was compelling on different grounds. A striking three tier monument, constructed in the shape of an "X," the structure symbolized anonymity and heteronomy. Plans for the Deserter Memorial followed the "Recognition Act" passed in 2009 to overturn prior sentences, as well as grant compensation to deserters and their families. The two memorials cost roughly the same amount of money: 220,000 [euro] for the Deserter Memorial and 300,000 [euro] for The Vienna Project. Closing and unveiling events attracted approximately the same size audiences, roughly 250-300 attendees. (17) Additional distinctions are worth noting.
Initially, The Vienna Project was poorly received. I was discouraged from pursuing my ideas by government offices, as well as numerous institutions presumably sympathetic to my goals. I was an unknown entity, without a track record for project development in Vienna. Over time, however, an attitude of disinterestedness gave way to an expression of support. By the project's closing, government officials in both Federal and City offices, as well as every major cultural and historic institution in Vienna celebrated the project. Ninety percent of funding came from the Austrian government, Austrian corporations, and in-kind institutional support. The inclusive design of the memorial project with the caveat that groups be presented in a differentiated format, received high accolades. Despite this enormous outpouring of support, not one news reporter attended the Closing Ceremony or the Naming Memorial. The size of The Vienna Project, the complexity of its design, plus our lack of PR funding may have contributed to these circumstances.
By contrast, the Deserter Memorial's unveiling received widespread attention from international news media. While the impetus to create the memorial came from the government, its public reception was fraught with political backlash. Deserters continue to hold a controversial place within Austria's history of National Socialism. Many Austrians feel that deserters do not deserve public recognition, continuing to be perceived as traitors of the regime. By funding this project as a government-based initiative, public memory in Vienna took a new turn.
The Deserter Memorial accomplished the dissemination of three significant messages regarding National Socialism. First, in the aftermath of an unjust war, conducted under an evil and repressive regime defined by hateful racist ideologies, resistance against one's government can be condoned as a moral and courageous act. Second, the strategic location of the memorial, placed in Ballhausplatz across from the Chancellor's office, highlighted the historic murder of Chancellor Engelbert Dolfuss during an unsuccessful Austrian Nazi coup attempt in 1934. Austrofascist history between 1933-1938 was distinctly different from its German counterpart, (18) despite an endless supply of photos documenting Austria's triumphant response regarding its unification with Germany. Third, the monument becomes a concrete symbol of how today's government distances itself from the history of National Socialism by recognizing Austrian deserters as courageous opponents to this unlawful regime.
The Vienna Project's Naming Memorial also contained significant elements of controversy, breaking through years of silence. The first Naming Memorial of its kind in Europe and the first naming memorial in Vienna to actually name Jews, Roma and Sinti, homosexuals, the mentally ill and physically and mentally disabled, Jehovah Witnesses, Carinthian Slovenians, and dissident victims, The Vienna Project achieved an unprecedented level of openness that lives on as a memory of a memory. The multi-faceted memorial provided the Austrian government with the opportunity to endorse multiple victims groups. While the history itself could not be rehabilitated, ideas about memory advanced, embracing new measures of inclusion, participation, and historic accuracy.
The Vienna Project officially began in 2010 to mark the 75th anniversary of the Anschluss. The history of this project and its favorable reception within Austria supports a new chapter in Austria's history and memory of National Socialism. "Ruptured Memory on the Streets of Vienna" sheds light on how today's Austrian government supports Holocaust memory while seeking to distance itself from the fascist and racist ideologies of the past.
One of the project's most salient accomplishments was to bring members of different political parties together in support of The Vienna Project. Curiously, this was an unintended by-product of a massive fundraising campaign.
In bringing the project to a close, I was told that my American spirit of invincible optimism and entrepreneurial-ship surprised many Austrians, who were moved to help. While the city was slow to endorse the project, once a few leaders pledged support, others joined in. Of equal significance was the fact that no one "blocked" the project. The inclusive design of the memorial appealed to most groups. No single group dared oppose the project on those grounds. In the end, small amounts of support came from twenty-one Austrian organizations, six private foundations, nine municipal and four federal offices, five corporations, ten small businesses, and eight individuals. US contributions were incidental. This meant that Austrian support was diversified and could not be construed in political terms. As the project moved from the margins to the center, so did my status as an outsider. By the project's end, government offices and organizations were eager to be named in the program booklet as a sponsor or contributor to the project. People of different political persuasions shared a collective sense of pride in helping to make this project a reality.
While the story of funding pales in comparison to the innovative design of the memorial project, it is the context of Austria's daunting history of genocide, paired with a history of denial that makes these facts so significant. How a country moves from denial to bearing responsibility for crimes committed is of great interest to scholars working with histories of genocide.
The obligation to remember the past, the victim groups, criminal acts perpetrated by regime members, as well as courageous actions of resistance, must be renewed again and again as each generation comes of age. Protecting and promoting human rights in the present is best understood when the darkest chapters of a nation's history are also remembered.
"Austria Inaugurates Memorial to Wehrmacht Deserters Killed by the Nazis". 2014. Accessed November 21, 2014. http://www.dw.de/austria-inaugurates-memorial-to-wehrmachtdeserters-killed-by-the-nazis/a-18019168.
Botz, Gerhard. 2014. "The Coming of the Dollfuss-Schuschnigg Regime and the Stages of its Development." In Rethinking Fascism and Dictatorship in Europe. Edited by C. P. Antonio and A. Kallis. London: Palgrave MacmillanUK, 121-141.
