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A unified theory of the Black experience will constitute the most important research tool available to Black researchers James Goodman (1976, 155)

A Telling Trend

Azibo's metatheory comes the closest to unifying African personality, psychological Africanity, racial identity and behavior for ADP globally, not just the United States. Researching it in all its aspects depicted in Figure 1 is critical to providing support for this personality theory/scientific fiction construct. Again, what puts the science in the fiction of personality theory is research. Starting with the phylogenetic core or hub then addressing the ontogenetic peripheral or spokes followed by ecological/environmental spaces between the spokes, research is reported across the structure, dynamics, development, psychopathology, treatment and assessment subjects. Overall, research deriving from the metatheory is supportive. Actually, there is a multi-decades trend among the African-U.S. for children, adolescents and adults showing that the greater the psychological Africanity measured at the outer core, the greater or more positive is the psychological functioning. This trend holds for other formulations that can be organized under the metatheory too. Charles Thomas asserted in 1971 that "Blackness is a tonic" (101-125). He was referring to the psychological. Over the 47 intervening years to date, research warrants raising this pronouncement to a truism: psychological Africanity is a tonic. Typical findings among the legion of studies can be found in Carter (1995, 139-149), Thomas, Hacker and Hoxha (2011), Croasdale and Mate-Kole (2006), Thompson (1994), Mumford (1994), Jagers and Owens-Mock (1993), Boatswain and Lalonde (2000), Hammond et al. (2014), Taylor and Grundy (1996), Bynum, Burton and Best (2007), Mandara, et al. (2009), Murray and Mandara (2003), Constantine, et al (2006), Caldwell, et al. (2004), Schultz (2003), Atwell and Azibo (1991), Neblett and Carter (2012), Neblett, et al., (2010), Chambers, et al (1998), Sellers, et al (2003), Sellers, et al (2006), Poindexter-Cameron and Robinson (1997), Buckley and Carter (2005), Heflin (1981), Altschul, Oyserman and Bybee (2006), Seaton, et al., (2012), Whaley (2016) and Wilderson (1979). It makes sense psychological Africanity being a tonic for African-U.S. given that racism is greatly implicated in that populace's mental health woes (Azibo, 2011c, 2014a; Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000). This tonic trend usually is found with measures of "ethnic identity" also (Greig, 2003).The tonic idea might be a reality for ADP globally. The phenomenon of connectedness to cultural roots relating to good mental health occurs among American Indian and Alaskan Native people also (Cavalieri, 2013).

Naturally, Azibo's researches into each part of the holistic African personality metatheory will be featured as they have attempted to answer questions deriving directly from it. However, research by Semaj (1980) is presented first for its direct implication for one of the fundamental assumptions of the metatheory's structure and dynamics--ORB.

Structure and Dynamics

A Peek at ORB. Semaj's (1980) study is an instantiation of the metatheory's argument for ORB as innate brought on in evolution, though that was not his purpose. He compared older (ages 8-11) and younger (ages 4-7) children who had not developed the cognitive ability to process racial cues with those who had--i.e., those without versus with racial constancy, respectively--on three childhood measures of the outer core's ORP. He used the Preschool Racial Attitude Measure, the Social Affect to Black and Racial Reference Group tests. Results are shown in Figures 2a, 2b, and 2c. If Azibo's theorization is correct that the inner core ORB construct automatically engenders leaning toward things African, then ORP should be evident in the outer core of the very young very near the time they acquire racial constancy. Semaj pooled data across several studies he had conducted and found precisely this result on each measure for 4-7 year olds with racial constancy, but not 8-11 year olds with racial constancy. In fact, the latter group decreased in ORP behavior from 85% to 40% and increased in "neutral" responding from 10% to 45%. In contrast, ORP behavior for the 4-7 year olds with racial constancy increased from 68% to 75% (Semaj, 1980, 15). Thus African-U.S. children for whom race is a cognitive category (i.e., can process cues as racial phenomenon) appear as if pre-equipped by something or for some reason for ORP as indexed by these measures in a manner consistent with the metatheory's structural constructs. Thus, ORB per the metatheory would seem the prime explanation.

Alas, Semaj's results also show that aging to older childhood in the anti-African United States ecology is associated with diminishing ORP responding for children possessing racial constancy. Also, these results raise the possibility of a "critical period" for solidifying or losing the presumptively inborn ORB's generation of ORP sometime between 7 and 8 years of age. It should be noted that although Semaj reported the age x racial constancy interaction as statistically significant for each measure, as Figure 2b reports the Pre-school Racial Attitude Measure significance level exceeded .05. Still, it shows the same trend of the other two measures. Two out of three with the third in the direction of the other two suggests strong support.

Approximating Spiritualistic Energy with Personal Causation. If the metatheory be correct that spiritualistic energy is the dynamic powering the personality's ORB [right arrow] (through transposition) ORP [right arrow] ORM structural relationship in the personality (where [right arrow] stands for leads to) and if the presses in the ecology (spaces between the spokes) are Eurasian-based/formulated/oriented/sustaining in all areas of people activity, then African personality is under continuous onslaught. Necessarily, African personality will require intrinsic energy to keep moving in the ORP and ORM directions. As environment dominated by Eurasian civilizations is a constant drain on ADP's intrinsic energy and affords nothing in terms of extrinsic reinforcement for ORP and ORM behaving, it militates against the ORB [right arrow] ORP [right arrow] ORM relationship and thus the entirety of African personality. Although spiritualistic energy is theorized, not every African person will have that energy available due to draining by the ecology and/or interference getting in sync with it. Therefore many ADP may not be intrepid succumbing to the onslaught. Without a manifestation of intrinsic energy--spiritualistic or otherwise related--ORP and ORM likely suffers. Therefore, intra-race, ADP will be classifiable using measurable differences in ORP/ORM. A uni-dimensional low-to-high psychological Africanity continuum variable that reflects ORP/ORM status can be conceptualized as the most rudimentary model of African personality by definition (Azibo, 2006a). Investigating hypotheses about ORB, ORP and ORM behavioral correlates of the rudimentary model can provide tests of the metatheory's basic premises.

Lacking a measure of spiritualistic energy, Azibo (1983c) used the personal causation construct as a rough substitute. It refers to the intrinsic motivation deriving from a feeling frequently involving flow--which is reminiscent of rhythm--born of feeling in control of outcomes existentially as the environment is negotiated (deCharms, 1968). The hypothesis of a positive correlation between personal causation scores and rudimentary psychological Africanity scores (RPAS) was confirmed and replicated in two small convenience samples from a community college (Azibo, 1983c). With confidence stemming from the personal causation results that indeed there was intrinsic energy somewhat akin to spiritualistic energy, i.e., either approximating it or maybe deriving from it, concomitant with psychological Africanity and thereby available to fuel the theorized ORB-ORP relationship, discernible in Semaj's results, the metatheory's logic compelled the question: Would RPAS relate positively to ORP and ORM behaving? Two experiments were run.

"Black" is Beautiful (only) when the Psyche is "Black." To test ORP, college students at a mid-western, predominantly Caucasian university were randomly assigned to rate the attractiveness level of yearbook photographs of "attractive" Caucasian or African-U.S. coeds. A bi-polar 1 (unattractive) to 11 (attractive) scale was used. Target photographs were pre-rated by a different group of students. They were regarded as equivalent based on mean ratings above 10. The thinking was that "Black" would be perceived as beautiful if the person's psyche was "Black." The results showed that as RPAS increased, the perceived attractiveness scores of the African-U.S. photo increased ([beta]=.11) whereas the effect was opposite for the Caucasian photo as attractiveness ratings decreased ([beta]=-.08). This interaction was statistically significant. The theoretical significance was the results supported ORP as a function of an outer core index (Azibo, 1983b).

Stay in My Corner. Azibo's (1983a) dissertation presented an experiment similar to his perceived attractiveness study. Published at Azibo (1991a), it sought to determine which ADP would "stay" with the race when requested by a higher status individual to abandon it. College students at a mid-western, predominantly Caucasian university were asked to evaluate (ORP) and recommend for a job (ORM) African-U.S. and Caucasian applicants who were presented as equally qualified. Participants were randomly assigned to either condition or a control group exposed only to same-race applicants. They were made to believe their responses would be used in the hiring decision. Manipulation check was confirming. For participants choosing the African-U.S. applicant over the Caucasian applicant, an "expert" in the job field with greater status characteristics than the student participant attempted to persuade the student to lower his or her evaluations of the African-U.S. applicant and to reverse his or her hiring recommendation in favor of the Caucasian applicant. Manipulation check confirmed participant's awareness of the expert's status characteristics. After this, evaluations and recommendations were done over. Status characteristics theory (Berger, Fisek, Norman, & Zelditch, 1977) predicts the participants will acquiesce because of their lesser status compared to the expert.

The metatheory, on the other hand, contends the ORM dictate of the action component and the ORP dictate of the outer core will manifest among those with higher RPAS in self-consciously defending, developing and maintaining ADP. Therefore, the higher RPAS persons would neither acquiesce in reversing their earlier recommendation nor lower their earlier evaluations of the African-U.S. applicant. Results supported the metatheory as high RPAS were statistically associated with greater "stay scores" (maintaining one's initial position) for evaluations (ORP) and the recommendation (ORM). Low RPAS were statistically associated with failure to manifest either ORP or ORM behavior indicated by failure to "stay."

A Note About the Theory-derived Steady State Approach

For perspective, these three studies (Azibo, 1983b, 1983c, 1991a) were conducted while I was a graduate student and set me on the theoretical and empirical track identified in the preface. These studies instilled in me great confidence in the African personality construct as a real phenomenon that should be pursued as they appeared to show firstly that an intrinsic motivational basis existed for sustaining the theorized African personality behaving and secondly that persons scoring higher versus lower in psychological Africanity could be counted on to reliably evince own-race preference and maintenance behavior. Recalling that Dr. M. L. King (1968) implored studying "the ideological changes in Negroes" (sic), the reader might feel the fire these researches stoked in a young and budding psychologist who at that time in his development could not understand why studies like these were a rarity among psychologists of African descent.

Motivated to facilitate others' successful study of African personality led me to lay out my gestalt on thinking through quantitative psychological research on ADP. I articulated the theory-derived steady state approach (T-DSSA) for this purpose (Azibo, 1988). It requires first a theory about African personality that is African-centered--preferably epistemologically and not merely in orientation or intention. From this theoretical base hypotheses are derived. Second, measures derived from the theory indexing psychological Africanity at the outer core are selected. Thirdly, the focus of the research is on correlates of the outer core functioning. Hence the steady state functioning of African personality is emphasized. Although back in 1988 Azibo deemphasized transformational, metamorphic developmental studies, that is not the case anymore as the T-DSSA has always accommodated and never barred them. My thinking was that by requiring inclusion of an outer core variable as a major, moderator or mediational variable in the studies of ADP, African personality research would not die of neglect. I reasoned as well that neither would the field ever have to ask in self-reflection "where is the African person in African personality research?" Additionally, the T-DSSA may be particularly helpful for graduate theses when, like the status characteristics study (Azibo, 1983a, 1991a), competing hypotheses are framed in an experimental context. This almost guarantees a result(s) approvable by the researcher's supervising committee. One budding researcher found the approach fruitful (Thompson, 2003).

A Serious Note About Multidimensional Studies and Conceptualizations

Prototypical Profiles. Research is not limited to the low-to-high continuum that generates RPAS. Actually, multidimensional outer core conceptualization is currently popular. Azibo (2015a, 156) pointed out the multidimensional conceptualization actually dates back to before 1978 where we find "a lesser known albeit [apparently] the first multidimensional model in Wright and Isenstein (1978, 16-20)." It is important to point out something commonsensical. Specifically, scores from every dimension of a multidimensional model must be compatible with the uni-dimensional RPAS which derives from the low-to-high continuum of psychological Africanity. Obviously, this is a prerequisite for the construct validity of a multidimensional model's dimensions (Azibo, Robinson & Scott-Jones, 2011). Consider, for example, the original multidimensional model. It views the outer core as comprised of 6 motivational dimensions: pro-White (acceptance and approval of White American cultural and societal standards and a favorable attitude to Whites in general), anti-Black (negativism toward an African-U.S. cultural orientation including ideology, institutions, and denial of personal Africanity), anti-White (negation of Whiteness, White people, and White American orientation), pro-Black (personal and collective African-U.S. identity including personal commitment to the success of African-U.S. people), pan African (favorable orientation toward the kinship of continental and diasporan ADP), and Third World (plight orientation to ameliorate the of all oppressed people). Each dimension directly or inversely reflects the RPAS uni-dimensional continuum such that when measured higher or stronger inclinations suggests higher or stronger psychological Africanity orientation. If a reverse dimension, higher or stronger inclinations suggest lower or weaker psychological Africanity orientation. Theoretically, these motivational orientations could combine 6! ways in the psyche yielding a great many profiles. Five prototypical profiles are found in Figure 3.

Azibo, Robinson-Kyles, and Johnson (2013) discussed these multidimensional profiles:

Profiles A and B depict undesirable psychological Africanity. Profile A persons operates on negative AW energy. Conspicuously absent here are positive orientations that affirm psychological Africanity like PB, PA, and TW.... African person[ality] should not be consumed with AW alone. Vernacularly, the type of AW in Profile A is a "Charley Fever" where Mr. Charlie is a reference to the White man. And, the sentiment is one of "I just hate White people, all of them". A Profile B person operates on energy that affirms whiteness/Europeanism/Western civilization and negates all things African. Own-race maintenance is not possible with this person whereas anti-African behavior including activity injurious to ADP and behavior that extols and undergirds Caucasian/Eurasian people and social dictates would be expected.

Desirable psychological Africanity is depicted in Profiles C and D only. The predominant orientations in each profile are positive energized African oriented ones. Thus, they provide a concrete guide for setting afoot the new African descent person. Is Profile C more or less favorable than Profile D? In other words, can AW orientation be positive? The history of Eurasian domination does produce Charley Fever of Profile A, but also demands nothing short of reasoned, rational anti-Whiteness given the predacious, vampiric history of Eurasian's relationship with ADP spurred by Eurasian culture itself which offers much to be critical of .... In this light, AW based in historical and cultural reflection is to be expected in reality prone ADP. This type of AW orientation is qualitatively different from that in Profile A, although it is as yet undetermined whether Charley Fever AW sentiment may meld with it or be mellowed by it.

The Diffused Identity profile depicts a psyche consisting of high levels of some desirable orientations like PB and PA as well as the PW undesirable orientation. The reader should note that in our theorization the PW orientation is dominant and highlighted in the cognitive structure of the Diffused Profile person despite occupying about the same percentage of cognitive space as PB and PA. An individual with a diffused profile would likely as not respond with admixture of Pro-African and Pro-White behavior. Our thinking is that this profile is the most prevalent in contemporary cohorts of African-U.S. people. (114-115)

Yet, some currently popular theories postulate dimensions that contradict the rudimentary model continuum. This astounding fact is exemplified in the works of Sellers (Sellers, et al, 1998a, 1998b), Cross (Psychological Nigrescence, 2001) and all the researches that they have spawned these last two decades or so. Imagine, for example, a model describing four dimensions of the outer core called A, B, C and D. Dimension A refers to embracing the African aesthetic, B to martial attitude to eliminate ADP's enemies, C to acceptance of gay lifestyle, lesbianism, aspects of Americanism and Zionism, and deep-seated, heartfelt kinshp for Eurasians and D to holding dear ADP's life chances. In this model, as is typical in multidimensional models, each dimension typically stands conceptually equal to the others. Given that dimension C is not a "reverse" dimension (according to the articulated theory), dimension C is interpreted as indexing the outer core on par with the other three dimensions. This is illogic. Even if dimensions A-D accurately describe the modal psyche found in factor analytic nomothetic research, dimension C represents outer core disorder--certainly not normalcy in psychological Africanity--according to the templet, the metatheory and the mythos about African human nature. High scores on dimension C are in no way compatible or on par or reconcilable with African personality's ORB [right arrow] ORP [right arrow] ORM trinity which culminates in the uni-dimensional continuum's RPAS.

