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Review essay: The Worldwide Web of Erasmus.

Desiderius Erasmus Roterodamus (1467-1536) left a huge written legacy. (1) To this day, many people are still working hard to manage this abundant inheritance, and there are countless readers who draw upon the richness of his works. Erasmus himself had no doubts about the value of his legacy and designed a publication schedule that formed the basis for the most important editions. A version of that design can be found in the volume of letters under discussion here. (2) In 1540, Erasmus' loyal friend and pupil Beatus Rhenanus (1485-1547) worked with Sigismund Gelenius (1497-1554)--corrector at Froben from 1524 until his death (3)--on the first publication of his Opera omnia. Between 1703 and 1706, a new, expanded edition was published, identified as LB (Lugduno-Batavorum), after the place of its publication. (4) As well as editions and translations of separate works by Erasmus across the world, the 1960s also saw the start of a major project on a new edition of Opera omnia, referred to as ASD, an abbreviation of its place of publication, Amsterdam. Not long after, the decision was made in Toronto to publish translations of Erasmus' works, the Collected Works of Erasmus (CWE). These were published from 1974 onward and based on the ASD edition wherever possible.

The first volume of the ASD edition was published to mark the major Erasmus commemoration in 1969, based on the controversial assumption at the time that Erasmus had been born in 1469. (5) Now his year of birth is generally considered to be 1466, although my personal preference is for 1467. (6) Since 1969, 47 volumes in the ASD series have been published, the last five of which are our subject here. Three volumes in the CWE series have also been recently published. Volume 16 contains the letters 2204 to 2356, numbered according to Allen's Opus epistolarum, (7) which forms the basis for the letters series (envisaged to be 22 volumes, with which the CWE starts). Occasionally letters that were previously unknown to Allen emerge, enabling letters he had published earlier to be included in a new, more correct position; both of these things occur in these publications. The two other volumes are Spiritualia and Pastoralia (CWE 67 and 68), which include the translation of Ecclesiastessive de ratione concionandi (1535; ASD V.4 and 5), (8) preceded by The manner of confessing (the translation of Exomologesis sive modo confitendi, 1524), based on the text of the LB edition (the relevant treatise has not yet been published in the ASD series). (9)

CWE 16: Letters, August 1529-July 1530

These CWE letters cover the period between 9 August 1529 and 31 July 1530, which Erasmus spent in Freiburg im Breisgau. He had moved there from Basel on 13 April 1529, after the Protestant Reformation arrived in that city. In a letter to Thomas More on 5 September 1529, Erasmus wrote that his departure was caused by the (alleged) plotting by a Dominican who advised him in his polemic with the Parisian theology faculty. (10) During this period, Erasmus was seriously ill for a time--suffering from a difficult-to-define carbunculosis--which hindered his correspondence and movement, but did not prevent him from working. (11)

In a lengthy letter to his correspondent and member of the Papal Curia Jacopo Sadoleto (1477-1547), the longest letter in this volume, Erasmus complains about the ferocious conflicts but remains optimistic despite everything. (12) Somewhat later, in a letter to one of his closest correspondents, the papal diplomat Lorenzo Campeggi (1474-1539), he would demonstrate his preoccupation with the Turkish peril--"On top of all this there is the ferocity of the Turks"--and his dislike of the Anabaptists: "Think how blindly the hapless [better: calamitous, JvH] Anabaptists are rushing to their deaths." (13)

Fear was ever-present and Erasmus was convinced of being in the gravest danger, since "once the signal for war is given, Erasmus will perish like the proverbial bean at the end of the row." Erasmus is here referring to a proverb that, although not included in his Adagia, was at his disposal. It is interesting to note the lack of any annotation to this passage, just as in Allen, despite the fact that it could have been known that the source was to be found in Erasmus' library. (14)

