Reformulating Jiang Kui's Lyric Oeuvre: The Canonization of Southern Song Dynasty Song Lyrics (ci) in the Qing Dynasty.
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This lament about the unfortunate loss of a large proportion of Jiang Kui's ilH (ca. 1155-ca. 1221) lyric oeuvre by Zhu Yizun (1629-1709), the main propagator of the renaissance of the song lyric (ci), is an extraordinary statement, taken from the introduction to Zhu's Ci, a definitive anthology of the song form published in 1678 (table 1, no. 4). For the first time in literary history, the reputation of the song lyric of the Southern Song (1127-1279) was elevated to a level superior to those of the Northern Song (960-1127). Similar to the now-familiar phrase "Tang poetry and Song song lyric," which also took centuries before it acquired currency, Zhu's contention that song lyrics of the Southern Song were superior to those of the Northern Song was at first not widely acknowledged. The lyrics of the delicate Southern Song vocal pieces, as exemplified by the works of Jiang Kui--also known by his courtesy name Yaozhang or his sobriquet Baishi ("Whitestone")--attracted little attention, and none of his works was included in Caotang shiyu, the most widely circulated anthology of the ci genre published in the Southern Song dynasty. (2) Following this precedent, subsequent anthologies also failed to include pieces by Jiang, for instance Cilin wanxuan (1543), compiled by the famous literary critic Yang Shen (1488-1559) in the late Ming.
In the first two decades of the eighteenth century, however, Jiang's song lyrics suddenly became popular, "best-sellers" in fact. They became favorites of anthology compilers and were published in numerous editions (table 1, nos. 6-8). As Lin Shuen-fu aptly remarked: "The fact that there are more than thirty different editions of Chiang's collected tz'u from the Ch'ing dynasty, more than there are of the collected works of any other tz'u poet, attests to the popularity and achievement of Ch'iang K'uei." (3) In other words, by the eighteenth century the works of this Southern Song poet-musician had become essential to the canon of song lyrics.
The history of song lyrics thus emerges as a record of the vagaries of their reception by literati readers. In the mid-seventeenth century Jiang and his Southern Song followers were still largely neglected. That they were elevated, within a few decades, from the dust of oblivion to a position of importance indicates that a dramatic shift in the canon selection process occurred during the eighteenth century. This paper aims to shed light on this history through tracing how the authoritative list of Jiang's song lyrics was socially and historically reconstructed through collation, editorial selection, and publication. By means of manuscript study and bibliographical exploration, I shall demonstrate how the two most influential Qing dynasty advocators of Southern Song song lyric, namely Zhu Yizun and Li E (1692-1752), consciously participated in the reformulation and consequent re-circulation of Jiang's lyric oeuvre. I will argue that their efforts enhanced the status and accessibility of Jiang's works and eventually recast the canon of song lyric as centered on the Southern Song. (4)
When writers, as in the case of Zhu Yizun and Li E, intentionally recast an accepted canon, this may well be to advance their own artistic convictions and pursuits in response to changing historical and cultural situations, whose backgrounds need to be recounted. What constitutes a "canon" of ci has to be historicized as well. The fate of Southern Song song lyrics is not determined by intrinsic "absolute values" but through constant interaction between the work itself and the various interpretive theories its readers and performers adopt. Although it is therefore impossible to establish an unchanging, authoritative canon of song lyric, it is productive to focus on issues such as why particular groups of song lyrics have become canonical and by what means.