The conclusion has to be faced by psychological workers and racial identity and African personality scholars that whatever dimensions like dimension C are measuring, it is not normalcy in racial identity or psychological Africanity. It is not an index of the outer core by definition. If racial identity, psychological Africanity or African personality were so greatly distensible as to include dimension C phenomena, then what would these dimensions A-D represent really? Just what would that be? This was Bobby Wright's (1982) point stating "if [psychological and cultural] Blackness is everything, then it is nothing." That Cross's and Sellers's models include dimensions very much like dimension C should serve as a caution in understanding them. Dimensions and conceptualizations like "C" reflect Cross's (1991) thinking that "[t]here is no one way to be Black [psycho-culturally]. Being [psycho-culturally] Black involves a wide spectrum of thoughts and orientations" (149, original emphases). Azibo's metatheory postulates two things on this wrongheaded point:
(1) that there is only one way to be psycho-culturally African (Black)
in the context of psychological normality as the metatheory defines it
and that is to negotiate the environment with the widest spectrum of
thoughts and behaviors so long as they are oriented to defending,
developing and maintaining the life, life chances and culture of ADP so
that they remain in the world in perpetuity everywhere hereafter (here
on the planet after we have passed on) as psycho-cultural and
genetically unaltered ADP. No other formulation can be derived from the
nature of African human nature conceptualization contained in the
creation mythos (Azibo, 2011c, 2014a). Therefore, deviation from this
anywhere, everywhere, everytime is psychopathology. As well,

(2) it is in the synchronization and integration of the
ontogenesis-linked peripheral (secondary) and phylogenesis-linked
racial (primary) components of personality wherein diversity in African
survival thrust or naturalness unfolds with the widest possible
spectrum of individual orientations. This is where personality may best
reveal the "understanding of individual experience and behaviour at
both the general and the particular levels" that Sloan (2009, 58) spoke

What to do with dimensions and conceptualizations like "C"? It seems the metatheory requires they be re-worked in the context of African personality disorder for any model in which they are found, but does not necessarily call for abandoning or dismantling the host model altogether. Instead, the metatheory organizes the literature coming under its purview and scholars may choose to work with whichever model fits their thinking so long as within the framework of the metatheory.

The illogic of a dimension like "C" is absent from the multidimensional models presented by Thompson (1991) and the one found in Wright & Isenstein (1978, 16-20). The illogic is explainable first by the theorist's non-location in epistemological African-centeredness. Actually, the theories of Sellers and Cross and their colleagues apparently reject, eschew and run from applying epistemological centering to their formulations. Consequently, their theories view what herein is called the outer core as buffeted about by racist ecology and individual's subsequent adjusting. Thus, in their theories the outer core has no inherent integrity. The outer core is in their models a function of the environment in which Eurasians specify Eurasian behaving and anti-African behaving by ADP as acceptable, rational and expected normalcy. Thus, the Sellers and the Cross models incorporate and measure African-U.S. adaption to this Eurasian-defined reality as if they were measuring something authentically African-U.S. in basis. Flowing straight from the African descent researcher's paradox, this is a prime example of what philosophers call a category error (Ryle, 1949)--a semantic or ontological error in which things belonging to a particular category are presented as if they belong to a different category. Similarly, The African Psychology Institute (1982) would label it a transubstantive error--a mistake of meaning that occurs when the behavior and cultural manifestations of one people are interpreted with the meanings of another people. It is through these errors exactly in this way that both Sellers and Cross formulate a dimension(s) that is actually an abnormality from the metatheory's definitional perspective--as is dimension C--as positive or neutral with conceptualization as apical always looming. Again, I underscore that neither the Sellers or Cross model is epistemologically located in the African center as these models ascribe interpretive preeminence to the environment as if (a) the environment itself was unspecified by Eurasians or (b) said specification was insignificant.

The intellect of psychological workers who make transubstantive and category errors of this sort in this field should not ipso facto be called into question as miseducation via indoctrination in Western training seems self-evident upon an epistemologic centered African evaluation of their theories. However, it seems as significant as it is undeniable that there is great misguidance in play among many African-U.S. psychological workers (Azibo, 2011a) reminiscent of as stated above "a still here legacy of slave and colonial mentalities still holding sway over African descent psychological workers' conceptualizing" (Azibo, 2015b). As long as that be the case with the mental health of ADP's intelligentsia, then what chance have the masses?

Demystifying the Multidimensional Idea

The "multidimensional" idea in racial identity/African personality/psychological Africanity theory and research can stand to be demystified. The term itself may be misleadingly impressive. That it connotes an advancing beyond the rudimentary model even as to contradict it should have been a red flag to scholars, but instead it appears many have embraced this "bass ackwards"--truly it is--idea as progressive. This author's contention is that when the multidimensional thrust burst onto the racial identity/African personality scene in the late 1990s and early 2000s as a zeitgeist it ushered in a new direction, but was hardly an advance in any sense of the word. Hence, as Sellers's and Cross's appear to be the leading multidimensional models (African American, n.d.; Psychological nigrescence), they warrant stepping back through so that the multidimensional idea might be properly placed. The particular illogic of their formulations was arrived at in the following sequence. Sellers

a. operating from Eurasian symbolic interaction theory in the first place, sans tempering interpretations using epistemologically centered African lens, took the position that "no value judgment is made with respect to what constitutes a healthy racial identity versus an unhealthy racial identity" (Sellers, et al, 1998a, 278).

b. From this frame, he formulated a 4-dimensional model,

c. then took concepts and test items from extant uni-dimensional cultural metamorphosis transformational process models and other formulations and measured them--not as process--but as a steady state product. In so doing, an assessment of the individual's outer core at that point in time was undertaken.

d. Presto his "Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity" took off.

e. Picking up on the zeitgeist toward multidimensionality, Cross and colleagues (Psychological Nigrescence) adjusted his uni-dimensional, personal identity stage transformation process model, which was situated in Eurasian-based reference group orientation theory, by articulating and measuring the steady-state products or behavioral correlates associated with each stage. In deemphasizing (not precluding) process for product, the behavioral repertoire of each stage becomes center stage and, ipso facto, was his multidimensional model birthed.

But, just what has taken place here points a-e? Taking stock of the matter raises the question, Is it a big deal or not so big a deal taking the same transformational stages (mostly) and shifting focus from process to product? (Incidentally, Azibo called for this shift in 1988.) When boiled down, that is all the multidimensional zeitgeist ushered in separately by the admittedly diligent works of Sellers and Cross and their colleagues is made of. For example, Sellers's salience and centrality constructs appear to be based in little more than Cross theory preencounter products. Upon the jolt upwards in psychological Africanity subsequent to an encounter, increased salience and centrality eventuate in or stimulate enhancement in the regard construct. Sellers's public and private regard constructs seem to be mostly Cross theory immersion and emersion products. Sellers's ideology construct seems like Cross theory internalization products. This is pointed out not as theoretical fustigation, but as critical effort to place, not pooh pooh, these two models, and similar others by extension, and the work they have been inspiring while simultaneously demystifying multidimensionality.

The models would seem negatively placed fundamentally in the sense of the sociology of knowledge. Specifically, in the African versus Eurasian psychology paradigm contestation the Cross and Sellers models represent, in actuality, advancement of Eurasian-based African personality or identity theory. Forewarned about this by Azibo (1992a, 1994), could it be that psychological workers of African descent subconsciously desire and prefer working with blackfaced Eurasian theory? There is a palpable problematic of slave and colonial consciousness lingering amongst them (Azibo, 2015b)? Slave consciousness, of course, precludes thinking from the epistemological African center. Shifting to this center is all these valuable models by Sellers and Cross and the models and research inspired by them need do to transition into epistemological soundness. As this transition would seem a readily doable desideratum, it must be asked non-rhetorically What is stopping the reader from seriously studying and locating himself and herself in the African frame of reference or asili? Also, this transition should be exciting and painless for scholars intending to be African-centered truly, meaning in location; not merely orientation.

Nevertheless, it would be a grave mistake to overlook that in their original and current formulations, the Sellers and Cross models are instantiations of "transubstantiation"--the process begetting transubstantive error. As this has gone on mostly appraised approvingly since the early Cross and Thomas models (Cross, 1978), in suspiration I ask rhetorically Can you imagine that, the shame and shock to the self-respect and dignity and the affront to the freedom and literacy of centered African psychological workers that these willingly rank apotheoses of hagiographic paeans to Western-based psychological thought--insofar as they base psycho-cultural knowledge about ADP in said Western psychological thinking--represent? I can. It is as if omnipresent and omnipotent Eurasian master's external defining of ADP is proper as if ADP were the Academy's contraband. "Ain't you got no shame, African descent psychologist? Ain't you got no shame?" (paraphrasing radio personality Bob Law's querry to ADP frequently asked after discussing especially bad behavior.)

ORP/ORM Research Reconciling Multidimensionality with RPAS. Azibo, Robinson-Kyles and Johnson (2013) investigated the original multidimensional model. This 6-dimension model can be converted into a 2-dimensional one that contrasts Africentric (pro-Black, anti-White, pan African, and Third World orientations combined) and Eurocentric (pro-White and anti-Black orientations combined) motivational orientations (the latter was originally called Anglocentric). The Africentric dimension affirms psychological Africanity whereas the Eurocentric dimension, a reverse orientation, negates psychological Africanity and affirms a mental Caucasianess. These constructs are operationalized with the Black Personality Questionnaire (Azibo, Robinson & Scott-Jones, 2011). With these schemes, research participants were classified into three groups--correct orientation (scoring that endorses ORP/ORM behaving), incorrect orientation (scoring that endorses preference for and maintaining of Eurasians and their way), and diffused orientation (scoring likely as not endorsing of ORP/ORM behaving as endorsing Eurasian preference and maintenance). In sum, the technique starts with multidimensional scores then converts them onto a uni-dimensional continuum of correct-diffused-incorrect psychological Africanity consistent with RPAS. A technical presentation can be found in Azibo (2014a, 49-50).

The hypothesis that a measure of "pure" outer core functioning, which means psychological Africanity as would occur had there been no enslavement and colonialism by Eurasians, would be highest in the correct orientation group, lowest in the incorrect with the diffused occupying a middle position was tested in two studies (Azibo, Robinson-Kyles & Johnson, 2013). The African Self-consciousness Scale was selected as the measure approximating pure psychological Africanity. As seen in Figure 4, the results from both studies showed exactly this pattern.

Thus, three points are highlighted regarding this correct-diffused-incorrect orientation format: it appears to be a construct valid assessment of the outer core, its construct validity is realizable only because scores from the constituent dimensions are each compatible with uni-dimensional continuum RPAS, and it makes theoretical and methodological sense to combine scores from different dimensions of a multidimensional model--or different aspects within a given dimension of a multidimensional model--so long as each is compatible with RPAS, bearing in mind that some scores are reverse indicators. Theoretically, combining is compelled whenever a uni-dimensional low-to-high score is wanted to represent the multidimensional. Most, however, like Vetta Thompson are against combining scores from different dimensions taken from their instruments (personal communication circa 2011) and presumably other ones. Although some scholars are locked into the idea that "distinct dimensions" should be studied only in their own right, that does not ipso facto rule out combining. Why not combine or do both studying singly and combining especially when it makes theoretical sense from the rudimentary uni-dimensional continuum framework Azibo (2006a, 2015a) articulated? The same holds for combining stage or status scores from uni-dimensional models when said scores taken alone are compatible with RPAS.


Fundamental Formulas. A foundational principle regarding the development of personality is Atkinson's (1981) formula that P = f(H, [E.SUB.ef]). This says that personality is a function of heredity, the earlier formative environment and the interaction between the two which is indicated by the parentheses. Although this formulation is largely ignored in the cultural transformation theory literature, Azibo pointed to its criticalness for African personality/racial identity development theory about ADP and adjusted it to include later formative environment (Azibo, 1998, 2015a; Azibo & Robinson, 2004). It is to be noted that the formula reveals heredity has a role in personality and identity development. This is where the metatheory's inner core construct enters. The formula in light of the metatheory is updated for ADP as PA = f(HeDKa, Eef, l). This reads the African personality is a function of heredity of ensoul with Divine Ka (Azibo, 2011d, 2015a; Chivaura, 2015), earlier formative and later environments and the heredity-environment interaction.

Historical Backdrop on Development. But as earlier discussed, most transformational theorists, being stagnantly tied to the field's ossified orthodoxy and environmentally encapsulated thinking, pursued so-called nigrescence transformation studies as if "nigrescence" were a field unto itself separate and apart from African personality and eschewed all biogenetic notions. Apparently, any thinking about biogenetics was an affront and embarrassment to many identity scholars from the time of Francis Cecil Sumner through nascent African psychology's origination (Azibo, 1996a). The vast majority seemed to have prejudged biogenetically-based thinking as offensive, non-intellectual "Black reverse racist thinking" mainly because Eurasian scholars had so abused and ingrained the "Black genetic inferiority" idea. Of course, this practically guaranteed the usage by African descent identity scholars of Eurasian psychological concepts for jumping off points and interpretive framing of ADP's identity development. The typical identity framework up until the racial consciousness zeitgeists of the 1960s and 1970s was negative and pejorative with more affirmative and positive theories arriving subsequently (Azibo, 1990a). It was in the latter type of theories that concepts like reference group orientation, symbolic interactionism, ego development, humanism, and so forth--all thoroughly deriving from Eurocentric thought--were vigorously applied in framing and interpreting ADP's identity development by African descent identity scholars. Though inappropriate from the African asilic framework, this was a significant step forward over negativist-pejorativist theses about ADP's normalcy in personality or identification characterized as Sambo-like or otherwise marked with scars of oppression.

Still, the affirmativist-positivist type of theories that rejected biogenetic thinking, which could be viewed as a "pro-Black camp" (Azibo, 1996a), when read critically in light of centered worldview as presented in Azibo (1992a), are seen to articulate an identity denouement that is a bricolage of the Eurasian's socially engineered and thereby domesticated "negro" invention as in "From Nigger to Negro: Dysfunctional beginnings of identity for New World Africans" (Jennings, 2003, 251). Ironically and erroneously, this "negro" bricolage--while at once the greatest example of the power of Western psychology to socially engineer and control behavior a la B.F. Skinner's 8-word utterance that "behavior is shaped and maintained by its consequences"--is interpreted through pro-Black camp framing as progressively and positively "African" or "Black" (Azibo, 2014a, 2015a). At this point in our study, the reader might understand that this is illogic on steroids. These identity development scholars have done precisely what Tommy Curry (2011a) criticized Africana philosophers for. The reader should read my bracketed words into his statement: the scholars define [the field's] validity to the extent Black authors extend the thought of white philosophers [psychologists] toward race... [T]he extent to which Black theory converges with established white philosophical [psychological] traditions and white racial sensibilities continues to misguide many of the current philosophical [psychological] techniques of Africana thought.... [This] has made current scholarship in African American and Africana [psychological] thought derelict, in the sense that all investigations into Blackness are normatively and hence ideologically driven and not culturally relevant to the actual lives of Africana people. (Curry, 2011a, 314, emphasis added)

Moreover, using the various Eurasian concepts (reference group orientation, symbolic interaction, humanism, looking glass self, et cetera) for framing has been more nocuous for the field than upraising. Therefore it is neither poison pen nor japery to pound the point. Rather, it is instruction. It was the actual framing from the Eurasian center that set the stage for an error engulfing all of African-U.S. psychology since Charles Thomas and William Cross first published their models in 1970 and 1971, respectively (Cross, 1978; Cross, Parham & Helms, 1998). So egregious is the error that it just cracks the skull and warrants an apology.

An Apology. Though this writer has never committed this error and has fought it his entire career, I offer with utmost sincerity and the deepest shame and embarrassment for my African descent psychological worker confreres, on their behalf, a sincere "our bad," nuestra culpa. The apology is owed to ADP for the error of presenting this denouement in despoiled racial consciousness as apical rather than as sophisticated regression to the earliest stage, state, or status [of racial identity/African personality]. (Azibo, 2014a, 125) That this confused view continues repeating from one generation of transformational and expanded multidimensional racial identity scholars to the next... nonplusses. (Azibo, 2015a, 157)

Permit this author to deeply apologize for this failure by psychologists and mental health workers of African descent because the minimum expected of psychological workers is knowing, spotting and correctly distinguishing normalcy versus abnormal psychological functioning. (Azibo, 2014a, 125) Technically, this error is the contradiction in construct conceptualization issue [meaning again] the spectacular misinterpretation of African-U.S. regression and dysfunction [i.e., mental disorder] in racial identity/psychological Africanity as progression. (Azibo, Robinson & Scott-Jones, 2011, 252, emphases added)

This error cannot be pointed out enough as it is pervading. The damages have been untold--hindering centered African psychological perspective in theory, research and practice and directly translating into en masse susceptibility of ADP to the powerful seductions offered by the Eurasian world order so evident today (Schiele, 2002). "Healers" are supposed to protect ADP against susceptibility of this sort. Surely, the psy-profession healers and psychological workers of African descent would be sorry for dropping the ball--if only they could see the CCCI error. Even so, I cannot intellectualize away the splanchnic prickling I experience every time I encounter formulations with this error. Einstein's observation has been somewhat salving: "Whether or not you can observe a thing depends on the theory you use. It is the theory that decides what can be observed" (cited in Aluli-Meyer, 2008, 217). Regardless, I can only assuage my disappointment by invoking Chinweizu: "it is perhaps prudent to remind oneself that the loftiest credentials have never been a barrier to uttering nonsense" (cited in SaTlou, 2012, para. 18). This is not said with spite or tongue-in-cheek, but in all seriousness as it would seem that many mental health doctors of African descent need a doctor (Azibo, 2015b; Farrakhan, 1987). This makes sense as they have emerged from a populace saturated with mentacide and psychological misorientation.

