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Revisiting Schools of To-morrow: lessons from Educational Biography.

December 2015 marks the conclusion of my role as editor of Vitae Scholasticae: The Journal of Educational Biography. In appreciation for this extraordinary professional and personal experience, I am sharing with Vitae readers some of my own biographical work. This essay reflects a recent trend in life writing in which a scholar gleans "otherwise undiscoverable realities" about major historical trends through the life of an ordinary person. (1) Here I present some of my findings on the life of progressive educator Flora White (1860-1948), juxtaposed against a classic in educational history: John and Evelyn Dewey's Schools of To-morrow. (2) As I will demonstrate, the findings suggest a need to re-examine current views on the formative period of progressive education.

Thomas Fallace and Victoria Fantozzi note in a recent Educational Studies article that 2015 is the 100-year anniversary of Schools of To-morrow. (3) The book-which described the implementation of progressive theory in real school settings-enjoyed a wide readership, with fourteen printings in ten years. It focused national attention, in particular, on Marietta Johnson's School of Organic Education in Fairhope, Alabama, and catapulted her into a major leadership role as a founding member of the Progressive Education Association (PEA). On a personal level, Schools of To-morrow provided a point of departure for the late twentieth- and early twenty-first century scholars who informed my work on the lives of women in the progressive education movement. I was inspired, for example, by Susan Semel and Alan Sadovnik's efforts to recover the work of female founders of progressive schools, many of whom might otherwise have been lost to history. Evoking the Deweys' book, Semel and Sadovnik assembled groups of historians whose essays appeared in two edited volumes-"Sdzooy's of Tomorrow," Schools of Today: What Happened to Progressive Education, (4) and Founding Mothers and Others: Women Educational Leaders During the Progressive Era. (5) These historians have greatly impacted the research on women in progressive education that continues today.

Despite the wide influence of Schools of To-morrow, and the fact that its publication initially elicited "mostly positive reviews," Fallace and Fantozzi report that over time the book became John Dewey's "most controversial and problematic text." (6) While largely affirming Schools of To-morrow, Fallace and Fantozzi note that some critics accused John Dewey "of being an uncritical disciple of French philosopher Jean Jacques Rousseau." Others suggested he was "opposed to the transmission of content to students." Most recently, Dewey has been criticized for "endorsing a curriculum that patronized Black students." (7) My own reading of Schools of To-morrow, and my study of primary sources from Flora White's archive, reveal other problems. As I will demonstrate, John Dewey did not appropriately credit a rival theorist with the concept of Organic Education when he wrote the second chapter of Schools of Tomorrow-suggesting instead that the term was Marietta Johnson's. Following the book's success, Dewey's rival, Charles Hanford Henderson, became marginalized-despite having had a substantial influence on New England's early progressive movement and women participants like Flora White. In light of Dewey's eventual prominence in progressive education, twenty-first century scholars seeking to understand the movement's formative period focused largely on women associated with Dewey in Chicago and New York. As a result, the historical narrative around early progressive education is limited in its geographic reach. This essay calls for research across a broader geographic swath, deepening an understanding of women's contributions to the movement's formative period.

Origins of the Schools of To-morrow

Fallace and Fantozzi trace the origins of Schools of To-morrow to John Dewey's visit to Marietta Johnson's School of Organic Education in Fairhope, Alabama in December 1913. The genesis of that experimental school is detailed in Johnson's memoir, completed shortly after her death in 1938 and first published by the University of Alabama Press in 1974.

In 1902, Marietta Johnson-a former supervising teacher in a Minnesota normal school-moved with her husband Frank to the Utopian community of Fairhope, Alabama, on Mobile Bay. Like many residents of Fairhope, the Johnsons were socialists, and the community was established according to the single-tax theory of Henry George, author of Progress and Poverty. (8) Johnson's memoir describes how she radically altered her pedagogy after reading two books. One was The Development of the Child, written in 1898 by New York pediatrician Nathan Oppenheim; (9) the other was Education arid the Larger Life, written by Charles Hanford Henderson and published in 1904. Henderson devoted an entire chapter of the book to "Organic Education," which he described as all parts of the human organism operating together as a fundamental condition for success. (10) (Today we would call it educating the whole child.) In 1914 Henderson published a sequel titled What Is It To Be Educated? that was designed to offer "concrete and practical" approaches to his ideas. (11)