Zhu Yizun deeply admired Jiang Kui's literary achievement, but behind this, in addition to artistic and aesthetic concerns, were pressing political considerations. The Ming dynasty had just fallen and was being replaced by the oppressive, aggressive, and culturally alien Qing bureaucracy, and Zhu's advocacy of Whitestone's ci poetry represents, to some extent at least, a pained response to this dynastic change and its resultant social turmoil. Similar to Zhu Yizun's own experience, Jiang Kui never achieved an official position and the social status it entails, and instead had to rely on the capricious patronage of the ruling elite for support and sustenance. More importantly, because of the pressure on the Southern Song from the Jurchen dynasty in the north and the resultant political instability, ci poets, guided and motivated by pain and sorrow at an ailing body politic, used every method at their disposal to encapsulate their feelings in their song lyrics, employing the genre to give cathartic expression to emotions that were difficult to articulate yet had to be poured out in some form or other. The result was an artistic expression that was socially and politically inappropriate, but had to be made public. Jiang Kui experienced the vagaries of living under four different emperors: Gaozong (r. 1127-62), Xiaozong (1163-89), Guangzong (1190-94), and Ningzong (1195-1224), as well as an Imperial court and political system close to collapse under military pressure from the Jurchens, and these combined left unmistakable traces in his song lyrics. Their subtle depths and flowing metaphors combine to reach an artistic plane that inextricably mixes a desire to express oneself with the impossibility of realizing that ambition and demonstrates a craftsmanship in the use of the rhetorical devices of simile and allegory which achieves its effects indirectly. Unsurprisingly, these techniques were perfectly suited to express the complexities of emotional discourse of early Qing Chinese literati, whose political and social foundation had just been undermined by a vigorous and powerful, yet ethnically and culturally foreign Manchu military dictatorship. Zhu Yizun abandoned the vibrant and vigorous northern Song ci and instead turned to advocacy of the more multi-layered, subtle, and hidden meanings of Southern Song ci, with Jiang Kui as the leading exponent. This turn is a manifestation of Zhu Yizun's hidden social and political agenda: not only was it an attempt to engage with the conflicts and contradictions of society around him, but, in the sensitive political climate in which he found himself, it was also a means to articulate a Zeitgeist which he dared not and could not express publicly. The elegance and artistry of Jiang Kui's poetry--its flowing images of solitary clouds, its ebbs and flows, its blemishless delicacy--became a manifesto for the tribulations of literati shackled by dynastic change.
In order to support his audacious challenge to contemporary canonicity, Zhu published the twenty-six fascicle anthology Ci zong, a text that consists of some 2,250 pieces selected from the Tang dynasty through to the Yuan dynasty, and in it urges a return to the "refined elegance" of the form as exemplified by the works of Jiang and other Southern Song lyricists (table 1, no. 4). Despite Zhu's bold declaration that Jiang was the foremost poet-musician of the genre, he included only twenty-three pieces by Jiang in his anthology (one percent of the total number of song lyrics in this collection), simply because, by the seventeenth century, knowledge of Jiang's lyric oeuvre was confined to his thirty-four pieces preserved in Hua'an cixuan, a much earlier song lyric anthology compiled by Huang Sheng in 1249 (table 1, no. 1). (5) With a limited reservoir of only thirty-four from which to select, Zhu's options were already circumscribed; moreover, of these thirty-four, eleven belong to the sub-genre ling, i.e., "short" verses. As elucidated in his two prefaces to contemporaries' collections of song lyrics, while Zhu preferred long verses to short verses when dealing with the song lyrics of Southern Song, by contrast, he preferred short verses to long verses when discussing the song lyrics of the Northern Song and preceding dynasties. (6) Therefore Zhu only included one of the eleven ling pieces, that to the tune of Dianjiangchun, whereas of the twenty-three longer verses, he selected all but one, that to the tune Qiuxiaoyin. In fact, Zhu did not learn of the existence of Jiang's lyric oeuvre "in five fascicles" mentioned in the quotation above from anyone who had actually seen the text, but from a bibliographic account written by the fourteenth-century compiler of encyclopedias, Ma Duanlin (1254-1323). (7)
Zhu was aware that the thirty-four pieces preserved in Huang's anthology only constituted a small portion of Jiang's complete works, and that the twenty-three pieces he had chosen for his Ci zong were an even smaller portion, but instead of postponing publication so as to allow himself more time to search for other song lyrics by Jiang, he still insisted on publishing the anthology in 1678. A reasonable explanation for settling with such an imperfect selection might be the fact that in the same year he was nominated as a candidate for the 1679 examination to attain the status "erudite literatus" (boxue hongci. (8) The literary fame gained by a timely publication (the compilation of which had already largely been completed in 1670) would probably have facilitated his success in this examination. This does not necessarily mean, however, that Zhu was satisfied with the number of works by Jiang that he had included in his anthology, and, as shall be revealed below, throughout his life Zhu never gave up the idea of rediscovering Jiang's true lyric oeuvre.
In the first two decades of the eighteenth century, two editions of fifty-eight pieces of Jiang's song lyrics were published in Jiaxing (i.e., Baishi cichao, see table 1, no. 7) and Yangzhou (i.e., Baishi ciji, see table 1, no. 8) respectively. There are striking similarities between the two editions: (1) both consist of the same fifty-eight pieces, many more than the total hitherto published in the Ming and Qing dynasties; (2) the lyrics themselves are entirely identical, including places where the texts had become corrupt during the course of transmission and lacunae replaced by blank squares; and (3) neither of them states its source materials in detail.