Towards Recovering Face. To help clarify the theoretical matter, to make the CCCI error unmistakeably seeable, and to help centered African psychology recover this fumble, Azibo conducted survey research hypothesizing that the denouements reported in so-called nigrescence cultural transformational theories are regressions to earlier identity status or stage. His hypothesis was confirmed in three datasets of college students. Robinson and Azibo (2003) found that scores from both the lowest/deracinated and highest/apical stages from Milliones's (1980) Developmental Inventory of Black Consciousness (DIBC) measure, pre-consciousness and integration subscales respectively, correlated negatively with scores from two measures of the outer core formulated in advanced theories in Table 2--namely, the African Self-consciousness Scale (ASCS) and the Black Personality Questionnaire (BPQ). If the denouement of integration were not a regression to pre-consciousness, then its correlations with outer core scores should have been positive if indeed it represents the apical progression that transformation/nigrescence theory claims for it.

Also, DIBC confrontation and internalization stages lie sequentially between the beginning and denouement stages. In Milliones's model, then, these stages reflect progressive metamorphosis away from deracinated pre-consciousness. Thus these stages represent sequential increment in psychological Africanity. Scores from confrontation and internalization stages correlated positively with the ASCS and BPQ outer core measures as they should have theoretically.

A consonant pattern of correlations repeated in Azibo, Johnson and Robinson-Kyles (2007). In that study, Cross's (1979) Stages Questionnaire which measures his original transformation model was used along with the DIBC and the two advanced theory outer core scales, the ASCS and the BPQ. The pre-encounter subscale of the Stages Questionnaire measures the first stage in mental metamorphosis to higher states of the outer core. Pre-encounter scores correlated positively with both DIBC pre-consciousness scores, as it should have, and DIBC denouement stage integration scores which it should not have if the denouement represents apical identity development progression. Also, Stages Questionnaire pre-encounter scores were inversely correlated with metamorphic progression DIBC confrontation and internalization scores supporting the stage-typic metamorphosis away from deracination idea. Thus, along with evidence for transformation there is evidence that the denouement indexes regression as in Robinson and Azibo (2003). Additionally, DIBC stage scores were combined into a single total score relying on the same logic for combining dimensions of a multidimensional model discussed above. The reader should pause for a moment and ponder if combining different stage or status scores in a manner that presumes compatibility with identity development mounting and progressively mounting along the rudimentary low-to-high continuum represents mishmash and hodgepodge or something psychically meaningful.

Azibo, Johnson, and Robinson-Kyles (2007) took the latter position. Two combinations were computed yielding two distinct total scores. One is DIBCT which is a sum of the four DIBC stage scores as if the stages taken sequentially indexed identity progression as claimed by nigrescence transformation theory. The other was computed as if the DIBC stages sequentially depicted identity progression initially followed by regression by the time of denouement. It was computed by subtracting the DIBC end-stage "integration" score from the total score DIBCT yielding DIBCT-I. For both the ASCS and the BPQ, their total scores correlated with DIBCT-I statistically significantly greater than with corresponding correlations with DIBCT. This is interpreted as follows: when the influence of the DIBC denouement stage is removed as in the DIBCT-I score, the association with advanced theory outer core psychological Africanity scores is enhanced. The same correlational analyses of DIBCT and DIBCT-I were conducted with advance theory multidimensional scores of the outer core earlier identified as Africentric and Anglocentric (sometimes called Eurocentric) which is a reverse index. The meanings are self-explanatory. The consonant pattern of correlational results repeated again as the Africentric score correlation with DIBCT-I was statistically significantly greater than its DIBCT correlation.

In contrast, the negative Anglocentric score correlation with DIBCT-I was statistically significantly less than its negative correlation with DIBCT. The result with the Africentric variable receives the same interpretation as the uni-dimensional results. The Anglocentric variable should have evinced a statistically significantly stronger negative correlation with DIBCT than DIBCT-I if the former represents apical identity progression, but the opposite result occurred. This all suggests that end-stage or denouement stage is regression.

Azibo and Robinson (2004) tested the Stages Questionnaire end-stage of internalization as a regression to the beginning stage of pre-encounter using the BPQ outer core measure. It provides a uni-dimensional total score along with the Africentric and Anglocentric multidimensional scores already mentioned. These three scores served as correlates of pre-encounter and internalization scores as well as predictor variables in multiple regression analyses. Like the Robinson and Azibo (2003) and Azibo, Johnson and Robinson-Kyles (2007) studies, the pattern of correlations suggest denouement stage as regression. Specifically, total BPQ outer core scores correlated inversely with pre-encounter scores as they should have, but did not correlate with internalization scores which, if internalization was actually assessing identity progression, a positive correlation should have resulted. If internalization scores were actually measuring regression to earlier stage mentality, then failure to correlate with the advanced theory outer core total scores is the expectation. Also, Africentric score correlations with pre-encounter and internalization scores mirrored the BPQ total score results--inversely correlating with pre-encounter scores and not correlating with internalization scores. Anglocentric scores positively correlated with pre-encounter scores as they should have, but correlated positively with internalization scores. If the internalization scores represent identity progression as nigrescence theory claims, then this result is not supportive. If Stages Questionnaire internalization scores measure regression, as Azibo contends, the positive correlation with Anglocentric scores makes sense. So too does the pattern of correlations resulting from analyses between Africentric and Anglocentric with Stages Questionnaire total score which was computed by combining--specifically, through summing all of its subscales (pre-encounter, immersion-emersion and internalization). Africentric scores failed to correlate with this total and Anglocentric scores correlated positively. The pattern does not make sense if total Stages Questionnaire score measures progression in identity. The results should show the opposite pattern.

It seems appropriate to preface Azibo and Robinson's (2004) multiple regression results with an anecdote. Esteemed ancestor psychologist Dr. Robert Guthrie provided a comment upon viewing the data at a presentation circa the early 2000s: "Correlations being what they are, well, they're just correlations. But, the multiple regression [statistical] analyses close the point" about end-stage regression. Agreed, but there also is something specially powerful and beautiful about a pattern of correlations across different datasets and instruments falling out as predicted.

Table 4 reproduces Azibo and Robinson's (2004, 259) multiple regression results. Both Africentric and Anglocentric variables predict the pre-encounter variable in the expected way, inversely and positively, respectively. However, for the alleged apical identity variables internalization and the combination uni-dimensional total, Africentric scores did not predict at all whereas Anglocentric scores predicted positively--just like with pre-encounter--instead of negatively. Nigrescence-transformation theory cannot explain these results which run counter to it.

The results of the research pertaining to psychological Africanity development seem clear that upon arrival at a transformational model's end-stage or status, the direction appears to have reversed 180[degrees]. Could anything be more disrating for cultural transformation models as they all claim the opposite? Could the statement that "full conversion [up] through Integration or Double Consciousness [denouement stages is] a mark of cultural adjustment" (Taylor, 1998, 91) be more misguiding? Once more, I issue an apology to the masses of ADP on behalf of their no doubt well-intended African descent psychological workers--that is, the ones who have participated in engraining into orthodoxy this egregious conceptualization that typical transformation metamorphoses conclude in identity progression. It just cracks the skull.

Azibo's Sequential 5-Stage Model: The Process of Identity Diffusion. The conclusion was on point that "[t]he most comprehensive understanding [about ADP's identity development] seems to come from applying both models [the metamorphic cultural transformation and the holistic African personality] to the process of identity development" (Richardson, 1998, 80). The metatheory brings both types of models together but goes farther than Richardson by organizing the transformational ones under its purview. This brings the transformational models more in line with centered African deep thought about the nature of African humanity thereby eliminating errors like the contradiction in construct conceptualization. As a result, Azibo reviewed the Cross (1978, 1991), Fanon (1963), Jackson (1976), Poussaint (1966), Thomas (1971), and Toldson and Pasteur (1975) cultural metamorphosis models and postulated a model of modal cultural transformation from the rudimentary, uni-dimensional continuum perspective. The result was a sequential 5-stage (step or status) process (Azibo, 1983a, 1990a; Azibo & Robinson, 2004):

Stage 1: The person's worldview is Eurocentric [Eurasian]; thought and behavior patterns are anti-African; and there is passive acceptance or outright support of European [Eurasian] hegemony over African life; At the same time, salience of race in the social structure is denied.

Stage 2: The European [Eurasian] hegemony and worldview are rejected; there is active resistance to White hegemony; thought patterns begin to focus on affirming Africanity; and the dominant orientation is an anti-White reaction (this stage is usually thought to be engendered by a negative encounter with Whites or institutional forces they control).

Stage 3: Thought patterns and motivational orientations shift to pro-Black [pro-African]; knowledge about Africanity is sought; and feelings of racial pride are realized.

Stage 4: The pro-Black [pro-African] identity is internalized; the person is committed to his or her African identity; energy is directed toward enhancing African life; and there is a sophisticated understanding of the salience of race in the social structure.

Stage 5?: Race, again, loses significance; interracial activity becomes salient; and Whites may be sought as 'significant others.' The person has now transcended race.

Close analysis of Stage 5? reveals it to be similar to Stage 1, thus actually depicting regression--not progression--in identity. Deliberately, therefore, we place the question mark with Stage 5. The regressed identity of Stage 5? is sophisticated. By this we mean that, in regressing to a Stage 1 identity after attaining Stage 4, much of the rank anti-Blackism/anti-Africanism associated with 'deracination'... or categories of psychological misorientation... is significantly lessened. What is highlighted is the inclination toward White people [Eurasians generally] and their culture. The description of Stage 5? shows a snug fit with the descriptions of [most metamorphic model end-stages]. (Azibo & Robinson, 2004, 252-253).

Although the transformational phenomenon as theorized by Azibo is based on metamorphoses characterizing the late 1970s thru the early 1980s, his psychological Africanity development model makes a threefold contribution germane to all living generations of ADP and their progeny.

First, it depicts the process of identity diffusion which explains in stage-typic terms how the outer core of ADP comes to be admixed with dominant Eurasian and non-dominant African cognitive elements. Therefore nigrescence and cultural transformation are indeed misnomers for the metamorphosis. The modal "negro-to-Black" metamorphosis is not, nor was it ever, the "process of becoming African or Black" psycho-culturally.

This conceptualization, despite having been burned into the literature, is nonetheless erroneous. It seems more accurate to conceptualize this "negro-to-Black" metamorphosis as a bastardization or hijacking of an authentic in origination transformation process by Eurasian specification of the environment (hegemony). The process of identity diffusion would seem the more proper terminology. Indeed, it is this process alone that can be seen to predispose the individual for the eventuating identity regression depicted in Stage 5?. In sum, sophsiticated regression is the culminating identity orientation resulting from the diffused racial identity
In other words, a genuine arrival at denouements [like Stage 5?]...
only occur as a result of a racial consciousness that has undergone
diffusion.... [Stage 5?] denouements belie progress in racial identity
development and imply a circumscribing, circumventing, and a shutting
down of an orientation [most often initiated authentically out of
ADP's existential reality] that pursues interests of people of African
descent [with priority]. (Azibo, Johnson & Robinson-Kyles, 2007, 129)

This unfortunate denouement, Stage 5?, of this unfortunate process of identity diffusion must not becloud the positive significance of psychological metamorphosis based in reaction to environmental calamities as "one thing is quite certain: the Black power movement [despite mostly based in reaction historically] has been the most effective mass therapy for [B]lack Americans yet" (Bulhan, 1985, 152). (The Black Lives Matter movement has/had this potential, but the youth have not been aided by many including African descent mental health workers who refuse to organize for anything other than annual picnics and such.)

Process Denouement Versus Starting Point Product. Second, Azibo's model of the metamorphosis process is as forward looking as it is past descriptive. This point should not be overlooked. Specifically, for the generations not experiencing the social movements of the 1960s and 1970s or consequential aftermaths (Harris, 1990; Van Peebles, Taylor & Lewis, 1995, 13-40) and the remaining un-Afrocized age peers, Stage 5? is not a process denouement for them. Viewed more correctly, it is a starting point product of their identity diffused outer cores. That being the case, it too can undergo metamorphic transformation--unfortunately, usually borne not of pro-action, but of reaction to tragedies and catastrophy--as, for example, suggested by the sustaining of the "Black Lives Matter" social movement by theretofore non-political, non-activist, non-African-centered young people since "Ferguson" (Curry, 2014b; Owens, 2015) and the subsequent string of White violence. The latter is more proof that "Black lives" have never mattered to Americans (Abu-Jamal, 2017).

May all who have been "smoked"and viciously violated by American domestic terrorism whether state or individual--Tanisha Anderson, Sean Bell, Sandra Bland, Alan Blueford, Rekiah Boyd, Michael Brown, Eleanor Bumpers, Phillando Castille, John Crawford, Troy Davis, Amadou Diallo, Michael Donald, Michael Ellerbe, Eric Garner, Ramarley Graham, Oscar Grant, Freddie Gray, Akai Gurley, Dontre Hamilton, Eric Harris, Gregory Hill, Abner Louima, Laquan McDonald, Arthur McDuffie, Dante Parker, Jordan Reed, Tamir Rice, Walter Scott, Anthony Smith, Alton Sterling, DeWayne Thomas, Timothy Thomas, Emmett Till, Ronnie White, the girls blown to bits in Birmingham, Alabama (Denise McNair, Addie Mae Collins, Carole Robertson, and Cynthia Wesley), the 11 children and adults of MOVE, the "100 years of lynchings" victims, "the other bodies [found] in the river," the victims of the "red summer" and the Tulsa, Oklahoma "Black Wall Street" bombings, and on and on as well as those whose lives have been torn asunder like Yusef Salaam, Kharey Wise, Kevin Richardson, Raymond Santana, and Antron McCay, the Central Park 5 proven totally innocent, whom Donald Trump advocated for their death, Ramona Afrika, Tawana Brawley, Rodney King, Assata Shakur, the pre-teen children of police-murdered Gregory Hill awarded 4 cents each by the court in compensation, ad infinitum--be not forgotten, but avenged. That names could be named without exhaustion is not hyperbole as Eurasian civilization demonstrates daily, worldwide that under its reign Black lives have never mattered and likely never will whether in Argentina, Australia, Brazil, East Timor, New Zealand, Sudan, Tasmania, the United States, throughout the former African colonies, throughout Eurasia, and on and on.

Abnormality in Identity Development. Third, from the perspective of the metatheory, Stage 5? denouement is predisposed by mentacide-induced psychological misorientation occurring through sophisticated regression processes. Therefore, Stage 5? can only be an abnormality phenomenon--and therefore a disorder--occurring en masse in otherwise normal ADP. Most of these persons will probably have enough adequately operating spokes and rim to be functional. That would place them in quadrant C of the four-fold schematic; quadrant D for those whose spokes are in disarray. This denouement has been named in the AN II Stage 5? regression disorder. It is defined there as a despoiled, spoliated [outer core, a]... consciousness resulting from denouement in racial identity or cultural transformation metamorphosis [i.e.]... the process of identity diffusion in which the paramountcy of amalgamationist, integrationist, beyond race/beyond Black and White sentimentality is established concomitant with enervation of own-race maintenance posture after having traversed the earlier developmental stages or statuses in the metamorphosis. (Azibo, 2014a, 124, 2015a)

The seriousness of this disorder is both compounded and hidden by an apparent prevalence discernable in the following remark: "We have observed many Blacks [sic], whom we refer to as 'Cultural Backsliders'.... individuals who were once committed to their ethnic group but for various reasons, rejected their cultural heritage" (Terrell & Terrell, 1999, 221). That normative status of a phenomenon in a population, as appears Stage 5? regression disorder (at least amongst African-U.S.), does not qualify it automatically as a normality is a point for hammering when conceptualizing psychopathology.


"If I had a hammer, I'd hammer in the morning, I'd hammer in the evening all over this land." While interesting all by itself, Stage 5? regression disorder compels a radical reappraisal of the nature of ADP's cultural transformation processes occurring under Eurasian domination. It follows that if the denouement in a sequential transformation process was thought to be healthy psycho-cultural adjustment but alas turned out to be African personality disorder--specifically, psychological misorientation brought on by mentacide--then a fortiori the entire developmental process of psycho-cultural transformation taken as a whole is seeable as an abnormality phenomenon among an otherwise normal populace.