Prior to writing Education and the Larger Life, Henderson had taught physics and chemistry in Philadelphia and in 1893 became principal of the Northeast Branch of the city's Manual Training School. He lectured on manual training at Harvard in 1897-98 before being appointed headmaster of the Pratt Institute in Brooklyn, a trade school with an emphasis on art and design. Henderson actively promoted his educational ideas in 1897 by giving public lectures on organic education at the Boston Sloyd Training School. (12) The school provided a natural audience for Henderson because it instructed teachers (including Flora White in 1897) on using woodcrafts to enhance students' cognitive abilities and manual dexterity. Henderson continued to speak in Boston during the winter of 1899 when he gave a ten-lecture series on organic education at the Industrial School under the sponsorship of Pauline Agassiz Shaw. A wealthy philanthropist, Shaw was the daughter of Harvard scientist Louis Agassiz and a benefactor of the Sloyd Training School. (13) Later, in the fall of 1899, Henderson gave a lecture series on organic education at Griffith Hall in Philadelphia "under the patronage of a number of well-known Philadelphians." (14) The lectures benefited Tuskegee Institute, an Alabama school for African Americans that was founded in 1881 with Booker T. Washington as its first teacher.

Writing in 1896, Henderson observed, "A progressive education would be one in which the educational process [is] being constantly readjusted to meet... changing conditions." (15) He advocated an educational program that would address the physical, intellectual, and moral needs of children. Noting that children are inherently curious, Henderson suggested they want "to be employed... with something that interests them, not mama or papa, or the teacher." (16)

Marietta Johnson discussed Henderson's influence in her memoir:
   .... Henderson, in his epoch-making book.... presented a most
   constructive criticism of life and education. He not only agreed
   with Oppenheim as to the nature of the growing child and the
   insistence that the adult's supreme responsibility is to supply the
   right conditions of growth, but suggested a practical
   program-life-giving to body, mind, and spirit.

      This idea took possession of me and I could not rest until I had
   started a school. (17)

Prior to encountering the books by Oppenheim and Henderson, Johnson had operated in a professional environment where "The Curriculum was sacred!" (18) She discovered she "had been forcing children 'way beyond their powers ... [and] had practically been maiming their minds and emotions." She concluded the entire system in which she taught "went directly contrary to the natural needs of the child." (19)

However, Marietta Johnson was challenged in implementing her new beliefs in a local school setting. When the Johnsons arrived at Fairhope, Alabama was still struggling to build a viable system of public education since the South had been slow to embrace common schooling. The Johnsons and other Midwestern transplants soon discovered that Fairhope's public schools compared unfavorably to schools in their previous communities. With the support of one Fairhope couple who offered to provide $25.00 per month for expenses, Marietta Johnson opened a free school for six young pupils. She recruited students with disabilities who could not attend public schools. Johnson also gained the financial support of Joseph Fels, founder of Fels Naptha Soap Company, who funded single-tax initiatives throughout the United States. His philanthropy allowed her to relocate the School of Organic Education to a better facility and draw children of well-to-do families in the Northeast and Midwest who were interested in progressive education. (20) The school afforded students an opportunity for physical exercise, nature study, music, handwork, storytelling, dramatizations, and games. They were led into reading, writing, arithmetic, and geography not through coercion, but by their desire to know.

