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Reframing the Edwardian crisis: contentious citizenship in the British empire before the First World War.

In the wake of the global financial crisis, our world is proving to be turbulent as well as connected. In 2011, the pro-democracy and anti-austerity demands of the Arab Spring and Occupy Wall Street demonstrated the power of social movements, simultaneously rooted in local spaces and leaping over borders, to shake the world. (1) More recently, of course, the imposition of states of siege and the outbreak of civil wars have underlined the bodily risks rather than political rights of citizens who confront their governments or each other. World historians can point to other dramatic moments, sometimes fleeting, sometimes sustained, of widespread challenge, crisis, and change in the long twentieth century. Certainly 1968 symbolizes one such moment of contentious politics. (2) The explosion of 1919, combining anticolonial, nationalist, labor, socialist, and fascist challenges, is another. (3) In fact, the First World War was bracketed by global turbulence. Although it did not reach the explosive levels of the postwar period, when whole empires lay in seeming ruin, the widespread prewar unrest was punctuated by revolutions in the Russian, Ottoman, and Chinese empires as well as in Iran and Mexico.

When we examine the protest cycles that wound through the British empire before the war, we see connections that linked metropole and colonies as well as drew on wider global movements of women, workers, colonial subjects, and people of color. One of the most intriguing aspects of the Edwardian conjuncture is the sense of immanent possibilities held by those who observed or participated in the unrest. While the prewar certainly prefigured aspects of the postwar, as Michael Adas shows with figures like Rabindranath Tagore and Mohandas K. Gandhi in his account of the collapse of belief in the civilizing mission, few Edwardians imagined a world without empires. (4) An insight about the late eighteenth century from Jane Burbank and Frederick Cooper, who argue that "struggles for political voice, rights, and citizenship took place within empires before they became revolutions against them," illuminates the early twentieth century as well. (5) While some advocates of change sought to overturn the British empire, others sought to open it up. Even a radical nationalist like Bipin Chandra Pal envisioned a pacific alliance between an independent India and the empire against what he perceived as the aggressive blocs of Europe, the Islamic world, and East Asia. (6)

Mingling metropolitan, colonial, and diasporic histories, my brief essay seeks to reframe in an imperial and global panorama what historians call the Edwardian crisis in Britain and Ireland. This enlargement of the picture, so to speak, brings the wider Edwardian turbulence into view and places the crisis in perspective. I sketch the protest movements in the British isles, trace the contemporaneous movements and cycles of protest elsewhere in the British empire, and take a closer look at imperial (dis)connections. Highlighting demands around citizenship reveals the contours of the political imagination of challengers in metropole and colonies. When H.S.L. Polak, for example, likened Indians in South Africa to "helots within the Empire," quoted imperial statesmen to the effect that "British citizens, whatever their colour, should be treated as such," and called on Indians in India to mobilize against "differential legislation," while swerving around the subjugation of Africans in South Africa, he was simultaneously drawing and erasing possible connections. (7)

If citizenship is the condition of belonging to a political community and possessing a complement of rights and responsibilities, the subordinated and excluded often make claims to citizenship and the recognition and representation it entails. Scholars who study contemporary forms of "contentious citizenship" show that struggles can call into question the very boundaries of the polity. (8) This contentiousness encompasses the interaction of not only states and challengers but also rival political actors claiming to speak for "the people" and other collective subjects, for the demand for inclusion invites counter-demands for continued exclusion or subordination. In the Edwardian era, the "citizen" could be defined in opposition to the "alien" as "one who is a constituent member of a state in international relations and as such has full national rights and owes a certain allegiance." (9) This denied or deferred the citizenship of those in-between subjects of empire who did not qualify in national, racial, and civilizational terms. As Edwardian students of Roman history knew, however, there was precedent for extending citizenship to all sorts of subjects. (10) Contradictory conceptions and divergent arrangements around citizenship could invite comparison, criticism, and controversy.