Azibo has been hammering this point for decades (Azibo, 2014a, 2015a, 2015e; Azibo, Johnson & Robinson-Kyles, 2007; Azibo & Robinson, 2004). His efforts appear as if a soliloquy despite the opportunity for research that his rethinking of the cultural metamorphosis phenomena could usher in. Unfortunately, there has been an overall absence of African personality psychopathology research, whether based in the AN II or the 55 individual disorders it contains. This sad truth is another significant instance of dropping the ball that belies the ethical espousals of organized African descent psychological workers, typified by the ABP: "Black psychologists ... are committed to research... which is designed to build from the core of our African spiritual and physical being.... towards the unmasking of the nefarious influences of racism" (History, by-laws, 1983, chap. 3, 1). The point is worth hammering that, apparently, more walk is needed to go along with that talk. It has been opined that "[m]any of us would watch developments in African psychology from a distance.... Had more of us served as workers rather than distant watchers, the field would have progressed much more rapidly" (Harrell, 2004, 209). These remarks are applicable to the ignoring of the original and second edition of the Azibo Nosology. Using the four-fold table in conjunction with the AN II as discussed above and elsewhere (Azibo, 2014a, 2016a, in review a) could be the start of a reversal. As "the doctor needs a doctor," African descent psychological workers will have to fix themselves first or concomitant with their clients (Azibo, 1990b, 2015b) and, along with other mental health workers, will have to choose to use these tools in upgrading their competency with ADP. Let this be the new gestalt for mental health work with ADP.

An Affront? Get Over It!

To adopt this new gestalt, psychological workers must get over the emotional hurdle that in pointing out or to abnormities in ADP's psychological functioning, like just done regarding Stage 5? regression disorder, abashment is inherent or implied. That is simply knee jerk and not true. Perhaps, a little cogitation will reassure there is as much an affront to ADP in the present case (and throughout this book) as in Frances Welsing's (2014) conclusion that "Blacks [are] in a state of insanity" or Amos Wilson's (1989) perennial, signature assessment in his speechmaking about ADP's functioning (many on YouTube) that "Ladies and gentlemen, we must be out of our minds." As Azibo's analyses pointing out/to abnormities are in the same vein as Welsing and Wilson whose intellection on these matters is beyond reproach, any putdown of ADP exists in the mind of the reader; it is not denoted or connoted in my writing.

Distortion in the Outer Core. Azibo has conducted research into distortions in the outer core found in a sample of AN II diagnosable persons. By demonstrating straight up distortion in the structure of psychological Africanity or the outer core, it would follow that cognitive space for psychological misorientation and the constructs it and mentacide predispose exists in the outer core. Dixon and Azibo (1998) studied the factor structure of psychological Africanity in a sample of 101 African-U.S. crack cocaine smoking, poly-addicted homeless men with an average age of 32. They used the ASCS to index the outer core. Each participant was diagnosable with self-destructive disorder found in the AN II (Azibo, 2014a, 90-124, discusses this category of disorders). Research suggests that non-clinical African-U.S. typically have a 4-factor (Stokes, et al. 1994) or greater (Myers & Thompson, 1994) structure containing multipart affirmative psychological Africanity. In the self-destructive sample, however, only two factors emerged, namely value for African-centered institutions and relationships and value against affirmative Africanity (Dixon & Azibo, 234). Note that only the first factor is affirming of psychological Africanity. This finding indicates gross, albeit understandable for their population, distortion in the normalcy structure of the outer core's psychological Africanity.

Also, ORM behavior for this sample was nil as indicated by high scoring on a measure of psychological misorientation behaviors with possibly nihilistic overtones that are extra serious ([]) which included selling drugs, living off of and manipulating women, theft, robbery and illegal hustling. Surprisingly, even in this group of men, those with greater orientation toward psychological Africanity, using a correct-unclear/diffused-incorrect grouping strategy, reported committing statistically significantly fewer of these [] compared to those with lesser orientation toward psychological Africanity: [chi square] (2, n = 101) = 5.488, p = .06. The squared contingency coefficient was .1024 indicating predictability of one variable from the other. (For justification of the significance level, see Dixon and Azibo, 237-238).

It would seem that psychological Africanity is robust when it comes to predicting ORM behavior. Stated differently, psychological Africanity may have tonic properties even for those impaired with self-destructive disorder and, by extension, perhaps other disorders induced by psychological misorientation and mentacide in general.

To predict the [] in an HBCU sample, presumably a non-clinical, not self-destructive group, Azibo (2018) used a measure of ordinary--as against extra serious--psychological misorientation called the Cultural Misorientation Scale (CMS) (Azibo, Robinson and Scott-Jones, 2011). The CMS yields a total and six subscale scores of outer core psychopathology and disorder. The subscales are alien-self (Eurocentric worldview orientation and distancing from African-centered conceptualization), anti-self (alien-self orientation with hostility and nullification toward African-U.S. life and culture added), self-destructive (engaging in behavior and thought that is overtly hurtful of ADP and often criminal), materialism (valuation emphasizing physical characteristics, clothes, money, things, and so forth), individualism (emphasizes me-myself-I over group or collective considerations), and integration (emphasizes the involvement of Caucasians in numerous aspects of the life of African-U.S. people).

Not surprisingly, the nihilistically tinged [] scores were overall low in this college sample averaging less than 1 where the minimum and maximum possible scores are zero and 7. Still, the mean of .29 was reliable: single sample t (139) = 3.745, p < .001. Moreover, three hypotheses were confirmed with multiple regression analysis using [] scores as the criterion and CMS subscale scores as predictors. Hypothesis 1 was supported as the model was reliable, F(6, 133) = 10.41, p < .001, with an adjusted [R.sup.2] = .289. It was also confirmed that the CMS anti-self and alien-self subscales which index own-race abjuration and disparagement (hypothesis 2) and the self-destruction subscale (hypothesis 3) which indexes self-community-race destruction would be the strongest predictor variables. The standardized regression coefficients were alien-self [beta] = -.259, t(133) = -3.057, p < .01; anti-self [beta] = .345, t(133) = 3.927, p < .001; and self-destructive disorder [beta] = .284, t(133) = 3.207, p < .01. Anti-self, an own-race abjuration variable, had the strongest [beta]-statistic, even statistically significantly greater than the alien-self [beta]-statistic. The self-destructive [beta]-value also was reliably greater than the alien-self [beta]-value. These findings suggest the likelihood for doing self/community harm may be less with general alienation from psychological Africanity and greater when said alienation is accompanied with wrathful ill will. The difference between the anti-self and self-destructive [beta] statistics was not statistically reliable.

It makes sense that own-race abjuration as reflected in anti-self psychological misorientation relates positively to extra serious behavior and descriptively is the strongest predictor of it because by and large extra serious behaviors like the variables constituting the criterion measure are perpetrated "Black-on-Black." Consistent with Wilson's (1990) observations, perpetrating these behaviors likely requires and/or engenders anti-self orientation. A surprise, however, might be that alien-self predicted inversely.

When thought through though, that result makes sense too. To be sure, alien-self is not to beconsidered protective against []. The observed relationship appears more a societal artifact, not the workings of the alien-self construct per se. To explain synoptically, it is inarguable that a leveling and probably a reversal of African-U.S. college students' racial identification since the activist 1960s-1970s epoch has taken place. As indicated earlier diffused identity appears to characterize recent generations. Highlighted and directional in this admixed belief system/cognitive structure is pro-Eurasianism. It follows that where there is diffused self-consciousness and no Afrocizing, alien-self psychological misorientation can take root routinely. Also, for ADP with an incorrect psychological Africanity orientation, reflecting a straight up Eurasian self-consciousness, can alien-self psychological misorientation find fertile cognitive soil in which to establish itself. With modal African personality pushed to this point or moved externally to this location, alien-self disorder may be normative, statistically speaking, among the African-U.S. including its college population. Thence may come the inverse correlation between alien-self and [] scores as a preponderant 86% of this study's undergraduate sample classified as diffused or incorrect in psychological Africanity orientation. With the outer core of the modal student participant simultaneously de-Africanized and Eurasianized, the insidious contradiction of grossly psychopathological alien-self psychological misorientation appearing protective against psychological maladies such as extra serious psychological misorientation behaviors enters. If the observed inverse relationship were a function of the alien-self construct's inherent workings instead of artifact, then its beta likely would not have been reliably weaker than the anti-self and self-destructive betas.

Diminutional Psychological Misorientation. Another study investigating the nuances of psychological misorientation was conducted to attempt distinguishing it from low, truncated, distorted psychological Africanity. Ferreting out the intricacies between the two seems important. To this end, "the Azibo theory of diminutional psychological misorientation" (Azibo, 2006b, 9) was presented. The theory states in summary that

1. In the outer core, inappropriate psychological functioning can be driven by psychological misorientation or underdeveloped or distorted psychological Africanity (failure to achieve a psychological Africanity orientation that priorities the defense, maintenance, and development of ADP).

2. Semaj's (1980) research with children (Figure 2a-c) is interpretable as supporting the idea of inherency of ORP/ORM behaving induced by ORB. As well, said behaving quickly dissipates or is short-lived--at least in miasmatic, anti-ADP ecology like the US. Mentacide and psychological misorientation would seem implicated as ever present and eating away at psychological Africanity diminishing it daily.

3. Mentacidal pressures eventuate in psychological misorientation cognition overtaking the outer core so as to drive it. Psychological Africanity is frequently completely displaced.

Figure 5 read from top to bottom illustrates this diminutional psychological misorientation process. (When read from bottom to top, Figure 5 illustrates the cultural metamorphosis transformation without sophisticated regression.) The term "correct orientation" used in the figure is shorthand for connoting a genetically black person negotiating the world or the social ecology with an outer core comprised of pro- and centered-African beliefs, values, and attitudes. Hence the black shading to represent an African mindset. It is logical that during this top to bottom process certain psychological misorientation cognitions may penetrate the outer core to a lesser or greater extent than others. In general, the deeper the psychological misorientation penetrates the outer core, the greater the depletion of psychological Africanity as depicted in Figure 5.

Of the psychological misorientations measured by the CMS, it was reasoned that materialism and individualism psychological misorientation cognitions penetrate the outer core's psychological Africanity weakly. This is referred to as level 1 penetration because these psychological misorientations pervade Western civilization so as to be run of the mill, ordinary, not special. It would be unreasonable to think ADP would not be affected by them. These level 1 cognitions, in effect, may be indistinguishable from underdeveloped or plain old incorrectly developed psychological Africanity cognitions (as distinct from psychological misorientation per se). Perhaps, an outer core comprised with both psychological Africanity and such level 1 cognitions could be driven by either. Nevertheless, hypothesis 1 was that the level 1 psychological misorientation cognitions would relate negatively to psychological Africanity. In contrast, anti-self cognitions are thought to more deeply penetrate the outer core and vacate more of its psychological Africanity than materialism and individualism. In addition, anti-self cognitions may be graded from the pervasive irritating, unpleasant and obnoxious ones like "n----ain't 'nuttin,' never have been 'nuttin,' never going to be 'nuttin'" through a somewhat more deeply palpable sentiment captured with the word shit substituted for 'nuttin' on to consuetudinary "n-----please" replies on to explicit own-race hatred reflected in "I hate all n------, don't want to be around no n-----, wish all n-----would die/go to hell/leave me alone" to an ultimate "I don't give a f-bomb about n------and will kill any/all of them." In persons with "nihilated African identities disorder" (Azibo, 2014a, 91-92) the upper end of this gradient predominates. However, among ADP in general the low end of this gradient seems predominant. Therefore, anti-self cognition overall is considered level 2 deep. The second hypothesis was its correlation with psychological Africanity should be inverse and noticeably stronger than the level 1 correlations by eyeball test and not necessarily inferentially.

It might surprise that alien-self and integration psychological misorientation cognitions were theorized to void psychological Africanity more than the other cognitions. Therefore they are considered level 3--the deepest penetration of the outer core. The reasoning is that living in a state of Eurasian supremacy domination with all its anti-Africanisms covertly and overtly operating, alienation from one's African personality and inclination for inclusion, fusion, and diffusion into Eurasian-based society and lifestyle "are clear indicators of a more deeply, perhaps profoundly, penetrating psychological misorientation [induced by mentacide].... Most likely, it is this penetration that persistently enables the daunting of the African personality" (Azibo, 2006b, 31). Therefore, the third hypothesis stated that alien-self and integration cognitions would show the strongest inverse correlations with psychological Africanity and be reliably different from level 1 correlations and, by eyeball at least, appear noticeably larger than the level 2 anti-self correlation. Figure 6 illustrates this continuum of levels of outer core penetration by mentacide induced psychological misorientation and concomitant diminishment of psychological Africanity. It also contains the observed correlation coefficients.
Figure 6.
Correlation coefficients between psychological Africanity scores and
psychological misorientation indices as a function of levels of outer
core penetration by psychological misorientation and concomitant
diminishment of psychological Africanity

Level 1  * Surface Psychological Misorientation and/or Low
         Psychological Africanity each may operate in
         the Outer Core
         * Materialism r(69)= -.17, p>.05 Individualism r(69)= -.20,
         * Each coefficient is reliably lower than both level 3
         * Moderate Psychological Misorientation and/or Low
         Psychological Africanity each may operate in
         the Outer Core
Level 2  * Anti-self Disorder r(69)= -.35, p<.001
         * Coefficient not reliably different from Level 1 or Level 3
Level 3  * Deep Psychological Misorientation
         * Alien-self Disorder r(69)= -.52, p<.001 Integration r(69)=
         -.53, p<.001

Individualism, materialism, anti-self, alien-self and integration cognitions were measured with the CMS. Seventy-one HBCU undergraduates completed these subscales and the BPQ. Correlation patterns were interpretable within the diminutional theory formulation. All CMS subscale-psychological Africanity score correlations were negative, as they should be, with level 1 variables materialism and individualism yielding the smallest correlations followed by the level 2 anti-self variable which by eyeball test is visibly different from the level 1 correlations. The level 3 alien-self and integration variables correlated the strongest with psychological Africanity. Importantly, both level 3 variables' correlations with psychological Africanity were statistically significantly greater than both the level 1 variables' correlations. Regarding the level 2 variable, its correlation did not by statistical inference differ from either the level 1 or level 3 variables' correlations. The nature and pattern of the relationships in the data appear readily interpretable within the context of the Azibo theory of diminutional psychological misorientation. Though best regarded as preliminary, the results suggest an interplay between states of metatheory normalcy (outer core's psychological Africanity) and abnormality (mentacide induced psychological misorientation conditions). Practitioners mindful of this interplay may become more efficacious and their African personality diagnosing should be enhanced. Discerning whether it is diminished psychological Africanity or mentacide and psychological misorientation driving client and community malfunctioning--erroneouslyviewed by many as both normative and "normal"--seems important. Additionally, social cognition and approaches/techniques for measuring cognitive space might make use of the distinction.

The Vice of Greed for Material Things. The materialism of Western civilization is pervasive and has been exported to ADP. However, this cultural urge runs palpably, blatantly counter to the spirituality orientation that inheres in ensoul with Divine Ka. It can have a splanchnic effect on some people. Also, many ADP may not have the socio-economic wherewithal to satisfy materialism's cravings. Depression could result from either or both sources, particularly the masked depression known materialistic depression (Azibo, 2013, 2014a, 67-69) in which self-worth and the perceived worth of others is calculated as a function of one's or other's material status. Thus materialistic depression is an excellent reification of the [P.sub.A] = f([H.sub.eDKa], Eef, l) formula.

Black, Braithwaite and Taylor (1982) introduced the materialistic depression construct. They noted that many of their clients were depressed over the lack of and desire for material things. Some persons self-medicate their depression with materialistic indulgences. Materialistic depression, being one of the disorders predisposed by psychological misorientation and mentacide, threatens the integrity of the outer core by deadening spirituality orientation, an inherent mainstay of ADP's psycho-cultural functioning (Azibo, 2011d). Material orientation, a mainstay of Eurasian psycho-cultural functioning, flourishes in this void. But, is materialistic depression truly a depression or just some "Black talk" balderdash? If the former, materialistic depression would qualify as a masked depression meaning depression expressed in symptoms other than those listed in the DSM or ICD.

Representative examples of materialistic depression symptoms are dysphoria when unable to obtain or in the absence of money or material things longed for, feeling that one is a better human being than persons who have lesser means and fewer quality possessions than oneself, feeling that money and affluence entitles one to trump, supersede, or disregard the collective good, and judging one's or another's self-worth by one's own or the other's earning power (Azibo, 2013, 64, 2014a, 67-69). If symptoms of materialistic depression truly mask or reflect underlying depression, as contended, then materialistic depression scores should correlate with scores from indices related to own-life taking ideation, materialism, and general depression.