Eventually Marietta Johnson made "society friends" from Greenwich, Connecticut, who invited John Dewey to visit the School of Organic Education in December 1913.21 He was then at Teachers College/Columbia University in New York, having left the University of Chicago where he had chaired the Department of Philosophy, Psychology, and Pedagogy from 1894 to 1904. (Between 1896 and 1903, Dewey also served as director of the University of Chicago laboratory school.) Fallace and Fantozzi report that Schools of To-morrow signaled "a new direction" for John Dewey because the book "endorsed progressive approaches to teaching that diverged from the curriculum he helped implement and wrote extensively about at the University of Chicago's laboratory school." (22) The book described theories and curricula behind 16 selected schools. They included the School of Organic Education in Fairhope, Alabama; the Elementary School at the University of Missouri; Public Schools No. 45 and No. 26 in Indianapolis; the public schools of Chicago (including the Francis Parker School, the Howland School, and the Lane School); the Cottage School at Riverside, Illinois; the Phoebe Thorn Experimental School of Bryn Mawr College; the boys' school at Interlaken, Indiana; the Little School in the Woods at Greenwich, Connecticut; Miss Pratt's Play School in New York City; the kindergarten of Teacher's College of Columbia University; the public school system of Gary, Indiana; and the public schools of Cincinnati.

In the preface, John Dewey noted that the schools presented in Schools of To-morrow "were chosen more or less at random; because we already knew of them or because they were conveniently located." Dewey added that they did not begin to represent the efforts of "sincere teachers" in schools "growing up all over the country" where efforts were underway to "work out definite educational ideas." (23) As Fallace and Fantozzi point out, the Deweys did not create a random sample; rather, they identified a group of schools with tendencies towards greater freedom, child-centeredness, and "the recognition of the role education must play in a democracy." (24) Most of the schools presented in the book were located in the Midwest or New York, where the Deweys had lived. Evelyn Dewey, recently graduated from Barnard College in New York with aspirations of becoming an educational journalist and writer, conducted all on-site visits at the 16 selected schools/school districts, except one; John Dewey made the trip to Fairhope with his 14-year-old son Sabino, who attended the School of Organic Education for a week and wanted to stay.

Marietta Johnson's school was the first to be featured in Schools of Tomorrow. Its presentation constituted the entire second chapter, immediately following a chapter (presumably written by Dewey) on the teachings of Rousseau. Dewey described the School of Organic Education as an experiment in Rousseau's principles. Dewey wrote, "To this spot [Fairhope] during the past few years students and experts have made pilgrimages, and the influence of Mrs. Johnson's model has led to the starting of similar schools in different parts of the United States." (25)

The Deweys' book was an international success. It has continued to prompt interest among researchers to the present day. As recently as 2013, Jeroen Staring referenced the book when he wrote, "only one reformer--Marietta Johnson of Fairhope, Alabama--dared to found a school, its core curriculum sailing under the flag of Henderson's organic education." (26) However, my research revealed two problems with Dewey's presentation in Schools of To-morrow and the enthusiasm it generated, as evidenced by Staring's assertion. First, Dewey failed to appropriately credit Henderson in the book. Second, Johnson's was not the first organic school.

Puzzling Findings

Even before the publication of Schools of To-morrow, John Dewey reported on his visit to Fairhope, suggesting the School of Organic Education continue as an "experiment station" so its method could "spread and permeate the rural schools of the county and then of adjacent counties." (27) There is no mention of Henderson in the written record of Dewey's report, as there is no mention of Henderson in the book.

Some scholars noticed the omissions. Writing in 1961, Lawrence A. Cremin observed that Marietta Johnson "undoubtedly" borrowed the term, "organic education," from Charles Hanford Henderson. (28) (In the bibliography, Cremin also cited Education: A History, a 1946 book by A. Gordon Melvin that portrayed "the [Francis] Parker-Henderson-Johnson stream as the authentic stream of progressive education"). (29) In "Schools of Tomorrow," Schools of Today Joseph W. Newman suggested that Dewey did not acknowledge Henderson's work in organic education because the two men were rivals. (30) In 2015, Fallace and Fantozzi likewise note that Dewey failed to mention Henderson in the 1915 book. (31) It is important to point out, however, that Dewey went beyond the omission these scholars noted, actually implying in the book that the term, "organic education," was Johnson's. (Dewey wrote, "She calls her methods of education 'organic' because they follow the natural growth of the pupil.") (32)