George Dangerfield's The Strange Death of Liberal England (1935) remains the classic narrative of the conflicts that convulsed Britain and Ireland a century ago. (11) He recounts several "rebellions" in politics and society that followed the coming of the Liberals to power in 1905 after two decades of Conservative dominance. The aristocratic revolt sought to protect the power of the unelected House of Lords and resist Liberal social, fiscal, and constitutional reforms. The women's revolt centered on the demand for suffrage. Frustrated for decades by lack of support in the Liberal and Conservative parties, groups like the Women's Social and Political Union used increasingly confrontational tactics to press the cause. The workers' revolt sprang from grievances that were only partially relieved by trade unions, the newly founded Labour party, and social welfare measures. Encouraged by militant syndicalists and socialists, workers took industrial action in a wave of strikes that swept Britain and Ireland beginning in 1910 and only cresting in 1913. Finally, the revolt of Ulster unionists, who supported the union of Britain and Ireland and opposed the Liberal government's home rule bill for Ireland, won the support of the Conservative opposition in parliament. They threatened armed resistance if the bill became law. This led to a counter-mobilization by Irish nationalists and then a collapse of authority in the spring of 1914, when army officers refused orders to reinforce positions in and around Ulster. When soldiers fired on a crowd in Bachelor's Walk in Dublin on 26 July 1914, a civil war in Ireland seemed days away.

Contentious citizenship offers a key to the Edwardian crisis of authority and legitimacy. Women's suffragists were not the only activists demanding the right to participate in the polity, nor were anti-suffragists the only opponents of expanding democracy. The labor unrest turned on the political, economic, and social rights of workers in a semi-democratic state and class-divided society. Even though the suffrage and socialist movements debated methods and demands to the point of antagonism, their activist networks often overlapped. In Ireland, nationalists and unionists shared a demonstratively masculine repertoire of drilling and marching inherited from a tradition of volunteer militias reaching back to the 1780s, but they divided over competing notions of who constituted the Irish people and determined Ireland's relations with Britain and the wider empire. For unionists and some nationalists, this sense of belonging included national and imperial layers, while for more radical nationalists, it was fundamentally national, republican, and separatist. Although Edwardian challengers on both the left and the right found some allies in the Liberal and Conservative elite, they drew on a long tradition of popular-radical constitutionalism and a rich repertoire of rhetorical and tactical militancy. As prospects for bargaining over reforms seemed to recede and the cycle of protest and repression accelerated, the unruly claims of contentious citizenship began to vie with the constitutional conventions of the supremacy of parliament and the rule of law.

At the same time, insults and injuries were accumulating across the wider Edwardian empire. The highhanded rule of Cromer in Egypt and Curzon in India, the "white Australia" policy of the new Commonwealth of Australia in 1901, the subordination of what Vivian Bickford-Smith calls the "creole elite" of British West Africa and South Africa were parts of a larger pattern of entrenching civilizational and racial hierarchies. (12) Douglas Lorimer argues that the discursive balance tilted decisively during the late Victorian and Edwardian eras from a belief in the moral and intellectual assimilability of people of color to British civilization to a conception of the social and cultural incompatibility of European and other peoples. (13) This shift, whose terms recall David Theo Goldberg's distinction between "historicist" and "naturalist" forms of racism, not only reduced support for the equal rights of colonial subjects, both indigenous and diasporan, but also reinforced "yellow peril" xenophobia. (14)

The disintegration of what had appeared to be a common British subjecthood opened up the question of citizenship, leading some colonial subjects to press harder for imperial citizenship and drawing others to alternative notions of belonging. In British West Africa, J.E. Casely Hayford and other activists founded the Gold Coast Aborigines' Rights Protection Society in 1897 and began to defend indigenous systems of land and labor and advocate for the "opportunity ... to take part in the work of legislation." (15) In India a year later, as the Indian National Congress stalwart Surendranath Banerjea later recalled, plague, protest, violence, and repression sent "dark clouds rolling over the political horizon." (16) In South Africa, war between the British empire and the two Afrikaner republics in 1899-1902 produced wide-ranging effects across metropole and colonies. British party and popular politics sharpened over the rights of "natives" and "Asiatics" as well as "uitlanders" and "Boers," with opponents and supporters of the war facing each other in the streets as well as in press and parliament. The war divided Ireland between the British and Afrikaner causes and stimulated both "Anglo-Saxon" imperialism and settler nationalism in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. (17) Although the British had sometimes justified the war as promising better prospects for colonial subjects in South Africa, white supremacy served as the basis for the peace settlement and the grant of responsible government in the former republics a few years later. The use of Chinese indentured workers not only further subordinated African migrant workers in the mining industry but also galvanized white workers in South Africa, gave the Liberals the cry of "Chinese slavery" to win the general election in Britain in 1906, and probably contributed to the anti-Japanese and anti-Indian immigration disturbances on the Pacific coast of Canada and the U.S. in 1907.