Grimm, Laura. 2015. "Adolf Hitler Biography", bio. Accessed March 1, 2015. http://www.biography.com/people/adolf-hitler-9340144.
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Murphy, T. 2014. "Vienna: The World's Secret Capital of Contemporary Art". Traveler. Accessed March 1, 2015. http://www.cntraveler.eom/stories/2014-12-03/vienna-fair-austriacontemporary-art-mak.
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(1.) In 2007, I learned from the department of immigration that I had always been an Austrian citizen, based on my father's record of citizenship before 1936. This meant that I was not "acquiring" Austrian citizenship, but, rather, "claiming" my Austrian citizenship.
(2.) The Anschluss occurred on March 12, 1938 when Austria was annexed into greater Germany. The Anschluss marks the turning point when racial persecution officially began in Austria. The Nuremburg laws went into immediate effect. 130,000 Jews fled Austria--the majority of Jews were expelled--starting in 1938 until the borders were closed. My father was among those arrested and sent into exile. From Grimm, Laura. "Adolf Hitler: Biography," 2015, accessed March 1, 2015, http://www.biography.com/people/adolf-hitler9340144
(3.) Weinzierl, Erika. The Jewish Middle Class in Vienna in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Minneapolis, MN: Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota, 2003).
(4.) Prodhan, Georgina. "Austria's Jews Wary of Quiet Rise in Anti-Semitism," World News, accessed March 9, 2015, http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2013/03/ll/17265291-austrias-jews-wary-of-quietrise-in-anti-semitism? lite.
(5.) "2014 Quality of Living Word-wide City Rankings," Newsroom, 2014, accessed February 19, 2014, http://www.mercer.com/content/mercer/global/all/en/newsroom/2014quality-of-living-survey.html.
(6.) Jahr, H. Sustainable Urban Infrastructure, 2009, accessed November 22, 2014, https://www.mobility.siemens.com/mobility/global/SiteCollectionDocuments/en/integratedmobility/mobility- consulting/sustainable-urban-infrastructure-vienna.pdf.
(7.) Murphy, Tim. "Vienna: The World's Secret Capital of Contemporary
Art," Traveler, 2014, March 1, 2015, http://www.cntraveler.com/stories/2014-12-03/vienna-fairaustria-contemporary-art-mak.
(8.) Nowak, Manfred. "Vienna-City of Human Rights," Human Rights, 2015, February 22, 2015, http://birn.lbg.ac.at/en/vienna-city-human-rights-0.
(9.) Salzmann, M. Austrian State Elections: Far-Right Freedom Party makes Significant Gains, 2015, accessed July 13, 2015, https://ww.wsws.org/en/articles/2015/06/04/farr-j04.html.
(10.) Tejas, Aditya. "38 Arrests in Vienna at Protest Against Far Right 'Academics' Ball'," Politics, 2015, March 1, 2015, http://www.ibtimes.com/38-arrests-vienna-protestagainst-far-right-academics- ball-1801284.
(11.) Heldenplatz, which means "Heroes Square," is situated in front of the Hofburg Palace and is historically the site for a great deal of political activity. On March 15, 1938, Hitler spoke from the balcony of the Hofburg Palace, facing throngs of jubilant Austrians gathering there to celebrate the Anschluss, that had taken place three days earlier.
(12.) I use the term of "Jewish ancestry" in lieu of being identified as a "Jewish artist." The latter term does not conform to public policy that prevents identifying someone by his or her religion. For practical purposes, I was referred to as an American artist, on occasion as an Austrian artist, but never as an Austrian-American artist or a Jewish artist.
(13.) O'Neill and Doherty describe participation as a "form of civic practice" O'Neill, P. and C. Docherty. eds. Locating the Producers: Durational Approaches to Public Art (New York: Valiz/Antennae Series, 2011), 9.
(14.) The phrase reoccurs in different configurations around the city in ten languages, representing victim groups, present-day minority groups, and tourist groups: Deutsch, Yiddish, Romani, Slovenian, Polish, Russian, Serbo-Croatian/Bosnian, Turkish, Hebrew and English.
(15.) Names of persecuted victims of National Socialism came from six databases. Acknowledgement of the "unnamed" victims, noted in the archives as "N.N., mannlich N.N., weiblich N.N." was included as the final slide of the naming memorial. Therefore, "all" recorded names found in the databases, that also encompassed the "unnamed," were noted in the project's "Naming Memorial."
(16.) Weiharter, Elke . Olaf Nicolai: Memorial for the Victims of Nazi Military Justice, 2014, accessed February 22, 2015, http://www.koer.or.at/cgi-bin/page.pl?id=493&lang=en.
(17.) "Austria Inaugurates Memorial to Wehrmacht Deserters Killed by the Nazis," 2014, November 21, 2014, http://www.dw.de/austria-inaugurates-memorial-to-wehrmachtdeserters-killed-by-the-nazis/a- 18019168.
(18.) Botz, G. "The Coming of the Dollfuss-Schuschnigg Regime and the Stages of its Development." in Rethinking Fascism and Dictatorship in Europe, eds. C. P. Antonio and A. Kallis (London: Palgrave MacmillanUK, 2014), 121-141.
Karen Frostig is Founding Director of The Vienna Project, Associate Professor, Lesley University; and Resident Scholar in the Scholars Program of the Women's Studies Research Center, Brandeis University.
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|Title Annotation:||Vienna, Austria|
|Publication:||Journal for the Study of Antisemitism|
|Date:||Dec 1, 2015|
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