More than half a century ago, Xia Chengtao (1900-1986), an expert in classical Chinese poetry and an authority on the life and work of Jiang Kui, wrote a thorough critical study of the textual history of Jiang's song lyrics from 1202 down to the mid-twentieth century. In Xia's long and careful study "Banben Kao" (A critical examination of the editions [of Jiang Kui's song lyrics]), (9) both the Jiaxing and the Yangzhou editions (nos. 7 and 8 in table 1) are categorized as offspring of the thirty-four pieces of Jiang preserved in Hua'an cixuan (no. 1 in table 1), without explanation as to where the extra twenty-four pieces come from. Moreover, since eleven of the above-mentioned twenty-four pieces are excluded from the manuscript Baishi daoren gequ (The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist) discovered in the mid-eighteenth century, Xia regards all the eleven pieces as misattributed to Jiang, although in his explanatory note he only provides alternative authors for eight of them. Given this situation, I assume that new sources must have been engaged in the compilation of the two fifty-eight-piece editions and that Xia's dismissal of the authenticity of the eleven pieces excluded from Baishi daoren gequ is unjustified. A detailed examination of the two editions is required, which will, in turn, unveil the true origin of the extra twenty-four pieces.
Comparing the two editions, the paratexts of the Jiaxing collection (no. 7 in table 1) are rather obscure; none of the three prefaces attached to this collection is dated. In one of these prefaces, the editor, Wu Chunhuan of Wutang (present day Jiaxing), claims that he himself collected the twenty-four pieces in addition to the thirty-four pieces published in Hua'an cixuan:
The lyric oeuvre of Whitestone is said to have survived in five fascicles. However, in the Jiguge recension of Jiang's [song lyrics] published by Mao [Jin, 1599-1659] from Changshu, only thirty-four pieces taken from the anthology Zhongxing juemiao cixuan [i.e., the second half of Hua 'an cixuan] are included. This collection [of thirty-four pieces] is by no means complete. Therefore, I have carried out an extensive search during my spare time and found some twentyfour more pieces from scattered sources. So, together there is now a total of fifty-eight pieces. (10) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
Wu describes this new edition as the result of his own "extensive search" of "scattered sources," but gives no hint as to what precisely these "scattered sources" were. Only from another of the three prefaces, that written by Ke Yu (1666-1736), do we get a clue as to the true nature of the much-expanded fifty-eight song edition:
I still remember that, during the autumn of the year yichou [i.e., 1685] ... my uncle, who was an Imperial attendant, was back from the Capital [i.e., Beijing], where he had copied several song lyrics written to the tune Manjianghong in level-tone rhyme. I was enraptured for months about this. [These song lyrics] are more valuable than a boat of genuine pearls! (11) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
Ke Yu was the nephew of Ke Chongpu. Therefore, in the above quotation, "my uncle" refers to Ke Chongpu, a close friend of Zhu and also one of the three co-editors who assisted Zhu in compiling the anthology Ci zong. One of the "song lyrics written to the tune Manjianghong in level-tone rhyme" is, coincidentally, one of the newly added twenty-four pieces in Wu's enlarged edition. We might normally expect to know more about Ke senior's manuscript copy of 1685 through his nephew Ke Yu. However, he does not mention anything else regarding his uncle's manuscript in the following paragraphs of the preface; instead, he attributes the compilation of the new edition to his friend Wu Chunhuan and his nephew-inlaw Yu Lan:
My friend Wu Gaian [i.e., Wu Chunhuan] owns a copy [of Jiang's lyrics]. His efforts at collecting have made this edition uniquely complete. My nephew-in-law Yu Shengmei [i.e., Yu Lan] shares the same penchant for composing song lyrics. They are working together to prepare the publication of Jiang's lyrics. They have asked me to write a preface. I have read the edition several times. It reminds me of what happened twenty years ago. I feel as if that were worlds away. (12) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
Judging from Ke junior's tone, the publication of the Jiaxing edition can be tentatively dated to between 1705 and 1715, i.e., approximately twenty years after the year yichou (1685). If so, this is almost concurrent with the Yangzhou edition (no. 8 in table 1) compiled by Chen Zhuan (1686-1758), who was also from Zhejiang. In Chen's preface to the Yangzhou edition, dated 1714, he discusses the authenticity of the newly added pieces:
Jiang's song lyrics constitute a total of five fascicles. Although the number of pieces included in Zhou Mi's [1232-1298] and Huang Sheng's anthologies [i.e., Juemiao haoci and Hua'an cixuan] varies, both contain only two or three tenths of Jiang's oeuvre. ... All the rest are lost. The piece Dianjiangchun [no. 114] also appears in a collection of Lin Bu [968-1028], Since there is no concrete evidence [regarding its authorship], we cannot determine its true author. (13) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
Similar to Ke and Wu's explanations in the Jiaxing edition, Chen is vague as to his sources, although, contrary to the Jiaxing edition, both prefaces of the Yangzhou edition are precisely dated, the first by the editor Chen Zhuan to the autumn of 1714, and the second by the publisher Zeng Shican to the fifth lunar month of 1718.