Searching for political opportunities in divergences between the settlers' "white man's country" and the "mother country," Africans and Asians organized and advocated for their rights where they could find interlocutors. In 1906, even as a brutally suppressed Zulu uprising in Natal showed the limited avenues for indigenous protest, an African deputation lobbied the imperial government in London and three years later the South African Native Convention called for "full and equal rights and privileges" as white British and Afrikaner settlers prepared to establish the Union of South Africa. (18) What is more, Indians in South Africa declared a satyagraha (truth power) against worsening restrictions on traders and professional men as well as indentured workers and sent a deputation to London in 1906. The arrest and imprisonment of satyagrahis followed, including Gandhi for the first but not the last time two years later. When a second deputation traveled to London in 1909, it declared that "Self-Government has no special or beneficial meaning" for Indians who endured discriminatory laws that made it clear they would not be counted as citizens of the new dominion. (19)

Even greater challenges came in India and Egypt, where settlers did not stand between colonial subjects and the Raj and the Occupation. Instead, Indians and Egyptians could look around them and see reforms, revolutions, constitutions, and parliaments in Russia, Iran, and the Ottoman and Chinese empires in the years before the world war. The precipitant of protest in India in 1905 was Curzon's partition of the province of Bengal, which bore the marks of a strategy of divide and rule over Hindus and Muslims. Indians began to organize around the project of swadeshi (self-reliance) in economic and educational spheres. While the tactic of boycott against British goods and government schools and seemingly contradictory demands for colonial self-government and national independence opened up divisions between "moderate" and "extremist" nationalists, they fostered a broadly contentious sense of citizenship among Indians alienated by the arrogance and abuses of colonial rule. A "new spirit," as it was often called, asserted itself not only among nationalist constituencies like students and professional groups, but also among low-caste communities, Muslims, Sikhs, women, urban workers, and peasants. Repressive measures under Curzon's successor Lord Minto, such as the deportation of Lala Rajpat Rai in 1907, the sentence of six years imprisonment imposed on B.G. Tilak in 1908, and ongoing police surveillance and press controls, disorganized the popular movement and persuaded some self-defined revolutionaries to form clandestine groups and carry out armed actions. Indians disagreed whether the reforms of provincial and viceregal councils in 1909, which increased elected Indian representation and introduced separate communal electorates, were an advance or a setback. Fortunately for both the new viceroy Lord Hardinge and the badly divided Indian National Congress, the rescinding of the partition of Bengal on the occasion of George V's durbar in 1911 did allow something of a fresh start. (20)

In Egypt, nominally part of the Ottoman empire but effectively held by the British, the precipitants in 1906 included the harsh collective punishment of the villagers of Dinshaway for a clash between protesting peasants and British soldiers. After years of political intrigue by the Egyptian khedive, the establishment of the Umma and Watani parties in 1907 offered "moderate" and "extremist" alternatives on constitutional and social reform, the question of British withdrawal, and the role of Egypt in the Ottoman and Pan Islamic cause. Students and professional groups were not alone in taking part in the unrest, for women organized associations and meetings, workers formed unions and went on strike, and Muslims and Coptic and Syrian Christians oscillated between hostility and solidarity. Swinging between the khedive and the moderates for a partner in government, the British under Cromer's successor Sir Eldon Gorst also made use of repressive measures in 1909 against the press and again in 1910 in response to the uproar over plans to extend British control of the Suez Canal and the assassination of the prime minister Butrus Ghali. The Watani leader Mohammed Farid had fled into exile by the time the new consul-general Lord Kitchener floated a proposal to reform the legislative council and general assembly in 1912. (21)