These results have been found in research (Azibo, 2013, 2015d). College students (N=144) completed the Materialistic Depression Quiz (MDQ), the Zung Self-rating Depression Scale (ZSRD), a thinking about suicide measure taken from the ZSRD, the Symptom Checklist 90-R depression subscale (SCLD) and the materialism subscale of the CMS. The MDQ scores correlated positively with thinking about suicide, r = .27, p <.05. High-medium-low MDQ groupings were created using the number of endorsed MDQ items as follows: 1-3 responses are low, 4-6 responses are medium, and 7-10 responses are high (following Black, et al). ANOVA on thinking about suicide score was reliable, F (2, 60) = 4.571, p <.05. Simple effects tests showed that for high, medium, and low materialistic depression groups there was a statistically significant difference between the high and low groupings (Azibo, 2015d). As depression is thought to underlie or be associated with suicide ideation and attempts (Emory cares, 2012), the relationship between materialistic depression scores and thinking about suicide suggests materialistic depression may function similar to depression in this regard.

Also, materialism scores were related to MDQ high-medium-low groups as that ANOVA was reliable too, F(2, 141) = 26.63, p<.017. MDQ groups accounted for 27.4% of the variance in materialism scores based on the eta squared statistic. Tukey's HSD showed that all differences between the materialism means of the high, medium, and low MDQ groups were reliable (p<.05). Thus, simple effects tests showed the high MDQ group's mean materialism score was statistically significantly greater than the medium and low group means (Azibo, 2013). Of course, there can be no materialistic depression without materialism orientation.

Regarding the statistically significant relationships between MDQ scores and depression scores, the same pattern of results were found with both depression measures. Azibo (2015d) reported a 2 (high, low SCLD) x 3 (MDQ groupings) [chi square] (2, N=144) = 10.986, p <01. Based on a modified contingency coefficient, this result accounted for a proportion of variance of .14. The following joint events are of special interest as they are responsible for the statistical significance of the reported [chi square]: persons with low SCLD scores were classified as low MDQ scorers and high SCLD scorers as high MDQ scorers. And, very few high SCLD scorers were classified as low in MDQ scores and very few low SCLD scorers were classified as high in MDQ scores relative to expectation.

With the ZSRD score as the dependent variable and MDQ groups operationalized as high versus medium and low combined, the high MDQ score group mean was statistically significantly greater, t (142) = 2.624, p<.017 (Azibo, 2013). Empirical findings seem to back up materialistic depression theory that it is a bona fide masked depression, unmasked at last. (Neblett, et al. [2010] reported empirical relationships between depressive symptoms and Africentric worldview.)


Various therapeutic approaches with promise for application with ADP have been reported. Belief systems analysis (Myers, 1988), NTU psychotherapy (Phillips, 1996), multi-systems (Boyd-Franklin, 1989), and cogno-spiritual (Edwards, 1998) may be best known. Also, Tounsel and Jones (1980) pointed out that the gamut of therapies extant could be applied with ADP. As well, many techniques or strategies used successfully with ADP are available such as story telling, African proverbs, folk beliefs (Parks, 2003), sister circles (Neal-Barnett, et al., 2011), and rites of passage (West-Olatunji, et al., 2008). Still, with all these possibilities psychohistories, psycho-biographies or clinical case studies that employ the metatheory or its associated original Azibo Nosology or AN II are rare. There has been plenty of opportunity, however, as the original Azibo Nosology was published in 1989 (Azibo, 1989) and as already pointed out there has been an espousal of commitment to conduct research to effect ADP's liberation. Although case study research with African descent clients by African descent psychological workers seems rare, focusing on ADP's psycho-cultural liberation using the Azibo nosologies appears rarer, almost nonexistent. There are three case study publications employing diagnoses from the original Azibo Nosology known to the author.

Atwell and Azibo (1991) reported two cases. In one, a single African-U.S. mother of three had been diagnosed at a community mental health center with panic disorder using the DSM-III-R. Her symptoms were anxiety, shortness of breath, heart palpitations, stomach and chest pains, trembling and shaking and feeling out of control. Her mother was White, father African-U.S. Her mother left her with the father during childhood to be raised by her paternal grandmother. Therapy, informed by the Azibo Nosology, led to re-diagnosis of psychological misorientation as she negotiated the ecology with a cognitive definitional system (outer core) that was non-African-U.S., depleted of concepts of psychological Africanity and composed of Euro-American concepts. Also, alienating mentacide was diagnosed as her outer core had been rendered void of pro-African orientations to life while simultaneously instilled had been acceptance and admiration of and allegiance to Caucasians and society as run by them and the relative disparagement of all things African (Black). The therapist felt the panic attacks were best understood as symptoms that the alienating mentacide and psychological misorientation had engendered.

The re-diagnosis and conclusion that the panic disorder was a symptom and not the operative disorder came from revelations learned in treatment:

1. The paternal grandmother informed the client her mother had left because she did not want African-U.S. children causing guilt, shame, low self-esteem and no self-worth in the client.

2. The grandmother also instructed the client to take pride in African-U.S. heritage, but not to be ashamed of being partly White enhancing, again, guilt and shame in the client as well as significant conflict over which culture to identify and align with.

3. She fluctuated between the two cultures and could not understand why the Grandmother and family that raised her identified with the African-U.S.

4. She noted the advantages of "White privilege" and that her father and grandmother often expressed "better to be White."

5. At 16 she was impregnated by a Caucasian. The fact of baby's daddy's race caused tremendous tumult in the family.

6. She was put out, but allowed to return with her son after stints with homelessness and rumors over impending state guardianship intervention.

7. She was miffed and puzzled that she had given the family, in her mind, a gift of elevation--a grandchild with Caucasian parentage--and no one seemingly accepted this child.

8. She had two more sons and gave away the one fathered by an African-U.S.

9. Panic attacks occurred when the client was confronted with her own "Blackness" or conflicts around race.

10. The client was reluctant to acknowledge her African-U.S. heritage and persisted in undervaluing contributions to society made by African-U.S.

Treatment strategy included helping the client discuss and identify who she was. Issues addressed were race, amalgamation and values and beliefs about these. Significant reading about African-U.S. was required (Claude Brown's Manchild, Benjamin Banneker, James Baldwin, Sam Greenlee, Malcolm X and more). In terms of the four-fold table, this client can be located in quadrant D and the treatment was designed to move her to quadrant A or B and to go from there. "After approximately one year in therapy.... being recognized as Black by others, her rejection of this identity, and having a son who was readily identifiable as Black were not as difficult for [the client]. She was able to understand that continued ambivalence [regarding]... the Black race assisted in the manifestation of panic attacks" (Atwell & Azibo, 10).

The second case Atwell and Azibo presented involved a 9-year old, dark in complexion, African facial featured girl with DSM-III conduct disorder diagnosis and her approximately 45-year old mother who had grown up on a plantation in Alabama. The child was referred for acting out in school--touching male classmate's genitals, inability to control temper or to verbalize complaints and conflicts prior to exploding. After three meetings with the mother and daughter, the conduct disorder was reassessed... as an identity crisis, not only for the [daughter], but for the family. What this family had experienced in the Azibo Nosology would be 'mentacide': The raping of the mind and spirit of a Black family in this case. (Atwell & Azibo, 11)

The mother had significant issues around sexuality pertaining to society's expectations about male and female behavior, race regarding shame of color, illiteracy and ignorance about ethnicity, parenting as she was unsure of her skills and the appropriate way to teach love, and identity over who she was at work and how she had neglected parenting for satisfaction at work. She was unable to discuss her ancestry and had no working knowledge of what it meant to be African-U.S. To this daughter she conveyed specifically that being "Black" was something to be ashamed of and had to be overcome. This daughter was taught by her mother that the darkness of her skin was a handicap to be overcome and that the Euro-American society was to be emulated. Regarding name calling and hurtful things, this daughter was taught "to pay no attention" and "do nothing." When the daughter's best efforts to follow these instructions--which derived from the mother's plantation experiences--failed, the exploding behavior resulted. The mother's issues were so affecting her daughter that the child "needed to confirm gender difference and the role or position that gender permits in this society.... by touching the genital areas" (Atwell & Azibo, 11).

The mother was also diagnosed with the Negromachy disorder, first articulated by Thomas (1971) and contained in both Azibo Nosologies I and II. It is defined as "confusion and doubt of self-worth in an African-U.S. person due to dependency on or the use of standards and definitions from White American culture" (Azibo, 2014a, 56). Note that the self-referent here is to the personal self and that by substituting Eurasian for White American the Negromachy construct can be generalized to ADP globally. The mother's Negromachy was predisposed by her alienating mentacide and psychological misorientation. The intergenerational transmission of disordered outer core is also apparent in this family. Treatment included helping the mother with parenting skills. Also, as with the first case, reading and studying ADP's history and culture by mother and daughter were essential. As it was integrated into their family therapy, with her newfound knowledge the mother was able, in time, to tearfully relate to her daughter how the anti-Africanism, violence towards the African-U.S., and internalization of it all by fellow African-U.S. including the adults who raised her had indeed shaped her.

Mother and daughter began to have these conversations with the other children regularly. Over several months, both clients came to define themselves in their Africanity and achieved a comfortableness about it. Genital touching abated as did explosive behavior and, after fortification with self-knowledge, the name calling by the other schoolchildren went without effect and it too abated.

These two cases show the Azibo Nosology was diagnostically efficacious and employed with ease. It mapped onto the existential reality of the clients meaningfully and much better than the then current DSM-III-R. Indeed, these cases show that treatment proceeding from diagnoses based in the metatheory can overturn DSM diagnoses and better place them in the therapeutic context. Curricular reading about African-U.S. people and culture was shown to be indispensable. Parenthetically, this validates historic--albeit buried--efforts to "Afrocize" with literature (Harris, 1994). These cases would seem to support the contention, nay truism, that psychological Africanity is a tonic. Therefore, it would seem warranted and wise for the therapist to incorporate into his or her gestalt of therapy or intervention disorders of both the metatheory (hub) and peripheral personality (spokes) preferably in an integrated format. The four-fold table guided by the AN II framework is the only model that does this (Azibo, 2014a, 2015b, 2016a, in review a) at this time. Additionally, the metatheory has generated its own ethical guides specific to restoring the African personality (Azibo, 2015e).

It would be important to have case study results similar to the ones above produced without Azibo's involvement. There is one helpful on that point as well as of interest in its own right. It showed diagnostic and treatment improvement using the Azibo Nosology over the DSM-IV. The client presented with symptoms "more than sufficient to get several DSM-IV diagnostic labels (Depressive Disorder/Alcohol Dependence/Sleep Disturbance/Marital Problem/Adjustment Disorder with mixed emotional features/Impotence)" (Denard, 1998, 185). The client was seeking a penile prosthesis implant for impotence adjudged as non-medical. The client continually complained that there were no trustworthy African-U.S. people. In week 8 of treatment as he was crying he revealed his mother had devastated him as a child while she motheringly and admiringly stroked the hair of his age-peer, light skinned, curly haired cousin in his presence derogatorily commenting that "I don't know where he (the client, her son) got that stuff on his head." According to the therapist,
The most salient experience relative to identity development for [this
client] was his first awareness of the significance of race in the
context of his family life [where].... a dark complexion and African
features came to mean rejection and ... insignificance.... This
profound imprint [was]... the beginning of a psychic rupture wherein
his psychological Blackness [outer core] was so distorted as to be
incongruent with the correct orientation [i.e., ORB] that should
naturally flow from his genetic core [inner core].... This apparently
served as the foundation for later psychological disorder. (Denard, 188)

These later disorders, according to the therapist, included client's current complaints and psychological impotence as well as Azibo Nosology conditions of personal identity conflict, individualism, WEUSI anxiety, alienating and peripheral mentacide, possibly self-destructive disorder, theological alienation and materialistic depression. The therapist acknowledged the presence of peripheral personality disorders, which places this client in quadrant D of the four-fold table, but was unequivocal that "the core [as in foundational] issues around the[se] behaviors are not addressed by the [corresponding DSM-IV] category, and consequently, an intervention rationale... cannot be derived from [it]" (Denard, 190). Over the course of therapy, Denard's client's erections returned and presenting problems overall lessened concomitant with abatement in Azibo Nosology symptoms--that is, movement of the client from quadrant D towards quadrants B and A.

Neither therapist, Denard or Atwell, was taught about the Azibo Nosology or centered African personality theory to which it is yoked in their training. Their case studies came at this author's request so that practitioners would have examples to build on. Although the cases seemed to have worked out well for the clients and were published in an accessible periodical, go figure that many psychological workers and students of African descent continue decrying the absence of concrete, centered African approaches to practice to work with. Where is the case study research from the decriers? Azibo (2015b) has reissued the call for more case studies using the AN II frame. Astonishingly, implications for treatment and training pointed out 25 years ago (Azibo, 1990b, 55-61) are still topical:

* The nia (purpose) of intervention is bringing about meaningful levels of psychological Africanity in the client. This will entail his or her metamorphic transformation out of nigger-to-negro bricolage domestication through to authentic centered African personality (Azibo, 2015a, 2015b, 2015e) accomplished under the practitioner's supervision in therapy. For clients with African personality in place their outer cores must be reinforced.

* The grand strategic orientation of intervention--as reflected in the case studies--might be to thoroughly diagnose client's psychological Africanity for lesions from cancerating mentacide, psychological misorientation and subsidiary AN II disorders and attack their symptomatology including explaining the effects of mentacide. It will be helpful to juxtapose these outer core maladies with DSM/ICD diagnostic labels and peripheral personality theory constructs thought to be possibly pertinent. Family and community systems could likely be of paramount importance.

* Ameliorating the psychological helper's/healer's naivete was a paramount concern when nascent African psychology reemerged and reascended around three decades ago (Azibo, 1996a; Nobles, 1986). It may be more important today than then (Azibo, 2015b). Points 1 and 2 will never be meaningfully addressed by African descent helpers and healers in the psy-professions unless they become proficient with African-centered African personality theory, preferably Azibo's metatheory.

* The value orientation of restoring the African personality above all--despite the appearance of smacking with what Thomas Szasz called "psychiatric slavery" meaning interventions imposed on persons by force--must be chosen by African descent psychological workers (Azibo, 2015e). As Szasz himself pointed out, mental health workers are in the business of choosing sides regarding being "parties to [human] conflict .... and hence cannot avoid choosing sides" (2002, 72, original emphasis). With that said, invoking Madhubuti (1978) seems appropriate: "if we don't push the correct values, we will get pushed on by others with their values, whether they are correct or not" (135, original emphases).

* The politics of intervention and diagnosis should be uppermost in psychological helper's therapeutic gestalt. That means that mental health establishmentarianism always supports the socio-political system which spawned it. In the current world order, that means getting ADP to adjust to hegemony or remove them from society. Inherently psychological assisting is not neutral. That it is charged politically is reflected in the value orientation point. In conducting their routine work, practitioners must confront the political nature of the profession and choose to restore a sovereign African personality healed so that the client may fight Eurasian physical and mental control of African life and life chances.

Ought healing of African descent clients be divorced from the righteous fight--thrust upon ADP mind you--for sovereignty and self-determination? If yes, then healing for what? (Dis)Integration into Americana and other kinds of Eurasianism in hunt for "the good times" perhaps? Surely, to fight, ultimately, for Building Afrikan realities (Baruti, 2009a) trumps "good times" or "wonderful life" defined in the Eurasian world order.

* The non-African helper of good will no doubt has the skill set to be multiculturally competent should s/he choose to. The AN II can be of great help in this regard (Azibo, 2014a, 2015b). They too must choose. They also have the option of choosing "hands off" referring the client to an African descent helper who practices (not merely mouths) centered African psychology or at least consulting with same.

* The African personality disordered African descent helper/healer is a big impediment to efficacious treatment from the four-fold table framework. It appears they refuse to acknowledge or to allow into consciousness that they too are likely afflicted with AN II conditions that undermine their African personality much like the populace from which they have emerged. Can the African descent psychological worker be effective getting the mote from clients' eyes without getting the beam out of her or his own first? This issue cannot be prettified and Azibo (2015b) takes it straight on under the heading of slave and colonial mentality among African descent psychological workers--a phenomenon still in full effect.
Actually, this hurtful, yet valid criticism presents an opportunity for
professional development that will benefit clients ultimately.
Specifically, it is recommended that psychological healers approach as
an initiatory rite-of-passage (1) retooling with the metatheory and the
AN II which is yoked to it [right arrow] (2) locating themselves in the
four-fold table [right arrow] (3) proceeding to fix themselves (on
their own or with a therapist/healer/consultant of their choice)
[right arrow] engaging their clients from the perspective that they too
are possibly wounded in their outer core or recovering (where
[right arrow] stands for followed by). Developmental changes in the
relationship of the healer to her or his own wounds can inform
intervention with clients. This builds on the storied tradition of "the
wounded healer in the clinical encounter" (Kirmayer, 2003, 248).
Properly construed, completing this process is an accomplishment that
cuts down on professional and personal pretensions and is not unlike
the requirement for the psychoanalyst to undergo analysis.