Given Dewey's professional activities in 1902, he was almost certainly aware of the publication of Education and the Larger Life and its chapter titled "Organic Education." Apart from his role as department chairman at the University of Chicago, he also directed the faculty of the school of education and served as editor of The Elementary School Teacher. During this period Henderson's writings were cited in numerous professional publications ranging from general education and industrial education journals, to official reports and religious magazines. (33) Moreover, The New York Times highlighted the connection between Henderson, organic education, and Marietta Johnson shortly before her Greenwich friends invited Dewey to visit Fairhope. On March 16, 1913 the Times ran a full-page article on Johnson's school under the headline, "Founder of Organic Education Tells of New School." A subheading stated, "Mrs. Marietta I. Johnson of Fairhope, Ala. Discusses a System of Developing the Latent Powers of Children and Points Out Weaknesses of Prevailing Methods of Teaching." The Times reporter wrote a brief introduction and then recorded Johnson's words for the remainder of the article in which she credited Oppenheim and then Henderson for influencing her pedagogy and program. Johnson stated:
   The next step in my process came when I procured Dr.

   Henderson's "Education and the Larger Life." This is a remarkable
   contribution to our educational science. It puts the whole interest
   upon the doer, not upon the thing he does. Knowledge, itself, is of
   no value, unless the person can profit by it, and in consequence,
   there is much useless knowledge in the world. We all know that.
   Yet, despite our knowledge of it, we suppress the child in every
   way, almost, that he may 'learn.' (34)

It is difficult to imagine that John Dewey, a New York resident, would have been unaware of the Times article; however-even if that were the case-Dewey's own writing documents his knowledge of Henderson's prior work in organic education. In October 1915-five months after the release of Schools of To-morrow-Dewey published a response in School and Home Education to William C. Bagley's criticisms of his new book. Dewey denied the allegation that Schools of To-morrow focused on his "disciples" who put his theories into practice. He answered Bagley by writing, "So far as Mrs. Johnson's Organic Education is not the result of her own public school experience, it is inspired by the writings of Dr. Hanford Henderson." (35) It would appear that Dewey neglected to appropriately credit Henderson in a book with a large readership but evoked his name to sidestep criticism in a publication with a smaller circulation.

Not the First

My own research on the lives of women in progressive education revealed that Marietta Johnson did not, as Staring contends, found the first organic school. Dewey noted in the preface to Schools of To-morrow-and Harold Rugg and Ann Shumaker confirmed in 1928-that the formative period of progressive education had an ad hoc quality, with individual practitioners conducting isolated experiments. (36) Although it would be nearly impossible to determine who established the first school to implement the principles of organic education, Henderson's prominence in the decade prior to 1907 suggests that at least one such school-and possibly more-could have existed before the founding of Johnson's school at Fairhope.

Proof of that possibility surfaced in my biographical research on Flora White, a public school teacher who revolted against the industrial model of education and in 1897 founded her own experimental school in Concord, Massachusetts. Although White was my grandmother's aunt, I never knew her. (37) Nevertheless, after beginning a tenure-track appointment at my current university, I became the grateful recipient of a large cache of White's papers that members of my family had stored for over half a century following her death. The papers detailed a full career experimenting with, and publicizing, child-centered theories of the early progressive education movement. Prior to founding Miss White's Home School in Concord, she studied at the Sloyd Training School in Boston where she gave lectures that alternated every week with those of Harvard professor and pragmatist William James. Francis Parker offered her a job heading a department at Cook County Normal School; however, White declined because she had recently accepted another position at Westfield (Massachusetts) Normal School on the urging of the Secretary of the State Board of Education. Two informational booklets for Miss White's Home School-the only ones extant today-list C. Hanford Henderson as an endorser. Printed first for the 1900-01 school year and then for 1906-07, the earliest booklet is housed in Massachusetts in the Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association Library and Historic Deerfield Library; the other booklet belonged to Flora's niece, Catherine White, and remains in a private archive.

I was startled by the 1900-01 booklet's articulation of the philosophical principles of Miss White's Home School:
      This school is an effort in the direction of organic education,
   and is founded in the belief that a healthy, active organism is the
   first requisite for a healthy, active mind.