The protest cycles in Egypt and India were coming to a close just as unrest began to expand and escalate in the new Union of South Africa. The union parliament codified the color bar in industry in the Mines and Works Act 1911, restricted Indian immigration in the Immigrants Regulation Act 1913, and dispossessed many African cultivators in the Natives' Land Act 1913. African activists founded the South African Native National Congress in 1912 and sent a deputation to lobby the imperial government in London against the land legislation in 1914. In the meantime, black women showed the way in a militant protest against pass laws in 1913 that earned them comparisons with the British suffragettes. Gandhi revived the Indian satyagraha, this time with much broader participation by Indian workers, many of whom went on strike in November 1913 and endured beatings and detention when they marched through Natal to the Transvaal border to protest controls on internal movement by Asians. At the same time, the government was dealing with increasingly fractious politics among the classes and communities of white citizens. Afrikaner nationalists had become restive under the rule of Afrikaner politicians who had made their peace with British South Africans and the British empire. The white miners of the Transvaal went on strike in July 1913, and amid the ensuing bloodshed British troops were deployed to restore order. A wider general strike of white workers in January 1914 led to martial law and the deportation of strike leaders from South Africa. Perhaps the only bright spot from the viewpoint of the union government was a compromise settlement of the South African Indian controversy ending the satyagraha. (22) Asked in July by a journalist about further claims to "political equality" by Indians in South Africa, the ever surprising Gandhi made a virtue of necessity by answering that "passive resistance is infinitely superior to the vote." (23)

Thus we can see a series of challenges and crises unfolding in almost syncopated fashion around the Edwardian empire. When Casely Hayford warned of "the fever of unrest" spreading to British West Africa in 1913, he made it clear he was aware of historical and contemporary developments in Egypt, India, and South Africa. (24) Color bars, unfair laws, lack of the right to make claims before government, much less take part in the practice of ruling and being ruled repeatedly posed the question of citizenship. Yet the possibilities and limits of contentious politics differed across the empire. West African anticolonial critics coped with the constraints of small numbers by couching their demands in loyal terms, seeking alliances with local rulers, making use of Pan African connections around the black Atlantic, and imagining a confederal past and future. Indeed, Casely Hayford and colleagues in several colonies took the first steps just before the war in 1914 that would lead eventually to the establishment of the National Congress of British West Africa in 1920.25 By contrast, Egyptian and Indian anticolonial activists could mobilize larger numbers and employ a broader range of militant tactics and rhetoric. The radicals among them could even begin to reach beyond the empire and construct alternative notions of belonging, from Pan Islamic solidarity with the Ottoman empire to a "nationalist" view of India that conceived the nation in imperial terms of its own or conflated it with Hindu civilization. (26)

Connections-and disconnections-bridged these moments of unrest in metropole and colonies. The imperial state straddled what was often perceived by Edwardians to be a bifurcated empire, composed in the words of the Colonial Office official Sir Charles Prestwood Lucas of a "sphere of rule" and a "sphere of settlement." (27) One set of connections linked the United Kingdom and the dominions. For advocates of closer union, according to Daniel Gorman, the capacious ideal of imperial citizenship offered a way to bind together those peoples or nations variously categorized as white, Anglo-Saxon, and British in the empire. (28) Colonial and imperial conferences declined to embrace the most ambitious versions of imperial citizenship and eventually the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act 1914 affirmed the powers of dominion governments to police and manage their own borders and populations. In deepening the divide between those who ruled themselves (and ruled others) and those who were ruled by others, the stakes were raised for any struggle over the borderlands of this two-in-one empire of citizens and subalterns. (29) It is suggestive that the moderate Irish nationalist leader John Redmond asked in 1913 whether Ireland "was the only one white race in the Empire that is to be denied the right to govern herself?" (30)