Zhu Yizun, the strongest advocate of Jiang's lyrics in the 1670s, died in Jiaxing in 1709 and, by the time the Yangzhou edition was published, had already been gone for some years. Zhu's direct contribution to these two new editions, however, is indicated by Ke senior's manuscript copy of Jiang's lyrics, which fortunately still survives (henceforth PKU MS; see table 1, no. 5). In 2000 I examined it in the Rare Book Section of the Peking University Library. Before being purchased by the University in 1939, it had belonged to the collection of Li Shengduo (1859-1934), bibliophile and Minister of Education in the closing years of the Qing dynasty. If we compare Ke junior's description of his uncle's copy as quoted above with the PKU MS, indications are that the source is one and the same. Firstly, the PKU MS was copied in the autumn of 1685: it bears a preface written by Ke senior which indicates that it was "written late in the seventh lunar month in the year yichou during the reign of the Kangxi emperor (i.e., 1685) in Shandong", when Ke was on a journey from Beijing back to his hometown Jiaxing in the south; moreover, in the preface, Ke senior tells us about the true compiler of the lyrics that he had copied:
The long-and-short verses [i.e., song lyrics] in a fascicle of fifty-eight pieces were collected by Zhucha [i.e., Zhu Yizun] from the anthology of Song dynasty lyrics published by Mao Jin of Yushan [i.e., Changshu, referring to the Jiguge recension] and also many other sources. (14) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
Secondly, Ke junior mentions a song lyric written to the tune Manjianghong in level-tone rhyme, and we also find this piece in the PKU MS. Indeed, in terms of the song lyrics included, the PKU MS's overall contents are identical to the two printed editions published in Jiaxing and Yangzhou, although only the Yangzhou edition preserves the same sequence of song lyrics. Therefore, we may infer that the above-mentioned two editions and the manuscript share the same origin, which is Zhu's 1685 compilation of fifty-eight pieces. In this context we should note that the Jiaxing edition probably pre-dated the Yangzhou edition, and that Jiaxing was the hometown of both Zhu and Ke (senior and junior).
Thirdly, Ke junior informs us that his uncle's manuscript had been copied while en route from Beijing. In fact, soon after the publication of Ci zong in 1678, Zhu triumphed in the 1679 "erudite literatus" examination and was appointed "examining editor" of the Hanlin Academy in Beijing. In 1683, he was privileged to serve in the Southern Study, the personal secretariat of Kangxi emperor (r. 1662-1722); during 1678-92 he remained in Beijing, except for a period from autumn 1681 to spring 1682 when he traveled south on the emperor's orders to direct the provincial examination in the Lower Yangtze region. (15) Therefore, if Ke senior did acquire the lyrics in Zhu's newly collated edition, it is highly likely that this occurred between 1679 and 1685, when he served at the Manchu court as an imperial attendant and Zhu worked for the Hanlin Academy. Our assumption of a direct relationship between the two men is not merely speculative: in the first chapter of Tengxiao ji, a collection of Zhu's poems written during his golden years in Beijing, we find a piece composed in response to one by Ke senior, (16) which confirms the two were acquainted.