      Regime, physique, and bodily alertness are considered pre-eminent
   as factors of education. (38)

Although "organic education" is an unfamiliar term to most twenty-first century readers, it is interesting that in 1900 White felt no need to define it for her audience, apparently expecting they would understand it. Following the publication of Education and the Larger Life, Flora White continued to use the term, "organic," in her school's 1906-07 booklet that stated, "This school was founded in the belief that a healthy, active organism is the only sure foundation for a healthy, active mind." (39) Perhaps to assure parents who might hesitate to place their children in what White acknowledged was an experimental school, she added:
      [This school] has been described as a new departure in education,
   but it is rather an effort to retain in its grasp that which has in
   all ages been recognized as the best in education.

      It considers, as did the schools of Greece, that good physique
   and bodily vigor are indispensable to mental activity; and it
   therefore provides a training [that is] organic, vital, [and]
   permanent. (40)

In short, the documents demonstrate that Miss White's Home School employed Henderson's principles of organic education well before Marietta Johnson. By all accounts, White's school achieved its purpose. The alumnae included the dean of Wellesley College, famous artists, and women who were prominent in civic affairs. In retirement, Flora White pronounced the school a "marked success" and the pinnacle of her career. She recalled that college requirements did not drive her curriculum, although her students prepared for college and had no difficulty passing college exams. (41) Although the school closed in 1914-one year after John Dewey's visit to Fairhope-Flora White's work helped to pave the way for the founding of Concord Academy, today regarded as one of the top secondary schools in the United States.

Henderson's Marginalization

Marietta Johnson made a substantial contribution to progressive education. As she became more prominent, Johnson was increasingly identified with John Dewey rather than Charles Hanford Henderson. In The Transformation of the School, Cremin noted that "Mrs. Johnson read other works [in addition to Oppenheim] that helped her in formulating her ideas, among them Education and the Larger Life by C. Hanford Henderson, the scientist-headmaster of Pratt Institute in New York, and some early pamphlets of John Dewey." (42) Later publications from the State of Alabama cite Dewey as an early influence on Johnson while failing to mention Henderson. The current Encyclopedia of Alabama, for example, reports that Johnson's ideas were shaped by Oppenheim's The Development of the Child, as well as Jean Jacques Rousseau, Friedrich Froebel, and John Dewey. (43) Similarly, Henderson's name is absent from a University of Alabama News article that attributes Johnson's theoretical influences to Rousseau, Froebel, and Dewey. (44) Henderson's legacy was also diminished by misspellings of his name in Marietta Johnson's memoir, completed shortly after her death in 1938 and housed at Teacher's College prior to its 1974 publication by the University of Alabama Press. While Johnson named Henderson as being-along with Oppenheim-a key influence on her pedagogy and school program, his name repeatedly appeared in the text as C. Manford Henderson. The misspelling was replicated in George Allen Brown's "Memoir of Marietta Johnson," published at the eighteenth annual meeting of the Alabama Historical Association and again in Thirty Years with an Idea. According to Brown, Marietta Johnson stated, "It was when she studied 'Education and the Larger Life' by Charles Manford Henderson that she felt she had something practical upon which to start, and with her own small boys, she began to experiment." (45)

After 1915 John Dewey's prominence grew, while Henderson's waned by comparison. By Marietta Johnson's own acknowledgment, Dewey's support helped her raise funds for her school, and she became one of the first U. S. women educational leaders to gain recognition for twentieth-century reform efforts. Half a century later, Lawrence Cremin recognized Johnson's pioneering work in The Transformation of the School. He called the School of Organic Education "easily the most child-centered of the early experimental schools." (46) As early as 1919, Johnson became a founding member and one of five speakers at the first meeting of the Progressive Education Association, which became the most influential voice for child-centered pedagogy in the United States.