The question of imperial citizenship concerned the Edwardian labor, socialist, and suffrage movements, not surprisingly given the rising levels of immigration around the empire. In 1907, the British Labour leader Ramsay MacDonald made a carefully calibrated case for an "Imperial Standard" to be upheld by Britain and the dominions. He offered the granting of women's suffrage in Australia and New Zealand and expressions of support for Irish home rule as signs of the democratic nature of the self-governing colonies. He conceded the restriction of Chinese and Japanese immigration as a means to maintain standards of living for white working-class settlers, while calling for humane treatment of indigenous people and recognizing the civilized nature of Indians and some other colonial subjects. He did not address the restriction of Indian immigration, although by this time Gandhi had launched his satyagraha in the Transvaal, doubtless because it would have discomfited his friends in the dominion labor parties and the Indian nationalist movement. (31) It was the travails of white workers in South Africa that mobilized the labor and socialist movement around the empire. The deportation of strike leaders to Britain in January 1914, coming on the heels of the imprisonment of the strike leader Jim Larkin in Ireland in November 1913, underlined the contested nature of any imperial standard for(white) labor rights. (32) The suffrage movement was more fortunate, with enfranchised women citizens from Australia and New Zealand encouraging British and Irish as well as Canadian and South African suffragists. This cooperation culminated in the British Dominions Woman Suffrage Union's empire-wide conference in London in 1914. (33)

Another set of connections bearing on citizenship linked the dependent colonies as well as the United Kingdom and the dominions. We have seen, for example, that deputations from the colonies regularly brought their claims to the imperial government in London, where Jonathan Schneer has shown that anticolonial activists were already sojourning by 1900. (34) We know that some exiled radicals formed transcolonial and global networks and that moderates as well as militants in the ranks of Egyptian, Indian, and Irish nationalists maintained contact with each other as well as with sympathetic British and Irish ethical reformers, pacifists, and socialists. (35) In a world ordered and dominated by great powers, many anticolonial activists understood the fact of empire and pursued courses of action predicated on education, organization, reform, and resistance rather than outright rebellion. Not unlike contemporary transnational advocacy networks pressing for the realization of human rights in international norms, these Edwardian activists used the claim of citizenship along with notions of equality and civilization to challenge imperial norms that explicitly or implicitly discriminated between white subjects and subjects of color. (36) Indeed, according to Sukanya Banerjee, both loyalist and nationalist Indians sought to practice imperial citizenship as a form of belonging in an empire that did not recognize Indian nationhood. (37) But would-be imperial citizens and their friends found color bars everywhere in their way.

The color bar crystallized what were in effect imperial disconnections, arising from demands for rights-equality before the law, the franchise, "home rule"-that appeared equivalent in British and dominion contexts but were discrepant in colonial contexts. A keen observer of the empire in 1912, Lucas recognized that the presence of indigenous peoples in the dominions as well as the spread of the South Asian diaspora meant that the spheres of rule and settlement were "not quite mutually exclusive." Indeed, India had "supplemented Great Britain ... by playing the part of a Mother Country." (38) Indian soldiers, laborers, farmers, traders, students, professionals, and activists posed a growing challenge, not just for South Africa but also for Australia and Canada, precisely because they hailed from within rather than without the empire. In May 1914, as deputations from the Indian National Congress as well as the South African Native National Congress were converging on London, a Japanese vessel, the Komagata Maru, arrived in Vancouver with nearly four hundred Sikhs and other Indians on board. The passengers staged a floating protest in the harbor rather than depart when the Canadian authorities refused them permission to land. Supporters and opponents of the Indians' right to travel and settle were quick to mobilize in British Columbia, and this extraordinary exercise of contentious citizenship soon gained attention across Canada, India, and the rest of the empire. In Britain, Lala Lajpat Rai argued that what Indians wanted were the "rights of British citizenship" and predicted dire consequences if Sikhs, the backbone of the Indian army, were denied. (39) In the African Times and Orient Review, Duse Mohamed declared that "a British citizen should be a British citizen everywhere, whatever his creed or colour" and vowed that "Asiatic ambition of to-day will be African ambition of tomorrow." (40) In a display of what Nico Slate has called "colored cosmopolitanism," he went on to promise that the "equal rights" of the empire's "coloured majority" would not be frustrated and suggested that "coloured rebellion" was a possibility. (41) In the event, the bulk of the Komagata Maru's passengers lost their bids to enter Canada, and the ship began its return journey across the Pacific in the last week of July. (42)