* Prevention or precluding the onset of psychological misorientation problems may be the most difficult task. It can be approached by outright developing of the physical communities in which ADP live to include a network of sites and asylums (Azibo, 2015e) dispensing healing activities integral to which are building serious ORP/ORM orientation. It is acknowledged that politics may militate against such efforts, even hammering some. Some of this work has begun in various rites of passage and youth development programs (Belgrave, et al. 2004; Brookins & Robinson, 1996; Johnson, et al. 1980; Moore & Coppock, 1987; Perkins, 1986; Warfield-Coppock, 1992). Huzza.

* Lastly, formal postdoctoral retooling and pre-doctoral competency training in the AN II with its four-fold table framework are warranted (Azibo, 2015b).

Concluding Remarks Regarding Treatment Research. Two items bear explicit mentioning. First, the Western approach to treatment of proceeding from DSM/ICD-based diagnosis to the presenting problem(s) is second-guessed by the case studies which should be treated as initial exemplars for illustrating treatment that proceeds with the metatheory and its constituent AN II. It is recommended that treatment for ADP proceed as follows:
AN II and DSM/ICD diagnoses [right arrow] conceptualizing the placement
of the client in the four-fold table [right arrow] developing a
treatment plan jointly with client where possible (but, see Azibo,
2015e) [right arrow] monitoring client's progress from quadrants C or D
to quadrants A or B or quadrant B to A or reinforce client's quadrant A
status ([right arrow] stands for leading to) (see Azibo, 2014a, 2016a).

Second, to all the righteous African descent "healers" and healer aspirants who would claim personal ethics to undertake liberation leaning research, the sixty-four thousand dollar questions are Why not with the AN II and its four-fold table framework and when, if not now? Azibo's work is not meant merely as amusement, a frisson, a soliloquy, or fantasia and definitely not as so much "Black talk" meaning in the demeaning parlance of Americana "don't get excited... it's just the niggers flexing" (Azibo, 2015b, 305). Rather, Azibo's works as they derive from centered African metatheory-based thinking are better seen as instantiations of Semaj's (1996) cultural science concept. It seems Azibo (2014a, 2016a, in review a, in review b) accomplishes "the task of operationalizing the [centered African] theoretical concepts, and applying them" (Edwards, 1998, 329) criticized as overall missing in Africentric psychology and psychopathology.


Opening Commentary. For the outer core and action components an urgent need exists for a symptom checklist of the AN II and new and updated culturally-focused projective techniques. Culturally-focused projective techniques were at one time promulgated (Wright & Isenstein, 1978) and eventually adjudged worthy having "provided a sufficient database for provisional assessment use... with African Americans" (Dana, 1993, 48). The judgment of "a culturally relevant test stimulus and a contextual grounding for clinical interpretations" (Bellak & Abrams, 1997, 418) was garnered by one of these tests. Regretably, interest seems to have waned the last three decades. The same question posed about the AN II repeats--Why the dearth in the research with and development of culture-focused projective tests? Interestingly enough, African descent psychological workers use Eurocentric-based projective techniques like inkblots, the TAT, and sentence completions regularly. Therefore, the answer to the question cannot be a disdain for projective techniques per se nor a shying away from them due to the Eurocentrism inherent in them (Kwate, 2003).

Projective Techniques: A Comparative Convergent Validity Study. At any rate, Azibo (2006a) reported a convergent validity study of three racial identity scoring methods for the Themes Concerning Blacks (TCB) Apperception Test. The TCB is not a modification of the TAT, but actually depicts characters and settings out of the African-U.S. experience (circa 1960s-1970s) in a set of 20 charcoal drawn cards. Like the TAT, the TCB too is based on the projective hypothesis that the card stimulus (picture in this case) will evoke from the respondent what is expressive of his or her private world and personality processes through recurring themes. Respondents write or dictate stories when a card is shown. The typical instruction, designed to generate a complete story from the respondent, is "In your story(s), I want you to tell (1) What is happening now in the picture? (2)What has led up to the situation in the picture or what happened before? (3) What is being thought or wanted? And, (4) What will happen or what will be the outcome?" It may be impressed upon respondents that "these are your stories, there are no right or wrong answers, and try to write a complete story."

White et al. (1995) explained that what scores in the original racial identity scoring method for the TCB is any inclusion of a character that is racially designated as African descent (Black, and so on) and the story contains a positive outcome. This is a uni-dimensional score. White developed a second method that kept the original score renaming it Afrotypic-positive. Accompanying this she produced four more categories for scoring called Afrotypic-negative (main character designated as Black and negative outcome), Afrotypic-neutral (main character Black, outcome neutral, vague or ambivalent), Afrotypic-symbolic (main character not explicitly designated as Black, but descriptors imply s/he is) and non-Afrotypic (nothing of the race of the main character is mentioned).

She and her colleagues thus provided a multidimensional measurement. Azibo (2006a) developed a third method called the "Azibo racial identity score" by adjusting White's method by adding two more "symbolic" categories--neutral and negative. Plus, Azibo employed a calculation formula yielding a uni-dimensional score calculated from the multidimensional assessment. This is in line with the general desideratum that an overall uni-dimensional index consonant with the rudimentary racial identity continuum be derivable from multidimensional measures as discussed earlier with the RPAS. Story examples for scoring each category are provided in Azibo (2006a, 166-168).

Participants were 71 HBCU undergraduates who wrote stories to seven TCB cards and then completed the BPQ. Historically, correlations between projective measures and objective instruments are usually smallish if they correlate at all (Anastasi & Urbina, 1997). In that regard, this study was no different than the general literature. Categories White developed yielded only one correlation with the RPAS: non-Afrotypic score correlated inversely, r = -.24. The original Afrotypic-positive and Azibo methods correlated positively with the RPAS, respectively, r = .26 and r = .29 (all three significance tests were reliable beyond the .05 level with 69 df). Convergent validity for the original scoring method and the Azibo racial identity score is supported, albeit with small correlations (again, typical in this literature). White's non-Afrotypic score correlation is disregarded not only because the rest of her system failed to correlate but, moreover, her non-Afrotypic is tantamount to a reverse scoring of the original method. The Azibo score requires more effort to calculate than the original without a substantial increase in correlation size. Economy points therefore go to the original scoring method. However, calculating the Azibo score might pay off as with projective assessment being so routine that projective data may be ever present just awaiting exploitation by obtaining a multidimensional peak at the outer core. This could be particularly valuable in clinical assessment whenever a nuanced view of client's psyche is desirable. Just like objective multidimensional measures of the outer core are useful in research, potentially so might the projective indices the Azibo racial identity score provides.

It is to be noted as well that Azibo's scoring formula, because it adheres to the theoretics of the rudimentary uni-dimensional model, precludes from arising the CCCI that plagues many multidimensional outer core measures as discussed earlier and elsewhere (Azibo, 2014a, 2015a; Azibo, Robinson & Scott-Jones, 2011). Also, an intriguing area of future research might be calculating the original and Azibo scores using the gamut of other projective measures like the TAT, sentence completion tests and so on--perhaps with prompting about race. The bottom line seems that "against the backdrop of there not being a single validated projective method for scoring racial identity [known to the author]... the present findings are provisionally encouraging" (Azibo, 2006a, 165).

Objective Measures under the Metatheory. Objective measures of the outer core are many and varied with plenty of psychometric studies and classification schemes (Burlew, Bellow & Lovett, 2000; Jones, 1996; Psychological nigrescence; Marks, et al. 2004). The metatheory provides the most important classification scheme for these measures superordinate to all others, I maintain, due to congruity with the underlying foundational uni-dimensional rudimentary conceptual model. Only a few theoretical frameworks extant are consistent with metatheory formulations of normalcy and abnormality. Among these the following instruments were found to evince convergent and construct validity in a study by Azibo, Robinson and Scott-Jones (2011): the African American Multidimensional Racial Identity Scale (AAMRIS), the BPQ and the CMS mentioned already. The AAMRIS as well as the BPQ is a measure of outer core normalcy. Both instruments provide multidimensional and uni-dimensional total scores, though the "combining" rationale discussed earlier has to be invoked for the AAMRIS. As already stated, the CMS is a measure of psychological misorientation--one of the premier constructs of outer core abnormality/disorder. It yields a total and six subscale scores (only five were used in this study as the self-destructive subscale was excluded).

Convergent Validity. One hundred and two African-U.S. HBCU undergrads completed these scales. As hypothesized, total scores on the two psychological Africanity normalcy measures correlated with each other and inversely with the psychological Africanity disorder measure. Also, the AAMRIS-BPQ correlation was statistically significantly greater than the AAMRIS-CMS and BPQ-CMS correlations indicating that although these African personality normalcy measures do inversely correlate with a measure of African personality abnormality as they should, they correlate more strongly with each other as they should. This is support for convergent validity of these three scales.

The correlation pattern of the subscale analyses was also examined. Specifically, (a) the correlations between the AAMRIS subscales (psychological identity, physical identity, cultural identity, and sociopolitical identity) with BPQ total and CMS total, and (b) the BPQ subscales (anti-White, Pro-Black, Pan African, Third World, Pro-White, and anti-Black) with AAMRIS total and CMS total, and (c) the CMS subscales (alien-self, anti-self, individualism, integration, and materialism) with AAMRIS and BPQ totals were computed. This yielded 28 coefficients which are listed in Azibo, Robinson, and Scott-Jones (2011, 256). The result pattern can be summarized overall as statistically significant positive and inverse subscale correlations with total scores from the other scales where expected. Moreover, the psychological Africanity normalcy measures (AAMRIS and BPQ) show by eyeball test larger subscale-other scale total score correlations with each other (where the average of the 10 correlations is .31) than they do with the psychological misorientation disorder measure (where the average of those 10 correlations is -.23). Thus the subscale results closely resemble the total scale score results.

Construct Validity. To explore the construct validity of these scales, 12 simultaneous multiple regression analyses were conducted. BPQ Anglocentric and BPQ Africentric (defined above) scores along with total scores from the BPQ and CMS were regressed on AAMRIS subscales; AAMRIS total and CMS total scores were regressed on BPQ subscales; AAMRIS total and CMS total scores were regressed on BPQ Africentric and BPQ Anglocentric variables; and AAMRIS total, BPQ total, BPQ Africentric, and BPQ Anglocentric scores were regressed on CMS subscales. Eleven of these regression models were statistically significant (p< =.01). Only the Anglocentric criterion failed to be predicted by the AAMRIS subscales (p>.05). The average amount of explained variance (average adjusted [R.sup.2]) by the AAMRIS subscales was 27%, by the BPQ subscales 26%, by the BPQ Africentric and Anglocentric variables 25%, and 16.5% by the CMS subscales.

Psychological Africanity orientation groups defined earlier (correct, incorrect and diffused) were created and used as the between groups factor in four 1-way ANOVAs performed on the AAMRIS, BPQ, and CMS total scores and the BPQ Africentric score. Each ANOVA was statistically significant explaining 29.8% of the variance in AAMRIS scores, 14.7% in BPQ Africentric, 9.3% in BPQ total, and 9.1% in CMS. Looking first at the three psychological Africanity normalcy dependent variables (AAMRIS, BPQ total, and BPQ Africentric), there was a pattern: the correct orientation group scored higher than the diffused orientation group which scored higher than the incorrect orientation group. Simple effects tests computed by Fisher's LSD using the .05 significance level showed the correct orientation group mean was statistically significantly greater than the incorrect group mean in each ANOVA, but it reliably exceeded the diffused orientation group mean only with the AAMRIS dependent variable. The diffused group's mean was statistically significantly greater than the mean of the incorrect group in two of these three ANOVAs, namely with the AAMRIS and BPQ Africentric dependent variables. For the psychological Africanity disorder variable (total CMS score), the correct orientation group's mean was the lowest followed by the diffused and the incorrect group's mean was the highest. Occupying the middle position, as it did in the three psychological Africanity normalcy ANOVAs, the diffused group's mean was statistically significantly lower than the incorrect group's but not statistically significantly higher than the correct group's according to Fisher's LSD. The results seem to support the construct validity of the AAMRIS, BPQ and CMS scales and the correct-diffused-incorrect scheme of psychological Africanity orientation.

A Word on Correct-Diffused-Incorrect Analyses. An additional word on the correct-diffused-incorrect scheme is in order. A valuable property of this scheme is that it enables placing multidimensional psychological Africanity scores on a uni-dimensional low-to-high continuum like a RPAS. In this light, the means from the ANOVAs which are reproduced in Table 5 seem to suggest more: Concerning outer core normalcy, the upper boundary of the diffused group (middle scoring) may overlap the lower boundary of the correct group (highest scoring) as the ANOVA simple effects results show no statistically significant differences in 2 of 3 analyses.

For the outer core abnormality ANOVA, again there was no reliable difference between the diffused and correct group means raising the ratio to 3 of 4 or 75%. In this analysis, the upper boundary of the correct orientation group (lowest scoring) and the lower boundary of the diffused group (middle scoring) would seem to be overlapping. Based on the simple effects results, "[a]pparently, the boundary between the diffused and incorrect groups is sharper" (Azibo, Robinson & Scott-Jones, 261) as the difference is reliable in 3 of 4 analyses. See Table 5.

Also, these correct-diffused-incorrect results have implications for the construct validity of the uni-dimensional rudimentary low-to-high continuum of psychological Africanity. That is, whenever the correct-diffused-incorrect groupings are derived from multidimensional scores and place individuals in high-medium-low fashion, respectively, along the rudimentary continuum, as depicted in Figure 7, and ORP/ORM behaving consonant with the low-to-high placement is observed, then that is construct validity evidence for Azibo's (2006a) rudimentary model conceptualization.

Social Desirability. Socially desirable responding or social desirability as a property of psychological tests refers to the test's susceptibility to respondents replying in a manner that makes him or her look or feel good or that s/he perceives presents the best picture of self to the outside world. Psychological tests are relied on to reflect people's thoughts, feelings, personality, values and so forth accurately with little or no influence of social desirability. Therefore, assessment instruments should be as free of social desirability as possible. Despite the numerous measures of the outer core, few studies had empirically addressed social desirability as of 2006 when Azibo, Melton-Arnold, and Dale published a social desirability investigation of the BPQ.

Fifty-five HBCU undergrads completed the BPQ and the Marlow-Crowne Social Desirability (M-CSD) Scale (Crowne & Marlow, 1964). Of the BPQ scores that indexed affirmation of ORP/ORM behaving, namely total, Africentric, pro-Black, pan-African, anti-White, and Third World scores, only the Third World scores correlated with M-CSD scores: r (53)=.32, p<.02. Thus, it appears the BPQ withstands social desirability mostly. That the Third World subscale contains sentimentality of kinship with peoples oppressed by European descended people and that it might be voguish to non-align with that heritage of oppression may invite this correlation with social desirability.

Predicting Ontogenetic Spoke/Peripheral Personality Functioning from the Phylogenetic Hub/Core

The state of one's psychological Africanity should afford psychological workers predictable insight into certain peripheral personality functioning given the theorized integrated or holistic nature of the bipartite model. Stated analogically, knowing the condition the hub is in should afford predictability of spokes' performance as they are functionally integrated. A shotgun approach would seem neither necessary nor desirable. Azibo's (1988/1996c) theory-derived steady state approach to psychological Africanity research rules it out anyway. Hypotheses about relationships between constructs of the tripartite metatheory or hub and the peripheral personality or spokes--including when the absence of relationships is expected--may be straightforwardly derived. When deriving them the conditions under which the ORP/ORM dictates of the metatheory would manifest (Azibo, 1983a, 1991a) should be borne in mind: the postulated minimum condition is whenever the maintenance of ADP is perceived by the individual to be at issue. This is prerequisite for ORP/ORM behaving to kick in if the outer core is not disordered. Even when relationships obtain that are not predicted a priori, they should be explainable by the metatheory. Azibo's researches into hub-spoke, biogenetic core part-ontogenetic peripheral part personality relationships involving socially desirable responding, need for approval, and defense mechanism functioning may prove interesting examples.

Social Desirability as a Spoke. Returning to the social desirability study, Crowne (1979) pointed out that socially desirable responding was also a personality construct reflecting an underlying need for approval as well as a source of test bias. This is important because "[c]ontamination of a target instrument [a psychological test] by social desirability is indicated 'only when the construct of SD [social desirability] is unrelated to the construct of interest'" (Azibo, Melton-Arnold & Dale, 125). As a spoke or peripheral personality construct, social desirability would be unrelated to normalcy ORP/ORM behaving deriving from the outer core. Therefore BPQ total, Africentric, pro-Black, pan-African, and anti-White scores should not be related to social desirability in its personality spoke role. Neither should Third World scores which is why its correlation with M-CSD scores reported in the assessment section above was interpreted as test bias.