'New' letters here include a scribbled note to Bonifatius Amerbach (1495-1562), who continued to represent Erasmus' interests in Basel (in terms of the number of letters, their correspondence is the most substantial in this volume). "I am very anxious to know what Borus is doing," Erasmus wrote on 6 November 1529 from Freiburg im Breisgau. (15) Reading that, an immediate association with Luther, who was, after all, Katherina von Bora's spouse, sprang to my mind. I soon discovered that Rotterdam-based Erasmus expert Niek van der Blom (1917-2006) had got there before me. (16) However, in his annotation to the letter, Peter G. Bietenholz refers to Martin Borrhaus from Stuttgart (1499-1564), thought to have been called Martinus Cellarius and included in the Contemporaries of Erasmus under the keyword Borus, but who had virtually no other associations with Erasmus. (17) It seems to me that Van der Blom's suggestion is more likely than the far-fetched identification of Borrhaus, especially since the comment about 'Borus' is in line with the way in which Erasmus thought of Luther in that period: "As for Luther, I have no idea how things stand between him and me," he wrote in August 1529. (18)

CWE 67-68: Exomologesis (1524) and Ecclesiastes (1535)

The Exomologesis dates from 1524 and the Ecclesiastes from 1535, and however significant these time differences may be, Erasmus' work also seems to form a consistent whole here, too: in letter 2205 to Johann von Botzheim, a passage is based on a view of the proper effect of confession, according to the Exomologesis. (19) A little later, it is evident from letter 2225, written in October 1529, that Erasmus was already hard at work on what would later become the Ecclesiastes. (20) He had already started on this as early as 1519, although at that time it concerned something that Erasmus "had promised by way of a joke" (iocopromissus), as he testified much later. (21) For that matter, this brooding over Ecclesiastes can be seen far earlier, in the way in which Concio depuero Iesu (1511) was drafted. (22)

Ecclesiastes is Erasmus' most substantial writing, in which he re-emphasises "that grammar is the basis of all disciplines" and "dialectic is blind without grammar." (23) He once more addresses almost every subject that ever mattered to him throughout his life: the work "virtually recapitulates the entirety of the man's career." (24) However the lack of his opinions about Turks, pilgrimages, and indulgences is striking--opinions that he repeatedly included elsewhere in his works and particularly in the other writings under discussion here. In only a single comment, albeit a very characteristic one, does Erasmus give his judgment on one of these subjects in the Ecclesiastes: "How many set out for Jerusalem through so many dangers, leaving at home their sweet children and dearest wife." (25) It is probably because he adopted such a skeptical approach to these kinds of phenomena that he did not wish to consider them as a subject about which to preach. Erasmus ends the Ecclesiastes with a reflection about unity, concordia, "the agreement of good men in a good cause," and the statement that nothing corresponds more to human nature than friendship, amicitia. (26) In one of his very first writings, Erasmus had responded to the Hook and Cod Wars (Hoekse en Kabeljauwse twisted) of the County of Holland by expressing his views on the theme of discordia-concordia, and it is no coincidence that both of the first Adagia are on the subject of Amicitia. (27)

ASD V: Spiritualia et Pastoralia 7

ASD V.2 contains 5 annotated writings that relate to pastoral care and a commentary on 2 hymns by Prudentius. First of all, these concern "A sermon on the immense mercy of God," De immensa Dei misericordia concio (1524), (28) intended for pupils at the school run by John Colet (1468-1519) in London, that particularly struck a chord in Italy. (29) With the second text, "The Comparison of a Virgin and a Martyr," Virginis et martyris comparatio (1523 abridged, 1524 full text), (30) Erasmus was fulfilling a promise made to the rector of a nunnery in Cologne, where Maccabean remains were to be found. He had previously edited a text for him about the Maccabees that was at that time attributed to Flavius Josephus. His Comparatio partly formed the inspiration for the creation of a new gilded reliquary for the Maccabees, which is now in Cologne's St. Andrew's Church. (31)

The third text is "A Sermon on the Child Jesus," Concio depuero lesu (1511), a didactic text intended for John Colet's School in London, including a remarkable observation: "In fact, to sum up, Christianity is nothing other than a rebirth and a sort of renewed infancy": Omnino Christianismus nihil aliud est quam renascentia, quam repuerascentia quaedam. (32) In the same context, but originating from earlier, "A short debate concerning the distress, alarm, and sorrow of Jesus," Disputatiuncula de tediopavore tristicia lesu (1503), dedicated to Colet, plays on a reaction from Colet and Erasmus' answer to it. (33)