The question is sometimes posed, what would have happened after the shootings in Dublin if the outbreak of the world war had not interrupted the crisis over Irish home rule and Ulster exclusion? It is tempting to ask as well, but for the war what further challenges to the color bar might have followed in the wake of the Komagata Maru? There are no historical answers to these speculative questions, of course, but they underline the turbulent nature of the late Edwardian conjuncture. Reframing the crisis in the United Kingdom along imperial and global rather than simply national lines shows that it was not exceptional. Nor were the movements and cycles of protest in Egypt, India, South Africa, and elsewhere. However uneven the fault-lined terrain, the Edwardian empire served as the ground on which citizenship was imagined, claims were advanced, and struggles were undertaken. In turn, contentious citizenship marked the possibilities of subaltern alliance among the subordinated and excluded across metropole and colonies. While many would-be citizens could not grasp the "chain of equivalence" that might articulate their struggles and others rejected it out of hand, small yet growing numbers were beginning to reach for it around the empire before the First World War. (43) If there are uncanny parallels between the contemporary era and the Edwardian era, such as the situations of immigrants and refugees now and colonial subjects then, one that should not be forgotten is the ongoing claim and demand that all of us belong. (44)

My thanks to Jared Poley, the anonymous readers, and participants in the 2011 Southeast World History Association conference for their helpful suggestions. This article is dedicated to the memory of Ray Lorantas, who introduced me to the World History Bulletin twenty-five years ago.

Ian Christopher Fletcher, Georgia State University

(1) For scholarship on social movements and contentious politics, see Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, eds., Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Valentine M. Moghadam, Globalization and Social Movements: Islamism, Feminism, and the Global Justice Movement, 2d ed. (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2012); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics, 2d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Charles Tilly and Sidney Tarrow, Contentious Politics, updated ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012).

(2) Karen Dubinsky, Catherine Krull, Susan Lord, Sean Mills, and Scott Rutherford, eds., New World Coming: The Sixties and the Shaping of Global Consciousness (Toronto, ON: Between the Lines, 2009); Gerd-Rainer Horn, The Spirit of '68: Rebellion in Western Europe and North America, 1956-1976 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007); Jeremi Suri, Power and Protest: Global Revolution and the Rise of Detente (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003).

(3) Erez Manela, The Wilsonian Moment: Self-Determination and the International Origins of Anticolonial Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).

(4) Michael Adas, "Contested Hegemony: The Great War and the Afro-Asian Assault on the Civilizing Mission Ideology," Journal of World History 15, 1 (2004): 31-63, esp. 49-55.

(5) Jane Burbank and Frederick Cooper, Empires in World History: Power and the Politics of Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 7.

(6) See Bipin Chandra Pal, The Soul of India: A Constructive Study of Indian Thoughts and Ideals (Calcutta: Choudhury and Choudhury, 1911); idem, Nationality and Empire: A Running Study of Some Current Indian Problems (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink, 1916).

(7) Henry S.L Polak, The Indians of South Africa: Helots within the Empire and How They are Treated (Madras: G.A. Nateson, 1909), 3 (pt. 1), 43 (pt. 2).

(8) Emanuela Lombardo and Mieke Verloo, "Contentious Citizenship: Feminist Debates and Practices and European Challenges," Feminist Review 92 (2009): 108-128; Sawitri Saharso and Doutje Lettinga, "Contentious Citizenship: Policies and Debates on the Veil in the Netherlands," Social Politics 15, 4 (2008): 455-480; Ruud Koopmans, Paul Stratham, Marca Guigni, and Florence Passy, Contested Citizenship: Immigration and Cultural Diversity in Europe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005).

(9) "Citizen," Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1910), 6: 397.

(10) James Bryce, The Ancient Roman Empire and the British Empire in India: The Diffusion of Roman and English Law throughout the World: Two Historical Studies (London: Oxford University Press, 1914), 44-45; Earl of Cromer, Ancient and Modern Imperialism (New York: Longmans, Green, 1910), 1719; Sir Charles Prestwood Lucas, Greater Rome and Greater Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010 [1912]), 100-101.

(11) George Dangerfield, The Strange Death of Liberal England (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997 [1935]).

(12) Vivian Bickford-Smith, "The Betrayal of the Creole Elites, 1880-1920," in Black Experience and the Empire, ed. Philip D. Morgan and Sean Hawkins (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 194-225. See also Philip S. Zachernuk, Colonial Subjects: An African Intelligentsia and Atlantic Ideas (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000), ch. 3.