A Binary

The reader might wonder why, if he was reluctant to give credit to Henderson, Dewey would offer unqualified praise to Johnson, even suggesting organic education was her term. One possibility might lie in the binary view of gender that placed men in the role of theorists, and women in the role of practitioners. If John Dewey really regarded Henderson as a rival in 1915, then Marietta Johnson-a woman practitioner-would have posed a much lesser threat to Dewey's prominence in the field. Although it is difficult for current readers to envision that an educator whose name is virtually unknown today could have seriously rivaled John Dewey, the early importance of the two men is suggested in a 1920 Washington Times article. It claims progressive education began with Dewey and the Laboratory School at the University of Chicago, and with Henderson's manual training experiments and writing. (47) Furthermore, Staring contends that Dewey's career was still on the rise when he came to Teachers College--and only by 1915 did he "become a welcome guest speaker at many meetings about public education in New York City ... [and] an ever more prominent authority on progressive education." (48)

The notion of a theory/practice dichotomy that marginalized women's contributions to educational thought (both before and after Dewey) has been suggested by feminist scholars from Jane Roland Martin to Susan Douglas Franzosa. (49) They demonstrate the dichotomy is a false one, inasmuch as the women who experimented with new educational practices (like Johnson and White) were also informing theory. It is noteworthy that, over one hundred years after the founding of Marietta Johnson's school, scholars have continued to discuss the degree to which her contributions to educational thought may have been marginalized. An example is Jerry Aldridge and Lois McFayden Christiansen's 2013 book, Stealing From the Mother: The Marginalization of Women in Education and Psychology from 1900-2010. The authors note that "many of the progressive ideas Marietta developed have been basically ignored or attributed to John Dewey." (50) Other scholars have explored Dewey's views that both empowered and marginalized women in such works as Charlene Haddock Seigfried's edited book, Feminist Interpretations of John Dewey (51) and Francis Maher's essay, "John Dewey, Progressive Education and Feminist Pedagogies: Issues of Gender and Authority." (52) In examining the historiography of gender and progressive education, Kathleen Weiler observed that "when Dewey addressed the situation of women, he never seems to have considered the idea that 'man' was a privileged location." (53) Weiler concluded that Dewey "dealt unevenly" with "different representations of women, and most frequently ignored the question of gender altogether." (54)

Charles Hanford Henderson died in 1941. Five years later Melvin wrote that Henderson, a superb writer who was "modest to a fault," was "[o]ne of the greatest educators of the twentieth century" who, "far from being heralded from the housetops, was almost forgotten even before his death." (55) In 1896, after observing the effects of summer learning loss among his students, Henderson had founded a pioneering boys' camp called Marienfeld in Chesham, New Hampshire. (56) In 1914 he established an open-air school that he also called Marienfeld, in Samarcand, North Carolina. After moving to the South, Henderson remained there for the rest of his life, retiring in Tryon, North Carolina, and spending winters in Daytona Beach. It is likely that Flora White first met him when he was lecturing at the Sloyd Training School in Boston. Beyond having an interest in educational theory, she operated, with her sister Mary, a summer camp for little boys at Heath, Massachusetts, and would have had an additional reason for interest in Henderson's work.

Given the information in Flora White's school booklets and the interest in new educational ideas in New England and elsewhere at the turn of the twentieth century, there are compelling reasons to revisit school founders in the formative period of progressive education, in order to better understand the movement. It is noteworthy that in the early twenty-first century, when historians began to explore the contributions of women progressive educators, the lack of sources caused scholars to begin their research with women who had been associated with John Dewey in Chicago and New York. After all, they had to start somewhere. While this effort produced important scholarship, it also had a limiting effect. Of the female founders depicted in Founding Mothers and Others: Women Educational Leaders During the Progressive Era, most had a connection to Dewey. Among the cited founders who established schools before 1935, none were situated in New England. In view of the region's prominence in the history of education-as seen, for example, in Horace Mann, Elizabeth Peabody, and Francis Parker-there are likely some women leaders, in addition to White, who remain unrecognized but whose stories would be useful to scholars. If, as Dewey suggested, educational experimentation was occurring all over the U. S., historians would be well advised to explore experimental schools that existed across a broad geo graphic area. Such an approach would better trace the contributions of teachers and activists to the formative period of progressive education, while also providing an understanding of how the movement unfolded.