Shortly after Erasmus arrived at Oxford in October 1499 and met John Colet (1468-1519), they became involved in a discussion of the interpretation of the events at Gethsemane (Mt. 26:36-46), with Erasmus taking the commonly-held view that Jesus felt a human fear for his imminent suffering, whereas Colet followed in Jerome's footsteps in thinking that Christ has a presentiment of the guilt that the Jewish people were about to take on for their role in Jesus' death. (34)

The fifth piece of writing is the "Exhortation to the pious reader," Paraclesis ad lectorempium, an introduction to Novum Instrumentum, the original title of Erasmus' edition of the New Testament. Erasmus again emphasised some of the key principles of his Enchiridion (1503), "imploring readers to put off all human pretence and embrace the simplicity of the Gospel." (35) The 2 commentaries on poems by Prudentius concern one on the subject of the Nativity and one on the Epiphany. (36) They are dedicated to Margaret Roper (1505-1544), Thomas More's daughter, highly esteemed by Erasmus, who had just become a mother. (37)

ASD VI: New Testament and Annotationes 10

ASD VI.10 is the final volume of the series on the New Testament, the first 4 volumes of which contain the Greek-Latin edition and the subsequent 6 contain Erasmus' annotations on it, the Annotationes. This corpus, completed by the Paraphrases (38) (published later) that make up the Ordo VII in the ASD edition, forms the core of Erasmus' work. (39) This volume contains the annotations from 1 Timothy up to Revelations. Here again we can see the extent to which Erasmus had been inspired in this work by the Annotationes of Lorenzo Valla (1407-1457), (40) although "his textual scholarship surpassed that of his predecessors." (41) Valla's name occurs by far the most frequently in the references, even more so than that of Jerome, who was after all Erasmus' mainstay in this: it is no coincidence that Erasmus is referred to as Hieronymus redivivus. (42)

This volume includes the annotation to verse 7 of 1 John 5, with Erasmus' commentary concerning the notorious Comma Johanneum: "dieser Konflikt um das Comma Johanneum dauert noch immer an" (this conflict over the Comma Johanneum still rages on). (43) The oh-so-intriguing digression about the trinity that bears witness to faith in Jesus Christ is shown in square brackets in many newer translations of the Bible. In the original version of the text, the Spirit and the water and blood sufficed in bearing witness in the earth, supplemented in the Comma by: "in heaven: the Father, the Word and the Holy Ghost; and these three are one." This is not to dwell on this theological nicety and its impact on the religious contradictions of the time, but to highlight that Erasmus was very much aware of the historic nature of his texts and that it was only after some hesitation that he reached the textual version that, because it had been included in the Vulgate, would be authoritative. (44)

ASD IX Apologiae 6, 7, and 8

This concerns 3 volumes with apologies. (45) The first in this series contains Erasmus' contribution to the polemic with Alberto Pio (1475-1531), (46) the diplomat robbed of his princedom, Carpi, who, during the period in which Erasmus was polemicising with him, died in France as an asylum-seeker dressed in a Franciscan habit (which Erasmus would reveal in his Colloquium Exequiae seraphicae (47)). Even though he realised that he was conversing with a dead man, Erasmus persisted with his polemic--ludus exit in rabiem, "the game became a fury." (48) The second is addressed to the scribes at the theology faculty at the University of Paris. (49) The third--the first of the three chronologically--is a continuation of the publication of the polemic that the Spanish theologian Diego Lopez Zuniga, (50) later supported by Sancho Carranza de Miranda, had entered into with Erasmus, in particular concerning his publication of the New Testament.

Erasmus' initial response had already been published in this series (ASD IX.2), in which Erasmus' reactions to both criticisms now continues, whereby it should be noted that the whole of this polemic should be placed in the context of Erasmus' responses to critical comments made by a number of Spanish monks, which first appeared in 1528. (51) It is hard to imagine that Erasmus was able to write these exhausting polemics, and indeed how he did so. In his ever-valuable Erasmus biography, Huizinga refers almost with sadness to these polemical activities:
   Erasmus never emerged from his polemics. He was, no doubt, serious
   when he said that, in his heart, he abhorred and had never desired
   them; but his caustic mind often got the better of his heart, and
   having once begun to quarrel he undoubtedly enjoyed giving his
   mockery the rein and wielding his facile dialectical pen. (52)


In his letter to Jacopo Sadoleto referred to earlier, Erasmus viewed the battlefield himself and concluded regretfully: "If only it were possible to unweave the past and begin again!" (53) Erasmus' regret primarily concerned his plea for the libertas spiritus that had led to no shortage of misunderstandings, when in fact all he had intended was to provide believers with some relief from ceremonial obligations in order to make them more open to true piety (verapietas). (54) It is not too far-fetched to see in this one of Erasmus' reasons for going on to complete his Ecclesiastes after all.