(13) Douglas Lorimer, "From Victorian Values to White Virtues: Assimilation and Exclusion in British Racial Discourse, c. 1870-1914," in Rediscovering the British World, ed. Philip Buckner and R. Douglas Francis (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2005), 109-34.

(14) David Theo Goldberg, The Racial State (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002), esp. ch. 4.

(15) [J.E.] Casely Hayford, Gold Coast Institutions, with Thoughts upon a Healthy Imperial Policy for the Gold Coast and Ashanti (London: Sweet and Maxwell, 1903), 270.

(16) Sir Surendranath Banerjea, A Nation in Making: Being the Reminiscences of Fifty Years in Public Life (London: Humphrey Milford Oxford University Press, 1925), 155.

(17) Bruce Nelson, Irish Nationalists and the Making of the Irish Race (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), ch. 6.

(18) "Resolutions of the South African Native Convention, March 24-26, 1909," in From Protest to Challenge: A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882-1964, ed. Thomas Karis and Gwendolen M. Carter (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1972), 1: 53. See Andre Odendaal, Black Protest Politics in South Africa to 1912 (Totowa, NJ: Barnes and Noble Books, 1984); Brian Willan, ed., Sol Plaatje: Selected Writings (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1997), pt. 1.

(19) "Statement of Natal Indian Grievances" (1909), Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, 5th rev. ed. (New Delhi: Government of India, 2000), 10: 17. See Robert A. Huttenback, Gandhi in South Africa: British Imperialism and the Indian Question, 1860-1914 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1971); Maureen Swan, Gandhi: The South African Experience (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1985).

(20) The great study of this protest cycle remains Sumit Sarkar, The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal, 1903-1908, 2d ed. (Ranikhet: PermanentBlack, 2010 [1973]).

(21) Robert L. Tignor, Modernization and British Colonial Rule in Egypt, 1882-1914 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), esp. chs. 8-9; Malak Badrawi, Political Violence in Egypt, 1910-1924: Secret Societies, Plots and Assassinations (Richmond: Curzon Press, 2000); Beth Baron, The Women's Awakening in Egypt: Culture, Society, and the Press (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994); John T. Chalcraft, The Striking Cabbies of Cairo and Other Stories: Crafts and Guilds in Egypt, 1863-1914 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004), esp. ch. 5. For exile politics in the aftermath of the unrest, see Arthur Goldschmidt, Jr., ed., The Memoirs and Diaries of Muhammad Farid, an Egyptian Nationalist Leader (1868-1919) (San Francisco: Mellen University Research Press, 1992), 1-213.

(22) W.K. Hancock and Jean van der Poel, eds., Selections from the Smuts Papers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966), 3: 3-185; Elaine N. Katz, A Trade Union Aristocracy: A History of White Workers in the Transvaal and the General Strike of 1913 (Johannesburg: African Studies Institute, 1976); Willan, Sol Plaatje: Selected Writings, pt. 2; Julia Wells, We Have Done With Pleading: The Women's 1913 Anti-pass Campaign (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1991).

(23) "Interview to 'The Transvaal Leader'" (1914), Collected Writings of Mahatma Gandhi, 14: 235.

(24) [J.E.] Casely Hayford, The Truth about the West African Land Question (London: C.M. Phillips, 1913), 5.

(25) J. Ayodele Langley, Pan-Africanism and Nationalism in West Africa, 1900-1945: A Study in Ideology and Social Classes (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), 114-15.

(26) For prewar Egyptian nationalism, see Israel Gershoni and James P. Jankowski, Egypt, Islam, and the Arabs: The Search for Egyptian Nationhood, 1900-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 3-20.

(27) Lucas, Greater Rome and Greater Britain, 142.

(28) Daniel Gorman, Imperial Citizenship: Empire and the Question of Belonging (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006).

(29) For the colonial conferences of the 1890s and 1900s and the imperial conferences of 1909 and 1911, see the summaries in Maurice Ollivier, ed., The Colonial and Imperial Conferences from 1887 to 1937 (Ottawa: Edmond Cloutier, 1954), vols. 1-2. Now see Niraja Gopal Jayal, Citizenship and Its Discontents: An Indian History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013), esp. ch. 1, for her argument about the overruling by race and class of the double claim of the Indian "subject-citizen" to imperial citizenship around the empire and colonial citizenship in India. It may be, however, that citizenship claims resonated more widely than she allows in the turbulent Edwardian conjuncture.