In contrast to the outer core normalcy indicators indexed by the BPQ, the abnormality indicators like BPQ pro-White, anti-Black and Anglocentric (pro-White + anti-Black) appear a different matter, to wit it was asked "Could there be engendered in the miasma of manifest Manichean reality motivation for approval of the Caucasian other" (Azibo, Melton-Arnold & Dale, 122)? If yes, as theory and literary analyses suggest, then it would manifest as a function of outer core abnormality and depressed ORP/ORM behaving, ergo M-CSD scores should correlate positively with BPQ abnormality indicators. Of the three, the anti-Black and Anglocentric scores did not relate to M-CSD scores, surprisingly, whereas only the pro-White scores correlated with M-CSD scores, r (53) = .35, p < .01, and predicted them in a simultaneous multiple regression of M-CSD scores on the BPQ subscales which yielded an adjusted [R.sup.2] = .19, F(6, 47) = 3.03, p < .05, [[beta]] = .49, t(47) = 3.037, p < .01. It is increasingly clear that the BPQ anti-Black subscale apparently needs psychometric improvement as it was the only one that did not correlate with AAMRIS or CMS scores in the Azibo, Robinson and Scott-Jones study. It appears the most problematic BPQ subscale across all of Azibo's researches and is likely responsible for the failure of the Anglocentric composite variable to correlate with or predict M-CSD scores. Nevertheless, that social desirability spoke is predictable from the BPQ pro-White index of abnormality supports the hypothesis directly. However, as the support is partial it may be best considered tentative.

America, their America and its Psychological Impact on the African-U.S.: An Introductory Word. The next two studies emphasize America as a nemesis of African-U.S. people and not so much the beautiful. For this author, the propagandistic portrait of America the Beautiful is hype not believed and unworthy and not warranting of hope to be kept alive. Nigerian novelist J. P. Clark (1971) did not drink the kool aid either. He exposed the nemesis against the backdrop of the beautiful in his eloquent America, their America. Life in these United States may be many things for ADP but most prominently appears as a miasma of manifest Manichean reality (Harrell, 1999; Sutherland, 1997) in which social life is inherently structured with the inferiorization of ADP. The "inferiorization process" referred to is "a systematic stress attack... designed to produce dysfunctional patterns of behavior among Blacks in all areas of life.... [ADP become] conditioned to play the role of functional inferiors.... socialized to be incapable of solving or helping to produce solutions to problems posed by the environment" (Oliver, 1989, 21; Welsing, 1991, i-viii). It has been in play since 1619 (Azibo, in review c).

An Inordinate Need for Approval Among ADP? Systematic, society-wide, institutional inferiorizing of ADP by the Americans was instituted with the slave-making process (The Black Arcade, 1970; Morrow, 2003) and continues into the present (Azibo, 2011c, 2016b). Part and parcel of inferiorizing is physical and mental dependency of the victims which can beget insidiously a need for Caucasian's approval.

With this rationale, it was hypothesized that modally African-U.S. would have an approval need from the Caucasian other exceeding Caucasians' overall need for approval. Azibo, Melton-Arnold and Dale (2006) tested this hypothesis by comparing mean M-CSD scores from 55 African-U.S. undergraduates collected in 1996 against the means recorded for Crowne and Marlow's (1964) normative samples (specifically, a large Ohio State University sample and an aggregate of eight additional college samples) and more contemporary Caucasian norms calculated on nine college samples culled from published articles between 1972-2005.

The Caucasian means were used as parameter values in directional, single-sample Z tests. Racial comparisons in this case were epistemologically justified as they satisfied the condition of "construct compulsion" (Azibo, 1992b, 23). Results supported the hypotheses as the African-U.S. student sample mean of 17.62 was statistically significantly greater than the Ohio State mean of 15.94 (Z=2.25, p <.05), the aggregated college mean of 13.69 (Z=6.03, p <.001), and the contemporary college mean of 14.35 (Z=4.47, p <.001). Two interesting observations follow from these results. One is that the results appear not to be bound by epoch or Caucasian cohort. Crowne and Marlow's normative samples precede the African-U.S. by 32 years and the contemporary samples preceded, matched and followed the African-U.S. sample. The other observation is that psychological workers should be disabused of the idea that ADP will mimic or otherwise be isomorphic with the spoke functioning of Eurasians. While the need for approval spoke construct would seem at first glance to apply with African-U.S. in a parallel manner to US Caucasians, it clearly does not. There may be many other spoke constructs that are not isomorphic between ADP and Eurasians. Defense mechanisms appear to be one.

Nepenthe Theory of Psychological Defense Mechanisms. Over many years the author contemplated what he perceived to be an inordinate usage of defense mechanisms by African-U.S. en masse irrespective of socio-economic, educational and ethnic/national status. Nepenthe theory is my professional stance on the suspected phenomenon (Azibo, 2007, 2014a, 65-66, 2015c). Nepenthe theory states matter-of-factly that living under Caucasian-U.S. domination is a miasmatic reality that:
triggers defense mechanisms that in turn engage defensive maneuvering.
This defensive maneuvering is a population-wide, compensatory
phenomenon among African-U.S. people.... It serves as a protective
stratagem, a psychological adjustment that shores up the self and
maintains personality integrity in the face of American society's
inherent, perpetual onslaught of insults and inequities that frequently
are psychically disruptive (Azibo, 2011c; Jennings, 2011) though
largely ignored by Eurocentric mental health workers and scholars.

The premise of nepenthe theory, then, is that the everyday life of
African-U.S. people, perhaps out of necessity, brings forth defense
mechanism usage to ward off anxiety and psychic threat and in so doing
affords a nepenthe (Azibo, 2007; Azibo, Jackson, & Slater, 2004) like
the mythological potion that induced forgetfulness of pain and sorrow
and oblivion of grief or suffering. Nepenthe theory is adamant that
overall this is not good coping, but abnormalcy en masse. (Azibo,
2015c, 491)

The nepenthe theory formulation would seem to apply globally to ADP and not just the descendents of Africans enslaved in the United States. Recalling Chancellor Williams' truism that "Whites are the implacable foe, the traditional and everlasting enemy of the Blacks," the inferiorization process perpetrated on ADP is accompanied with unrelenting death, violence, deceit and ultimately destruction. This reality is painful for ADP to face especially as it is part and parcel to the march, nay onslaught, of Eurasian civilization globally--i.e., the world's current order. As Paul Robeson's astute remark that "there is no sheltered rear" applies and consciously or unconsciously ADP come to know that "in all areas of people activity the Eurasian-over-African ethos" (paraphrasing Frances Welsing) is in play, the question is called in the course of lived phenomenal experience/existential reality, Where does the African's embattled psyche turn for relief? Bearing in mind that when engaged to the extreme defense mechanisms can be quite dysfunctional although perhaps healthy in milder forms (Bowens, 2004), it is defense mechanisms that deliver a mental--not actual--calming. A respite via fantasized forgetting and deadening of pain and sorrow is what is delivered according to nepenthe theory. In actuality, the defensive behavior affords only escapism. It actually is just an internal reprieve which, under the circumstances of Eurasian domination, is not good coping. Nepenthe theory underscores "the fact that amnesia for the painful past may be a convenient defense [exercised by ADP] but never a reliable foundation for programs of amelioration and development" (Bulhan, 1985, 251). Therein lies the rub as defensive maneuvering producing nepenthe leaves ADP in the same danger from predatory, vampirish Eurasian civilization as the ostrich that has buried its head in the sand at the sight of an approaching lion: the escapism is only psychological and does not postpone the inevitable, but facilitates it. The ostrich must disengage this strategy and face reality. Reality perception appears to contribute to intrinsic motivational fortitude (Azibo, 1983c). Nepenthe theory truly addresses an abnormality phenomenon in otherwise normal ADP as research presented here shall indicate.

An Inordinate Amount of Defensive Behavior? Nepenthe theory would seem quite plausible and researchable. The first hypothesis to consider, logically, is that ADP should have higher defensive behavior scores than the Caucasian norms. Construct compulsion (Azibo, 1992b) justifies the comparative analysis.

This hypothesis was confirmed in two studies of African descent HBCU students--an original in 2001(Azibo, Jackson & Slater, 2004) and a replication in 2007 (Azibo, 2015c). The Defense Style Questionnaire (DSQ) was used. Developed by Michael Bond (Bond & Wesley, 1996), the DSQ measures individual's characteristic style of defensive behavior. A hierarchical format measuring defensive behavior ranging from those involving the least cognitive processing to greater cognitive involvement is conceptualized from low-to-high as maladaptive (the most primitive or primal involving the least cognitive activity and reflecting the least ability to deal with impulses constructively), image distorting (where the image of the self and other is split into strong-weak and good-bad), self-sacrificing (reflecting the need to see oneself as being kind, helpful to others and never angry) and adaptive (reflecting good coping or constructive type of mastery of conflict).

In Table 6 the HBCU student mean scores are displayed with the norms for clinical and non-clinical North American Caucasians. For both African-U.S. student samples, original and replication, mean DSQ image distorting, self-sacrificing and adaptive scores were statistically significantly higher than corresponding mean scores of the patient and non-patient normative samples. The latter served as parameter values in directional, single sample z tests using conventional significance levels. These results strongly support nepenthe theory insofar as indicating hypothesized inordinate amounts of defensive behavior among normal African-U.S persons, assuming these African-U.S. students represent that population.

Bond's defense style formulation is also supported as scores for the student samples--which are presumed to be non-clinical "normals" overall--follow the low-to-high hierarchy like a non-clinical population should. That is, as displayed in Table 6 student samples' maladaptive scores being lowest followed by image-distorting, self-sacrificing and adaptive scores in that order is expected. Also, the maladaptive scores being statistically significantly the highest for the patient group is a consistent, theoretically predicted finding in the defense style literature (Bond, 2004). It is logical "patients" having higher maladaptive defense style scores. This finding in our data replicates the typical defense style literature finding. It is not problematic for nepenthe theory which is about "psychopathology among otherwise normal" (non-clinical patient) persons. Indeed, for the maladaptive scores the two student sample means and standard deviations appear almost identical to the non-patient controls'.

Outer Core Normalcy and Defensive Behavior: Nepenthe Theory and Psychological Africanity Orientation Groups. The replication study (Azibo, 2015c) also extended the original study by including the BPQ outer core normalcy psychological Africanity measure along with the CMS psychological Africanity disorder measure (outer core disorder-defensive behavior relationships are discussed below). Psychological Africanity orientation groups were constructed as follows:

"Correct psychological Africanity orientation was operationalized as BPQ Africentric score above its median and both BPQ Eurocentric and CMS total scores below their respective medians, incorrect as Africentric score below its median and both Eurocentric and CMS scores above their medians, and diffused as all others.... yielding] a unidimensional continuum of high-to-low psychological Africanity orientation such that correct > diffused > incorrect (Azibo, 2015c, 496). Five 1-way ANOVAs were conducted using the DSQ total score and the four style scores for dependent variables. Protecting the experiment-wise alpha level as .05/5 yielded .01 for the minimum statistical significance level. Only the total DSQ variable was statistically significant: F(2, 135) = 6.32, p < .01 with [[??].sup.2] = .072. Small explained variance is not desirable, but also not problematic for nepenthe theory given the likely myriad influences on defensive behavior. With statistical significance obtained, what is important in supporting nepenthe theory is the results being explainable within the theory. Fisher's LSD revealed the incorrect and diffused group means (18.72 and 18.17, respectively) did not differ, but were each statistically significantly exceeded by the correct group mean (20.84). Nepenthe theory explains that this reflects a psychic price to pay for the correct psychological Africanity orientation group. After all, it is persons in this classification who likely are acutely aware of Eurasian supremacy, its life threatening potential and the currently out of reach indispensability of racial vengeance. ADP with correct psychological Africanity orientation would find Bobby Wright persuasive regarding racial vengeance; less so, if at all, for those classifiable as diffused or incorrect:
We must take the unequivocal position that if the Black race is to
perish, the world must perish with us. Blood debts must be repayed in
blood.... The past Black generations... must be avenged not because of
hate but for justice. (Wright cited in Carruthers, 1985, xi; see vi-xii)

In this light, for the correct psychological Africanity group to evince the highest defensive behavior scores appears reasonable.

Pressure toward defensive behavior should be greatest for this group compared to the diffused and incorrect groups. The reality of entrenched Eurasian hegemony adds to the pressure as this group remembers and is aware, but seems to do or to sustain little or nothing towards permanent amelioration. Whether due to time biding, actual blocking by Eurasians or, yes, the special contradictions of cowardice and "just fronting" about Africanity may not make much difference. The issue can be posed this way: "there is a price to pay for ADP who remember, but essentially do nothing" (paraphrasing Baruti, 2005a, 10). These same psychological presses would be relatively absent in the diffused group or, if actually present in their outer core, by definition, it would be counterweighted by diffused persons swallowing the hype of or the desire for Americana.

It will be recalled as well that the metatheory presupposes dominance and highlighting of Eurasian-based cognitions in diffused persons' psyches. The incorrect group likely wallows in the idea of Americana without any countervailing ideation whatsoever. The result is comparatively less psychic pressure for defensive maneuvering in diffused and incorrect groups. It makes sense, then, that for each defense style score and the total DSQ score the correct psychological Africanity orientation group mean is highest (Table 7). (Although my initial response upon viewing the data was a "heavens to Murgatroyd," "Godfrey Daniel" moment.)

Also of importance is the mere .27 mean difference between the diffused and incorrect group means across these five DSQ variables. Nepenthe theory would posit the explanation that overall these two groups in their psyches do not perceive or register the totality of psychological presses the correct group does due to defensive maneuvering mainly through repressing, rationalizing, denying, and suppressing. The nepenthe phenomenon would seem to be occuring with the diffused and incorrect groups as their reality perception may be akilter. In contrast, the defensive behavior of the correct psychological Africanity orientation group would seem not to be about misperceiving or covering up reality as pertains to Eurasian supremacy like the diffused and incorrect groups appear to be. Therefore, defensive maneuvering by correct psychological Africanity persons probably does not involve nepenthe or involves it less than the other two groups.

Outer Core Normalcy and Defensive Behavior: Nepenthe Theory and Multidimensional Psychological Africanity. Azibo (2015c) used the BPQ motivational orientation dimension subscales--pro-White, anti-Black, anti-White, pro-Black, pan African, Third World--as predictors in multiple regression analyses of the four DSQ style scores. Only the maladaptive and image-distorting defense style scores were statistically significant using the Bonferroni protected alpha level of .0125. For maladaptive, the adjusted [R.sup.2] = .099, F (6, 127) = 3.425, the sole reliable predictor was anti-Black, [beta] = .287, t (127) = 3.367, p < .01. For the image-distorting criterion, adjusted [R.sup.2] = .10, F (6, 128) = 3.486, there were two reliable predictors: anti-Black [beta] = .271, t (128) = 3.191, p < .01 and Third World [beta] = -.213, t (128) = -2.409, p < .05. It is a reasonable speculation on two counts that own-race loathing and negation represented by the anti-Black motivational dimension brings forth primitive-immature defensive behavior reflected in these positive predictor relationships. First, ADP with anti-Black leanings would seem ripe for defensive maneuvering of the primitive sort as they are by definition living a stark existential contradiction: a genetically black inner core coupled with anti-Black/anti-African outer core is an ever present contradiction to their self-consciousness. Second, these results have occurred only with the two defense styles occupying the low end of the mature-immature or most-least cognitive processing involved continuum (i.e., primitivity). In contrast, the interpretation given the BPQ Third World subscale score inversely predicting image-distorting style score is that a kindred orientation with other groups oppressed by Eurasians (Third World orientation) might protect against the need for defenses that manipulate self-image.

The total DSQ score was also regressed on the BPQ subscale scores resulting in an adjusted [R.sup.2] = .082, F (6, 127) = 2.968, p < .05. Anti-Black again was a positive predictor as [beta] = .228, t (127) = 2.648, p < .01. The interpretation is the same as for the 6-subscale model's results. Pan-African, [beta] = .214, t (127) = 2.508, p < .05, also reliably predicted. Apparently, consistent with the correct-diffused-incorrect psychological Africanity orientation results, identification with Africa and African issues may result in a need for greater or enhanced overall defensive behavior in social ecologies founded on, imbued with, and still operating under individual and institutional anti-African thought and practice (Azibo, 2015c).

The Role of Psychological Africanity Normalcy in Defensive Behavior Coping Versus Nepenthe Dysfunctionality. A ferreting out of the functional differences in the defensive maneuverings of persons who would be classified as higher versus midway to lower on the rudimentary continuum of psychological Africanity seems in order if not apparent. Regarding the presumed psychic price to pay for facing the reality of Eurasian domination which, by definition, is a personality obligation the correct psychological Africanity orientation or high psychological Africanity persons cannot deflect, their defensive behavior appears functional. That is, it seems the paid price of threat to overall personality integrity which entails cognizance of the real possibility of looming disorganization and breakdown in ontogenesis' peripheral and/or phylogenesis' racial African personality parts is well handled such that both these parts remain intact enough for continued pursuing of ORP/ORM behaving. This may represent a great strength of no ordinary accomplishment in that, analogically, the threat is as if the nuts and bolts securing the hub to the wheel are coming off, the hub is grinding up, slipping and dissipating, the rim is denting, the spokes are contorting, snapping and dislodging, or a combination of these. More research is needed.