Erasmus, the networker in his letters, Erasmus the pastor, or at least the sympathetic adviser in spiritualiis in his pastoral writings, the grammarian/theologian in his edition of the New Testament with all the accompanying writings, and Erasmus the polemicist--all these aspects of his life and works complement each other. These publications, with their meticulous annotations and descriptions, form an almost inexhaustible source from which to draw freely, not least thanks to the registers. (Jan van Herwaarden, Erasmus University Rotterdam; translated by UvA Talen, University of Amsterdam, Translations)

(1) C. Reedijk, Tandem bona causa triumphat. Zur Geschichte des Gesamtwerkes des Erasmus von Rotterdam. Vortrage der Aeneas-Silvius-Stiftung an der Universitat von Basel XVI (Basel-Stuttgart 1980); cf. J. Coppens, 'Ou en est le portrait d'Erasme theologien?', in: J. Coppens (ed.), Scrinium Erasmianum (2 vols.; Leiden 1969) II, 569-620; 594-598: schematic chronological survey.

(2) Letter 2283, to Hector Boece (Freiburg im Breisgau, 15 March1530), CWE 16, 210-218.

(3) Klara Vanek, 'Der Philologe und Ubersetzer Zikmund Hruby z Jeleni, Gen. Gelenius (1497-1554). Ein Portrat', Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae Series C: Historia Literarum 57.3 (2012) 69-74.

(4) Cornelis Reedijk, 'The Leiden edition of Erasmus' Opera Omnia in a European context', in: August Buck (Hrsg.), Erasmus und Europa. Wolffenbutteler Abhandlungen zur Renaissanceforschung 7 (Wiesbaden 1988) 163-182; Marc van der Poel, 'Over de rol van Jean Leclerc bij de Leidse uitgave van Erasmus' Opera omnia', Neolatinistenverband, Nieuwsbrief 25 (2012) 13-20; the edition of 1540 and the LB-edition are both accessable via www.erasmus.org.

(5) ASD I.1 (Amsterdam 1969), 'General Introduction', XV; cf. Johannes Trapman, 'Editing the works of Erasmus: some observations on the Amsterdam edition (ASD)', in: Erika Rummel and Milton Kooistra (ed.), Reformation Sources (Toronto 2007) 87-101.

(6) Jan van Herwaarden, 'Erasmus of Rotterdam: the image and the reality,' in: Jan van Herwaarden, Between Saint James and Erasmus. Studies in late-medieval religious life: devotion and pilgrimage in the Netherlands. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought 97 (Leiden-Boston 2003) 509-533; 513-514; 1466: Harry Vredeveld, 'The ages of Erasmus and the year of his birth', Renaissance Quarterly 46 (1993) 754-809; John B. Gleason, 'The birth dates of John Colet and Erasmus of Rotterdam: fresh documentary evidence', Renaissance Quarterly 32 (1979) 73-76: Colet, born in January 1467 (following the mos anglicus: 1468); Vredeveld 776 and n. 53 (reference to Gleason) passes (778-779) too carelessly to two Erasmus letters (Allen nrs. 844 en 867, cf. also nr. 392).

(7) P.S. Allen, H.M. Allen and H.W. Garrod (eds.), Opus Epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami I-XI; XII: Indices (Oxford 1906-1958); cf. La correspondence d'Erasme, sous la direction d'Aloi's Gerlo et de Paul Foriers (up to vol. V) I-XI (Brussels 1957-1982) XII: Tables generales (Brussels 1984) and the Dutch edition: De correspondentie van Erasmus 1-12 (Rotterdam 2004-2014), up to letter 1801, March 1527.