Summary and Conclusions

Landmark dates are important occasions to revisit classic texts. Fallace and Fantozzi are to be commended for re-examining Schools of To-morrow at its centenary. The documents of Flora White reveal new perspectives on John Dewey and Marietta Johnson, both important figures in Schools of To-morrow. White's sources also underscore how biographical research on less prominent persons can contribute to an understanding of larger historical trends. Since previous research on female founders of progressive schools has largely focused on women associated with John Dewey-and substantial interest in educational reform was also evident around Charles Hanford Henderson in Boston and Philadelphia-it would behoove scholars to cast a wider geographic net to study women who made important contributions to the theory and practice of progressive education's formative era.

Linda C. Morice

Southern Illinois University



(1) Barbara Finkelstein, "Revealing Human Agency: The Uses of Biography in the Study of Educational History," in Writing Educational Biography: Explorations in Qualitative Research, ed. Craig Kridel. (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1998). See also Barbara Caine, Biography and History (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).

(2) John Dewey and Evelyn Dewey, Schools of To-morrow (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1915).

(3) Thomas Fallace and Victoria Fantozzi, "A Century of John and Evelyn Dewey's Schools of To-morrow: Rousseau, Recorded Knowledge, and Race in the Philosopher's Most Problematic Text," Educational Studies 5, no. 2 (2015): 129-152.

(4) Susan F. Semel and Alan R. Sadovnik, eds., "Schools of Tomorrow," Schools of Today: What Happened to Progressive Education (New York: Peter Lang, 1999).

(5) Alan R. Sadovnik and Susan F. Semel, eds., Founding Mothers and Others: Women Educational Leaders During the Progressive Era (New York: Palgrave, 2002).

(6) Fallace and Fantozzi, "A Century of John and Evelyn Dewey's Schools of To-morrow," 129.

(7) Ibid.

(8) In his 1879 best-selling book, George described the disparity between the haves and have-nots and advocated a single tax on land as the solution. Henry George, Progress and Poverty: An Inquiry into the Causes of Industrial Depressions, and of Increase of Want with Increase of Wealth (New York: W. J. Lavell, 1879).

(9) Nathan Oppenheim, The Development of the Child (New York: Macmillan, 1902).

(10) Charles Hanford Henderson, Education and the Larger Life (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1904).

(11) Charles Hanford Henderson, What Is It To Be Educated? (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), vi.

(12) Annual Report, Perkins School for the Blind (Boston: George H. Ellis, 1898), 79.

(13) The School Journal, 58 (January 28, 1899): 106.

(14) City & State, (August 10, 1899), 7: 83.

(15) Dr. C. Hanford Henderson, "The Aim of Modern Education," Popular Science Monthly (August 1896), 49: 487.

(16) Ibid., 496.

(17) Marietta Johnson, 30 Years with an Idea (University, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1974), 9-12.

(18) Ibid., 3.

(19) Ibid., xi-xii.

(20) Joseph W. Newman, "Experimental School, Experimental Community: The Marietta Johnson School of Organic Education in Fairhope, Alabama," in "Schools of Tomorrow," Schools of Today: What Happened to Progressive Education, eds. Susan F. Semel and Alan R. Sadovnik (New York: Peter Lang), 69, 75.

(21) Joseph W. Newman, "Marietta Johnson and the Organic School," in Founding Mothers and Others: Women Educational Leaders During the Progressive Era, eds. Alan R. Sadovnik and Susan F. Semel. (New York: Palgrave, 2002), 26.

(22) Fallace and Fantozzi, "A Century of John and Evelyn Dewey's Schools of To-morrow," 130.

(23) John Dewey and Evelyn Dewey, Schools of To-morrow preface.

(24) Fallace and Fantozzi, "A Century of John and Evelyn Dewey's Schools of To-morrow," 133.

(25) Dewey and Dewey, Schools of To-morrow, 17.

(26) Jeroen F. Staring, "Midwives of Progressive Education: The Bureau of Educational Experiments 1916-1919,"(Ph.D. diss., University of Amsterdam, 2013), 26.

(27) "Professor Dewey's Report on the Fairhope Experiment in Organic Education," in John Dewey: The Middle Works, 1899-1924, vol. 7 (Carbondale and Edwardsville, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1979), 387-389.