(30) Speech by Redmond, Birmingham, England, November 1913, quoted in Joseph P. Finnan, John Redmond and Irish Unity, 1912-1918 (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2004), 162.

(31) J. Ramsay MacDonald, Labour and the Empire (London: George Allen, 1907), ch. 3.

(32) Logie Barrow, "White Solidarity in 1914," in Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, ed. Raphael Samuel (London: Routledge, 1989), 1: 275-87; Jonathan Hyslop, "The Imperial Working Class Makes Itself 'White': White Labourism in Britain, Australia, and South Africa Before the First World War," Journal of Historical Sociology 12, 4 (1999): 398-421; idem, "Scottish Labour, Race, and Southern African Empire, c. 1880-1922: A Reply to Kenefick," International Review of Social History 55 (2010): 63-81.

(33) Angela Woollacott, To Try Her Fortune in London: Australian Women, Colonialism, and Modernity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 116-22.

(34) Jonathan Schneer, London 1900: The Imperial Metropolis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), pt. 2.

(35) Harald Fischer-Tine, "Indian Nationalism and the 'World Forces': Transnational and Diasporic Dimensions of the Indian Freedom Movement on the Eve of the First World War," Journal of Global History 2 (2007): 325-44; Maia Ramnath, Haj to Utopia: How the Ghadar Movement Charted Global Radicalism and Attempted to Overthrow the British Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011); Jonathan Hyslop, "The World Voyages of James Keir Hardie: Indian Nationalism, Zulu Insurgency and the British Labour Diaspora, 1907-1908," Journal of Global History 1 (2006): 343-62. For prewar intelligence reports on peripatetic activists, see A.C. Bose, Indian Revolutionaries Abroad: 1905-1927: Select Documents (New Delhi: Northern Book Centre, 2002), sec. 1.

(36) See Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998); Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker, and Kathryn Sikkink, eds., Restructuring-World Politics: Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002). For a long view of struggles along the color line in the settler colonies, see Julie Evans, Patricia Grimshaw, David Philips, and Shurlee Swain, Equal Subjects, Unequal Rights: Indigenous Peoples in British Settler Colonies, 1830-1910 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003); Marilyn Lake and Henry Reynolds, Drawing the Global Colour Line: White Men's Countries and the International Challenge of Racial Equality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

(37) Sukanya Banerjee, Becoming Imperial Citizens: Indians in the Late-Victorian Empire (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010).

(38) Lucas, Greater Rome and Greater Britain, 145, 148.

(39) "The Komagatu Maru Episode-A Warning to British Statesmen" (1914), The Collected Works of Lala Lajpat Rai, ed. B.R. Nanda (New Delhi: Manohar, 2004), 5: 21-23.

(40) African Times and Orient Review, 2 June 1914, 242.

(41) African Times and Orient Review, 7 July 1914, 361; Nico Slate, Colored Cosmopolitanism: The Shared Struggle for Freedom in the United States and India (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012). For Duse Mohamed's politics, see Ian Duffield, "Duse Mohammed Ali, Afro-Asian Solidarity and Pan-Africanism in Early Twentieth-Century London," in Essays in the History of Blacks in Britain: From Roman Times to the Mid-Twentieth Century, ed. Jagdish S. Gundera and Ian Duffield (Aldershot: Avebury, 1992), 124-49.

(42) For the whole story, including the disastrous return to India, see Hugh Johnston, The Voyage of the Komagata Maru: The Sikh Challenge to Canada's Colour Bar, 2d ed. (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1989); Malwinderjit Singh Wairich and Gurdev Singh Sidhu, eds. Komagatu Maru: A Challenge to Colonialism: Key Documents (Chandigarh: Unistar, 2005).

(43) See Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (London: Verso, 1985).

(44) For the contribution of "demotic social movements" to the shaping of a "multi-layered citizenship" in the contemporary era, see Nira Yuval-Davis, The Politics of Belonging: Intersectional Contestations (Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2011), 59, 68-71.
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Author:Fletcher, Ian Christopher
Publication:World History Bulletin
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Date:Sep 22, 2013
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