(8) The correspondence of Erasmus. Letters 2204 to 2356, August 1529-July 1530, translated by Alexander Dalzell, annotated by James M. Estes. Collected Works of Erasmus 16 (Toronto-Buffalo-London 2015); The manner of confessing. Exomologesis sive modus confitendi, translated and annotated by Michael J. Heath, in: Collected Works of Erasmus 67 (Toronto-Buffalo-London 2015) 1-75; The evangelical preacher, book one. Ecclesiastes sive de ratione concionandi I, translated by James L.P. Butrica, annotated by Frederick J. McGinness, CWE 67, 77-443; The evangelical preacher, books two to four. Ecclesiastes sive de ratione concionandi II-IV, translated by James L.P. Butrica, annotated by Frederick J. McGinnis. Collected Works of Erasmus 68 (Toronto-Buffalo-London 2015).

(9) ASD-text Exomologesis-edition in press (ASD V.8; information by Prof. Dr J. Bloemendal).

(10) Letter 2211, to Thomas More (Freiburg im Breisgau, 5 September 1529), CWE 16, 38, ll. 66-69; James K. Farge, 'Introduction', ASD IX.7, 17-18.

(11) J.M. Estes, 'Erasmus' illness in 1530', CWE 16, 410-411.

(12) Letter 2312A [=Allen 2315], to Jacopo Sadoleto (Freiburg im Breisgau, ca 16 April 1530), CWE 16, 306, ll. 294-296: "two things give us some hope: one is the wonderful genius of the emperor Charles, and the second is that these people disagree among themselves over their own doctrines"; cf. James D. Tracy, Erasmus of the Low Countries (Berkeley-Los Angeles-London 1996) 171-174.

(13) Letter 2328, to Lorenzo Campeggi (Freiburg im Breisgau, 24 June 1530), CWE 16, 328-333, ll. 81-83; 99-100; 123-124; "disastrous" instead of "hapless" (cf. Allen VIII, 451, l. 123: lam infelices Anabaptistae quanta coecitate in mortem ruunt): Erasmus did not mean the disposition of the Anabaptists but hinted at what they brought about, namely disaster; 107-108.

(14) Frits Husner, 'Die Bibliothek des Erasmus', in: Gedenkschriftzum 400. Todestage des Erasmus von Rotterdam, herausgegeben von der Historischen und Antiquarischen Gesellschaft zu Basel (Basel 1936) 228-259; 242: nr 286: Nonius Marcellus, Festus Pompeius. Varro; cf. Margaret Mann Phillips, The 'Adages' of Erasmus: a study with translations (Cambridge 1964) 91: Erasmus had an excerpt from Flaccus (55BC-AD 20) De significatione verborum by Sextus Pompeius Festus (2nd century) at hand.

(15) Letter 2233A, to Bonifatius Amerbach (Freiburg im Breisgau, 6 November 1529), CWE 16, 89, ll. 9-10.

(16) Correspondance d'Erasme VIII, 388, n. 5; N. van der Blom, 'Qui etait Borus?' Moreana 33 (1972) 51-58.

(17) P.G. Bietenholz, 'Borus', in: Peter G. Bietenholz and Thomas B. Deutscher (ed.), Contemporaries of Erasmus. A biographical register of the Renaissance and Reformation 1-3 (Toronto-Buffalo-London 1985-1987) 1, 174.

(18) Letter 2204, to Janus Cornarius (Freiburg im Breisgau, 9 August 1530), CWE 16, 2-4, ll. 19-20.

(19) Letter 2205, to Johann von Botzheim (Freiburg im Breisgau, 13 August 1529), CWE 16, 8, n. 10.

(20) Letter 2225, to Ludwig Baer (Freiburg im Breisgau, 22 October 1529), CWE 16, 70, n. 10.

(21) Letter 932: proposal by Johan Becker van Borselen (28 March 1519); Letter 952: Erasmus' reaction (24 April 1519), Allen III, 514-516, ll. 1618; 555-556, ll. 1-15; cf. CWE 67, 86-87; Letter 2979, to John Cochlaeus (Freiburg im Breisgau, 24 November 1534): Allen IX, 51, ll. 3-4: ioco promissus.

(22) E. Kearns (ed.), Concio de puero lesu, ASD V.7, 159-188; 160-161.

(23) CWE 68, 473, 474; ASD V.4, 252, ll. 138-139: Primum illudconstat grammaticen essedisciplinarum omnium fundamentum, ...; ll. 150-151: Atqui dialectica caeca est absque grammatica; cf. Jacques Chomarat, Grammaire et rhetorique chez Erasme (2 vols.; Paris 1981) I, 165-167.