(28) Lawrence A. Cremin, The Transformation of the School: Progressivism in American Education, 1876-1957 (New York: Vintage Books, 1964), 149.

(29) Ibid., 373.

(30) Newman, "Experimental School, Experimental Community," 73.

(31) Fallace and Fantozzi, "A Century of John and Evelyn Dewey's Schools of To-morrow," 136.

(32) Dewey and Dewey, Schools of To-morrow, 23.

(33) Some of the publications included Industrial Education Magazine, Western Journal of Education, Perkins School for the Blind Annual Report, The Craftsman, Dominicana, and Report of the Commissioner of Education for Porto Rico.

(34) Davis Edwards, "Founder of Organic Education Tells of New School," The New York Times, March 16, 1913.

(35) "Educational Survey," School and Home Education (October 1915): 1.

(36) Harold Rugg and Ann Shumaker, The Child-Centered School (New York: Arno Press & the New York Times), 48-49.

(37) Two excellent sources examine the benefits and pitfalls that biographers may encounter when they write about family members they never knew. They are Lucy E. Bailey, "Necessary Betrayals: Reflections on Biographical Work on a Racist Ancestor," in Life Stories: Exploring Issues in Educational History Through Biography, eds. Linda C. Morice and Laurel Puchner. (Charlotte, NC: Information Age), 253-272; and Elisabeth Israels Perry, "From Belle Moskowitz to Women's History" in The Challenges of Feminist Biography: Writing the Lives of Modern American Women, ed. Sara Alpern et al. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 79-96.

(38) Miss White's Home School, Concord, MA, 1900, 1.

(39) Miss White's Home School, Concord, MA, 1906, 1.

(40) Ibid.

(41) Flora White, letter to Anne Halfpenny, June 17, 1940, Westfield State College.

(42) Cremin, The Transformation of the School, 148.

(43) Cynthia Mosteller-Timbes, "Marietta Johnson School of Organic Education," Encyclpedia of Alabama,, accessed July 29, 2015.

(44) "Magazine Tells of Marietta Johnson, Visionary," UA News, January 2, 2001.

(45) George Allen Brown, "Memoir: Marietta Johnson and the School of Organic Education," in Marietta Johnson, 30 Years with an Idea (University, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1974), xii.

(46) Cremin, The Transformation of the School, 152.

(47) "'Homelike' School Assn. to Meet Here," Washington Times, April 8, 1920: 11.

(48) Jeroen F. Staring, "Midwives of Progressive Education," 25.

(49) Jane Roland Martin, "Excluding Women From the Educational Realm," Harvard Educational Review, 52, no. 2 (1982): 133-148; Susan Douglas Franzosa, '"SchoolsYetTo-Be:' Recovering the Work of Nineteenth Century Women in Early Childhood Education," Vitae Scholasticae, 32, no. 1 (2015): 5-24.

(50) Jerry Aldridge and Lois McFayden Christiansen, Stealing From the Mother: The Marginalization of Women in Education and Psychology from 1900-2010 (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Education, 2013), 67.

(51) Charlene Haddock Seigfried, ed., Feminist Interpretations of Dewey (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002).

(52) Francis Maher, "John Dewey, Progressive Education and Feminist Pedagogies: Issues of Gender and Authority," in Feminist Engagements: Reading, Resisting, and Revisioning Male Theorists in Education and Cultural Studies, ed. Kathleen Weiler. (New York: Routledge, 2001), 13-32.

(53) Kathleen Weiler, "The Historiography of Gender and Progressive Education in the United States," Paedagogica Historica, 42 (2006): 167.

(54) Ibid., 175.

(55) A. Gordon Melvin, Education: A History (New York: John Day, 1946), 328-331.

(56) Raphael J. Shortlidge, "Marienfeld, A Summer Camp for Boys," freepages.geneaology. (accessed October 28, 2015).
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Author:Morice, Linda C.
Publication:Vitae Scholasticae
Article Type:Book review
Date:Sep 22, 2015
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