When there is breakdown as described in the analogy, decrement and cessation of movement/rolling through the ecology defending, developing and maintaining with priority ADP's life chances--suggestive of a sort of catatonia--would be psychologically understandable. It would fall outside of metatheory normalcy and therefore qualify as abnormality. Any defensive behavior facilitating decrement or cessation of ORP/ORM behaving is dysfunctional in the metatheory perspective and suggests nepenthe is taking place. Returning to the analogy, it would be like employing a tow truck (going from bicycle wheel to automobile wheel for expediency) or carrying the bicycle in hand. These would provide temporary relief for the wheel at that moment, but are non-fixes that leave the wheel in a dysfunctional state. These non-fixes, then, could be detrimental: the individual, or the African personality in this analogy, may be taken to a bad garage by the tow truck or with bicycle carried in hand an individual may not get as far as s/he needs to or would have.

Employing defense mechanisms in this non-fixing manner would seem to be within the orbit of persons who would be classified as lower to midway on the rudimentary continuum of psychological Africanity. That is, non-fixing defensive maneuvering would seem as the forte for diffused and incorrect psychological Africanity oriented persons and precluded from correct psychological Africanity persons. The anti-Black subscale results might reflect this. For anti-Black oriented ADP and likely the diffused and incorrect in general, defensive maneuvering may maintain their personality integrity and avoid or mitigate personality breakdown at the moment. Nevertheless, it is dysfunctional for the outer core, the hub of the personality, as it apparently militates against movement toward ORP/ORM behaving. Therefore, "nepenthe defense mechanism disorder" was articulated in the AN II (Azibo, 2014a, 65-66).

Outer Core Abnormality and Nepenthe-Based Defensive Behavior. If nepenthe defense mechanism disorder be factual as posited, it is logical that relationships between defensive behavior and outer core abnormality/psychopathologic indices such as measured by the CMS subscales would be predictable as the raison d'etre (reason for being) or nia (purpose) of the nepenthe is to dodge outer core normalcy dictates of ORP/ORM. The CMS subscales model predicted DSQ total score: adjusted [R.sup.2] = .079, F(6, 131) = 2.963, p < .05. The sole reliable predictor was anti-self, [beta] = .35, t (131) = 3.473, p < .01. At the protected alpha level of .0125, only two of the four DSQ style variables were statistically significantly predicted by the CMS subscale model. For maladaptive style, adjusted [R.sup.2] = .087, F (6, 131) = 3.183. Again, anti-self was the sole reliable predictor, [beta] = .22, t (131) = 2.195, p < .05. For self-sacrificing style, the adjusted [R.sup.2] = .08, F (6, 132) = 2.991. This model yielded three reliable predictors: anti-self [beta] = .232, t (131) = 2.316, p < .05; Individualism [beta] = -.189, t (131) = -2.022, p < .05; and self-destructive [beta] = -.284, t (131) = -2.811, p < .01.

It jumps out from these results that, similar to the anti-Black regression results, the conceptually close CMS anti-self predictor's [beta]-values were reliable and positive in each model. Perhaps an outer core characterized by moving against one's own-race and hatred thereof--CMS anti-self construct--brings forth hierarchically less than adaptive/less than mature defensive maneuvering. The observed relationships almost seem primal when viewed this way. Indeed, the CMS anti-self and the BPQ anti-Black regression results suggest that it could be an outer core in a state of overwhelming own-race negation and abjuration--not necessarily Eurasian paean--that is responsible for hierarchically less mature defensive behavior. Additionally, individualism and self-destructive psychological misorientations were negative predictors of self-sacrificing defense style. This makes sense as both reflect a disdainful attitude toward and a letting go of the collectivity ethos traditionally characterizing ADP such as "it takes a village," "ALLUSWE," "I am because you are" and so on. African-U.S. with these psychological misorientations would likely not employ a defense style seeing themselves as particularly kind, helpful to others, and never angry (i.e., self sacrificing) vis-a-vis African descent people.

Ecology and Social Psychology: Studies of the Spaces Between the Spokes

It was pointed out that the minimum condition under which the outer core will self-consciously direct ORP/ORM behaving in an individual is when s/he existentially perceives that in the given situation own-race maintenance, i.e., the maintaining of ADP's lives and life chances, is relevant (Azibo,1991a). The job applicant evaluation and recommendation experiment reported earlier was set up to make own-race maintenance relevant to the participants in the experimental group. As hypothesized, they responded with ORP/ORM behaving. However, it seems possible that existentially perceived own race-maintenance relevance may not be the only condition that should beget ORP/ORM behaving. As the wheel model is suggestive of moving through, in and on the environment, the hub will likely face many different factors in the ecology and multitudes of social psychological forces that support Eurasian supremacy. This will be challenging, perhaps even daunting, and militate against ORP/ORM behaving. This fact in and of itself, however, does not guarantee rank and file ADP will perceive these challenges as threats to own-race maintenance. For example, in the perceived attractiveness experiment discussed earlier (Azibo, 1983b) it could be unlikely that many or most participants felt their attractiveness ratings of the photographs (ORP index) had much to do with own-race maintenance (unfortunately, that perception was not measured). Although scholars like Azibo (2010, 2014b), Hilliard (1988), and Richards (1993) are adamant about a linkage between ORP of this sort and ORM orientation, suppose for argument's sake the linkage was not existentially or phenomenally operating among participants in that experiment. The fact would remain that perceived attractiveness was moderated by psychological Africanity. It is moderations like that one and main effects by outer core measures that stand a chance of coming about even without own-race maintenance perceived or felt existentially to be relevant. Perhaps, there may be circumstances as yet unspecified where direct inner core influences of ORB arises in adolescent and adult behaving, where direct refers here to unmediated by or not occurring through or as a function of the outer core. As earlier discussed, this seems to be the case with very young children as shown in Figures 2a, 2b and 2c.

The Structuring of Personal Space. An example might be the field study by Azibo, Cassius, Marion and Casper (2013) which appears to be the first, and perhaps only, environmental psychology study incorporating African personality. The primary territories of 107 HBCU undergraduates were surveyed for racial-cultural artifacts classified as African-centered (reflecting direct connection to Africa, connectivity with the collective of ADP, or interest in world African civilization), pro-African (lacking explicit connection to Africa or diasporan ADP, but showing awareness of African identity and depicting ADP and civilizations in a positive light), plain African (definitely of the surface structure or manifestations of continental or diasporan African culture or experience, but not explicitly showing group collectiveness or positive identification with ADP or their cultures), Eurocentric/western (reflecting the asilic or deep structure or the surface structure of Caucasian or Semitic civilization and societies), Asian-centric (reflecting the asilic or deep structure or the surface structure of Asian civilization) and religious (exclusive of humanized images or race designations). Participants had previously completed outer core measures of normalcy (BPQ) and abnormality (CMS) from which they were classified into correct-diffused-incorrect psychological Africanity groups. The hypotheses that correct psychological Africanity orientation persons would have more African-centered and pro-African artifacts in their personal spaces than diffused and incorrect persons would in theirs was confirmed in a 3x2 chi square analysis of psychological Africanity orientation groups x median split of African-centered plus pro-African artifacts: [chi square] (2, N=89) = 8.356, p < .05. The degree of the relationship calculated by a modified version of Pearson's contingency coefficient (Runyon, et al., 1996) was .41. Post hoc analysis showed statistically significantly fewer persons classified as "correct" at or below the median of African-centered plus pro-African artifacts as well as statistically significantly more "correct" persons above the median in African-centered plus pro-African artifacts relative to expectation. These results provide more evidence for the construct validity of the correct-diffused-incorrect scheme of psychological Africanity:
that those African-U.S. people who are high in or correctly oriented in
psychological Africanity would structure their primary territories with
racial-cultural artifacts that reflect and reinforce their orientation
thereby satisfying the presumed own-race maintenance and own-race
preference drives [postulated by the metatheory].... [For diffused and
incorrectly oriented persons,] African-centered and pro-African
artifacts... could stimulate cognitive dissonance and other states of
cognitive imbalance.... lead[ing these] persons to not possess
artifacts that are African-centered or pro-African. (Azibo, et al.
2013, 191)

This field research establishes an empirical link between Africentrically structured physical environments and outer core normalcy. Perhaps the results can be built upon in applied social engineering efforts in environmental psychology pertaining to campus spaces, personal spaces and public spaces at large.

Support for Reparations? Who Amongst You? Many HBCUs could benefit from infusion of money. Reparations down payments in recompense for enslavement and Jim Crow of African-U.S. people would seem an appropriate source (Obadele, 1997b). But, there are two roadblocks. Amongst "the implacable foe" reparations is resoundingly resisted as a rebarbative, reprehensible idea that only raises Eurasian American rancor. Under Americana reparations to African-U.S. is anti-ethical (Curry, 2011b). Still, if chattel slavery can be overcome, then White resistance to reparations should neither daunt nor carry the day. Thence comes the second impediment: Who amongst the victim population will stand up for reparations?

The overall case has been made (Aiyetoro, 2004; Aristide, 2011; Coates, 2014; Lumumba, Obadele & Taifa, 1989; Nelson, 2016, 107-140; Robinson, 2001; Williams & Collins, 2004). Fully aware that the "absence of reparations is the same as a declaration that no wrong was really done to [African-U.S.] and, therefore, that no compensation need be made" (Toure, 1997, 8), Azibo's work zeroed in on the psycho-cultural case for reparations specifically and has made its warrant a foregone conclusion (Azibo, 2011a, 2011c, 2012, 2016b). Others have significantly contributed to making the psycho-cultural case (Carroll & Jamison, 2011; Jennings, 2011; Ukombozi, 2011). For many, it is decided that reparations must be sought after (Kamau, 1997, 2002; Khalifah, 1997; Texeira, 2006; Toure, 1997). The National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America (N'COBRA) conducted a national survey of 1,015 respondents who by a margin of 81% to 19% favored reparations down payments from the United States (Obadele, 1994). A subsequent national survey of 817 respondents found that 89% were in favor of a "personal reparations" payment to individuals in addition to other reparations down payments (Obadele, 1997b).

With a sample of 76 HBCU students, Azibo (2008) investigated the role of psychological Africanity in support for reparations once its relevancy to race maintenance was presumably made known. The 1997 N'COBRA Reparations Survey (N'COBRA, 1997; Obadele, 1997a) which on its face points out the relevancy of reparations for race-maintenance by explaining the results will be used to form the basis of demands that will be put to Congress was used. (Respondents were instructed to read the face page, but their cognizance of this presentation was not measured.) Respondents gathered in a large classroom and completed the N' COBRA survey followed by the BPQ. The survey is answered yes or no whether reparations down payments in each of five domains is supported: education (10 billion dollars), economic development (one-billion dollars), personal reparations ($20,000 per family or higher), political prisoners (immediate release as a reparations demand) and prisoners in general (release upon recommendation of a local community-elected board in order to enter programs/training designed by African-U.S. experts if drug-free, did not commit a heinous crime and already served two years). A total reparations score (TRS) was computed by summing "yes" responses indicating overall support for reparations down payments.

Results showed regressing TRS on the two dimension BPQ Africentric and Anglocentric score model was statistically significant: adjusted [R.sup.2] = .123, F (2, 57) = 5.131, p [less than or equal to] .01. The Africentric predictor was statistically reliable and positive, [beta] = .268, t (57) = 2.165, p < .05, whereas the Anglocentric regression weight was negative but barely not statistically reliable. With the six dimension BPQ motivational orientations model more variance in TRS was explained than with the two dimension Africentric and Anglocentric model: adjusted [R.sup.2] = .219, F (6, 53) = .3.753, p [less than or equal to] .01. Pro-White scores did inversely predict TRS, [beta] = -.405, t (53) = -2.685, p [less than or equal to] .01. Third World scores predicted positively, [beta] = .336, t (53) = 2.792, p [less than or equal to] .01. Pro-Black, anti-Black, pan-African and anti-White did not predict TRS.

Additionally, a 3x2 chi square analysis was conducted by creating correct-diffused-incorrect psychological Africanity groups and high versus low TRS categories based on a median split. The correct grouping was operationalized as Africentric score above its median and Anglocentric score below its median, incorrect as Africentric scores below and Anglocentric scores above their medians, and diffused as all others. Results showed [chi square] (2, N=60) = 9.855, p < .01 and a substantial degree of relationship and predictability between variables as the modified contingency coefficient and its square were .53 and .28, respectively. Post hoc analysis showed that relative to expectation the incorrect psychological Africanity group had statistically significantly fewer persons in the high TRS category. Therefore, incorrect psychological Africanity orientation is associated--as expected under the metatheory--with failure to execute ORM behavior. This is more support for the construct validity of the correct-diffused-incorrect scheme as translating multidimensional outer core assessment into the rudimentary uni-dimensional continuum model (Figure 7). Moreover, there is great practical significance in showing scientifically where failure in ORP/ORM behaving plays out in African personality:
[I]n accordance with Azibo's general proposition... that when race
maintenance is an issue, it is persons with higher psychological
Africanity who will behave in a manner that defends, develops, and
maintains African people's lives and increases their life chances and
not persons with lower psychological Africanity. (Azibo, 2008, 125)

This is good information to know when planning societal-wide social engineering of the African personality as well as for setting afoot aright the new African woman, man and child in clinical practice (Azibo, 2015a, in review b; Azibo, Robinson-Kyles & Johnson, 2013) practice.

Conclusions about the Research Findings

Individually, Azibo's empirical studies reported here are nice, quaint even, adequate researches. They have produced enough evidence to mostly support the hypotheses investigated. Though presented sketchily so as not to get bogged down, procedural information appears minimally adequate for preliminary internal validity evaluation and replications and extensions. Full details, of course, are available in the original citations. The topics were varied including intrinsic motivation, perceived attractiveness, status characteristics theory, uni- and multi-dimensional psychological Africanity, psychological Africanity development, psychological misorientation, materialistic depression, clinical case studies, projective techniques, test validity, social desirability as a function of African personality tests and as a peripheral personality process, defense mechanism functioning, the structuring of personal space, and support for reparations.

The terrain covered African personality holistically--structure, dynamics, development, psychopathology, treatment, assessment and addressed peripheral, social psychological and environmental variables. And, importantly, it was all theory driven a la Azibo's (1988/1996c) theory-derived steady state approach. These facts may mitigate somewhat external validity concerns over frequently using small, convenience, college samples. The research also appears to support Van Horne's (2014) statement that "[w]hether an Africological [sic] scholar produces grounded theory, that is, theory derived from empirical data that have been studied, or theory developed from thought experiments and corroborated empirically later... or hypothesizes from intuitive hunches, it matters not" (15).

Taken as a whole, Azibo's researches resemble a 35-year planking (1983-2018) legitimizing intellectual pursuit of the metatheory and many provocative ideas it potentially harbingers. A few merit pointing out:

* the tripartite nature of the racial core of African personality,

* preeminence and relationship of the metatheory/racial component to the peripheral/panhuman component of African personality,

* the essentialism of spirit as primordial dynamic and a scientific construct along with associated biogenetic necessaries like neuromelanin,

* the beacon for African personality development theory--uni-dimensional and multidimensional--including the subsumption and rethinking of metamorphic cultural transformation,

* a conceptualization of disorder harking back to the African asili through Africana people's mythology,

* treatment in the four-fold table context, and

* emic assessment of the outer core.

The studies reported above touch on all this and more. But, so as not to go beyond the data or to hypergeneralize the point to be taken is that the planking is warranting of furtherance of the metatheory along these lines. These researches reveal longevity, not impermanency, and receptivity to the quantitative paradigm as against the once-whispered charge that centered African psychology is "too theory-heavy." As each study was derived from the theory-derived steady state approach to psychological research with ADP (Azibo, 1988/1996c), which is in keeping with the cultural science perspective (Semaj, 1996), with the self-conscious intent of using the quantitative paradigm as it has come to ADP under Eurasian domination for liberation in line with the teaching of Carruthers (1996) in particular, and consistent with younger scholars like McDougal (2014), the hope is ardent that the reader has found it worthy of her or his attention.

Indeed, Azibo's intent regarding his research has always been for it to "Speak to the Posterity" (McDougal, 2014, ix-xi) with a manifest "Black Liberation Psychology and Practice" as Thompson and Alfred (2009) discuss it.
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Title Annotation:racial identity, metatheory, and African personality
Publication:Journal of Pan African Studies
Article Type:Report
Date:Nov 1, 2018
Previous Article:Psychopathology, Treatment and Assessment of African Personality.
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