(24) CWE 67, 78: 'Introductory note', cf. Christine Christ-von Wedel, Erasmus of Rotterdam: advocate of a new Christianity (Toronto-Buffalo-London 2013) 140-141; 140: "the whole of salvific history as an epic story," cf. 237-238.

(25) Ecclesiastes I, CWE 67, 367; ASD V.4, 156-158, ll. 480-482: Quam multi sunt, qui per tot rerum discrimina proficiscuntur Hierosolymam, domi relictis dulcibus liberis et uxore clarissima?

(26) CWE 68, 1098-1104; quotation: 1103.

(22) Marc van der Poel, 'Erasmus' Oratio de pace et discordia contra fictiosos ad Cornelium Goudanum , in: Dirk Sacre and Marcus de Schepper (ed.), 'Et Scholae et vitae'(Amersfoort 2004) 45-62; ASD II.1 (Amsterdam 1993) 8486, ll. 684-241: Amicorum communia omnia (I.i.1); 86 (-114), ll. 242-266: Amicitia aequalitas. Amicus alter ipse (I.1.2; + extension i-xxxvi).

(28) CWE 20 (Toronto-Boston-London 1998) 69-140, translated and annotated by Michael J. Heath.

(29) ASD V.2, 6; Silvana Seidel Menchi, Erasmus als Ketzer. Reformation und Inquisition im Italien des 16. Jahrhunderts. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought 49 (Leiden-New York-Cologne 1993) 92, 202-203.

(30) CWE 69 (Toronto-Buffalo-London 1999) 153-182, translated and annotated by Louis A. Perraud.

(31) Werner Schafke, Koln. Zwei JahrtausendeKunst, Geschichte undKultur (Koln 19892) 135; Roswitha Hirner, DerMakkabaerschrein in St. Andreaszu Koln (Bonn 1970) 20-36; 42; cf. Pal Acs, The names of the holy Maccabees. Erasmus and the origin of the Hungarian Protestant martyrology, www. academia.edu/4145179 (2002).

(32) ASD V.7, 178, ll. 199-200; CWE 29 (Toronto-Buffalo-London 1989) 51-70, translated and annotated by Emily Kearns; 62; Georges Chantraine, Mystere' et philosophie du Christ'selon Erasme. Etude de la lettre a P Volz et de la 'Ratio verae theologiae' (Namur-Gembloux 1971) 215-217.

(33) CWE 70, 1-67, translated and annotated by Michael J. Heath.

(34) For this see G.J. Fokke, 'An aspect of the Christology of Erasmus of Rotterdam', Ephemerides theologiae Lovanienses 54 (1978) 161-187; ASD V.7, 194-195: 'Le montage de G.J. Fokke'.

(35) Tracy, Erasmus of the Low Countries, 75.

(36) Up to 1540 both comments followed on Erasmus' Commentarius in Nucem Ovidii: Ch. Bene, 'Introduction', ASD V.7, 308-309.

(37) Erasmus commemorated Margaret also in his Colloquy Abbatis et eruditae (ASD I.3, 403-408); inversely Margaret translated Erasmus' Precatio dominica: John Archer Gee, 'Margaret Roper's English version of Erasmus' Precatio dominica and the apprenticeship behind early Tudor translation', The Review of English Studies 13 (1937) 257-271; see also R.J. Schoeck in CE II, 455-456; cf. Hilmar M. Pabel, Conversing with God:prayer in Erasmus' pastoral writings (Toronto-Buffalo-London 1997) 109-154: 'Interpreting the Lord's prayer', esp. 112-124.

(38) R.A.B. Mynors, 'The publication of the Latin Paraphrases', in: Robert Dick Sider (ed.), New Testament Scholarship: Paraphrases on Romans and Galatians, CWE 42 (Toronto-Buffalo-London 1984) xx-xxix; cf. Christ-von Wedel, Erasmus of Rotterdam, 97-110: 'Erasmus the paraphrast'.

(39) Christ-von Wedel, Erasmus of Rotterdam, 79-96: 'The New Testament Scholar'; cf. Jerry H. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ. New Testamental scholarship in the Renaissance (Princeton 1983) 112-193: 'Desiderius Erasmus: Christian humanist'.

(40) R.J. Schoeck, 'Erasmus and Valla: the dynamics of a relationship', Erasmus of Rotterdam Society Yearbook 12 (1992) 45-63; Christ-von Wedel, Erasmus of Rotterdam, 54-59.

(41) Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ, 155.

(42) Eugene F. Rice, Jr., Saint Jerome in the Renaissance (Baltimore-London 1985) 116-136; 242-248 (notes): "Hieronymus redivivus: Erasmus and St. Jerome."

(43) M.L. van Poll-van de Lisdonk, 'Einleitung', ASD VI.10, XI-L; XLVIII.

(44) ASD VI.4, 27-111: extensive examination of 'Codex 61 (Monfortianus) and 1 John 5, 7-8'; 482-484; VI.10, XLVIII, 540-551 and references, esp. H.J. de Jonge, 'Erasmus and the Comma Johanneum', Ephemerides theologicae Lovanienses 56 (1980) 381-389 and Grantley Robert McDonald, Raising the Ghost of Arius. Erasmus, the Johannine Comma and the religious difference in Early Modern Europe (Brussels 2011).

(45) Erika Rummel, Erasmus and his Catholic critics I: 1515-1522; II: 15231536 (Nieuwkoop 1989).

(46) Apologiae adversus Albertum Pium, ed. C.L. Heesakkers in collaboration with W.G. Heesakkers-Kamerbeek, ASD IX.6 (Leiden-Boston 2015); vgl. CWE 84: Controversies, ed. by Nelson H. Minnich, translated by Daniel Sheerin, annotated by Nelson H. Minnich and Daniel Sheerin: Controversy with Alberto Pio (Toronto-Buffalo-London 2005).

(47) ASD IX.6, 38-39; cf. Letter 2441 to 'Eleutherius' = Sebastian Franck (Freiburg im Breisgau, 6 March 1531), Allen VIII, 153-156, ll. 64-77; the colloquy: ASD I.3 (Amsterdam 1972) 686-699; CWE 40 (Toronto-BuffaloLondon 1997) 996-1032 (with extensive annotation by the editor, Craig R. Thompson).

(48) ASD IX.6, 34: quotation from Letter 2108 to Hermann Phrysius (Basle, 25 February 1529), Allen VIII, 66-67, ll. 15-16; dispute with dead individuals, etc: ASD IX.6, 248-250, ll. 14-19; 364, l. 877: Non estphas antipaizein (in Greek) in mortuum; 552, l. 735: Seddesino ludere in mortuum; Chris L. Heesakkers, Argumentatio a persona in Erasmus' second apology against Alberto Pio', in: J. Sperna Weiland and W.Th.M. Frijhoff (ed.), Erasmus of Rotterdam: man of letters (Leiden etc. 1988) 79-87; 81: colloquy Exequiae seraphicae.

(49) Declarationes ad censuras Lutetiae, ed. C.H. Miller and J.K. Farge, 'Introduction', ASD IX.7 (Leiden-Boston 2015); vgl. CWE 82: Controversies (Toronto-Buffalo-London 2012).

(50) Apologia contra sanctium Caranzam et quattuor contra Stunicam, ed. H.J. de Jonge, ASD IX.8 (Leiden-Boston 2015).

(51) Letter 1967, to Alfonso Manrique (Basel, 14 March 1528), Allen VII, 348-354; text: LB IX, 1015-1094.

(52) Johan Huizinga, Erasmus and the age of Reformation (London 2002 [=1924]) 158; 177, cf. Allen I, 56-71; 68, ll. 445-447: "had he known that an age like theirs was coming, he would never have written many things, or would not have written them as he had."

(53) Letter 2312A [=Allen 2315], CWE 16, 295-306; ll. 308-309; cf. Allen VIII, 428-436; 435, ll. 299-300: Utinam liceret omnia ab integro retexere!

(54) Letter 1887 (15 October 1527), Allen VII, 198-201, ll. 11-15: ...; ut vehementer doleam me quondam in libris meis praedicasse libertatem spiritus ... Optabam sic aliquid decedere ceremoniis ut multum accresceret verae pietati.
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Author:van Herwaarden, Jan
Publication:Seventeenth-Century News
Article Type:Critical essay
Date:Mar 22, 2016
Words:4453
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