Other crucial evidence, this time discovered in the Shanghai Library, reaffirms Zhu as the origin and perhaps original "editor" of the Jiaxing and Yangzhou editions, and sheds new light on the sources of Zhu's new compilation of Jiang's song lyrics. In the summer of 2011 I visited Shanghai and examined a copy of the Jiaxing edition of Jiang's song lyrics, which includes Zhu Yizun's postscript, copied into the book by Zhang Zongsu (1705-1775) in the late Kangxi era. A modern bibliographical study indicates that, by the early eighteenth century, this particular copy of the Jiaxing edition was owned by Zhang Zaihua (1718-1) and read and annotated by his elder brother Zhang Zongsu. (17) The Zhang brothers were grandsons of the famous bibliophile Zhang Weichi (jinshi 1655), who owned a prominent private library in Jiaxing's Haiyan county. (18) On blank leaves of the book, the elder brother Zongsu handcopied the hitherto unknown "Shu Baishi yuefu hou" (henceforth "Postscript") by Zhu, dated 1707. This "Postscript" is not included in Zhu's posthumous collection of his works, Pushuting ji, nor is it recorded in any biblio graphical account of the book, and hence deserves to be translated in its entirety:
In The Chronological Table of Prominent People from the Past until the Present, Ban Mengjian [i.e., Ban Gu, 32-92] ranked and classified historical figures by merit into nine classes. Critics of calligraphy from later generations follow Ban's method of evaluation. If it is applied to the field of song lyrics, then Jiang Yaozhang must be regarded as belonging to the first class. [Jiang's song lyrics in] The Anthology of Sixty Lyricists published by Mao Jin of Qinchuan [i.e., Changshu] are taken from Huang Shuyang's [i.e., Huang Sheng] selection. It is believed that these pieces constitute [Jiang's] complete works. However, from various sources, I have discovered more songs in addition to the twenty-three pieces [that I selected from Huang Sheng's anthology]. [Among these newly-discovered pieces] the ling song Dianjiangchun in praise of spring grasses is said to have been written by Lin Junfu li.e., Lin Bu] and therefore not included [in the present version] any more. As for the Mushanxi song, "The little mandarin ducks, the little red-and-blue birds, looking for their mates," [which has been regarded as a work of Huang Tingjian (1045-1105) instead of Jiang], it is not written in the literary style of Beiweng [i.e., Huang Tingjian] and should therefore still be preserved [in the present edition]. It is a pity that the five fascicles of Jiang's lyrics as recorded in Ma's [i.e., Ma Duanlin] Examination of Classics and Literature are now lost. (19) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
Following this "Postscript" is Zhu's "Baishi cibu" (henceforth "Supplementary List," see no. 6 in table 1) of Jiang's lyrics, also copied by the elder Zhang. A total of twenty-one pieces are listed with citations as to their provenance; of these, eighteen pieces were collected by Zhu from a little-known anthology called Dianya ci (literally, "Refined song lyrics"), while the other three pieces were assembled from the following three compilations: Houcun shihua (which includes the celebrated Manjianghong Ke junior mentioned in his preface to the Jiaxing edition), Hanmuo quanshu and Wuxing zhanggulu.
In the 1680s, after Zhu had just discovered Jiang's hitherto unknown lyrics in Beijing from Dianya ci and other sources, he presumably circulated them among his fellow aficionados (including Ke senior) with great enthusiasm; but in the twilight of his years, the now-retired Zhu started to question their authenticity, as is reflected in his "Postscript." Here, he implies that three of these pieces are clearly misattributed to Jiang and have thus been removed from the "Supplementary List." For example, Zhu shares with his contemporaries the feeling that the Dianjiangchun on spring grasses was actually written by Lin Bu, a Northern Song hermit lyricist who predates Jiang by almost two centuries. A Mushanxi piece on plum blossoms was selected by Huang Dayu (fl. 1122-1139) for inclusion in Meiyuan, an anthology of lyrics about plum blossoms dated 1129. In Meiyuan, this song lyric is attributed to Cao Zu of the Northern Song, who also predates Jiang, and thus Zhu removed it from the "Supplementary List." (20) This level of rigor is, however, not always applied to the process of canon selection, and "literary instinct" sometimes leads the octogenarian to extreme stubbornness: regarding another Mushanxi piece on love, Zhu insists that "it is not written in the literary style of Beiweng and should therefore still be preserved" as a genuine work of Jiang.
If we add the three pieces in question to the twenty-one pieces included in Zhu's "Supplementary List," together with the thirty-four pieces transmitted through the anthology Hua'an cixuan, then the total repertoire comprises fifty-eight pieces, exactly the same number as that published in the Jiaxing and Yangzhou editions. The "Supplementary List" copied by the elder Zhang is in fact Zhu's later revised version (fifty-five pieces) of his earlier compilation (fifty-eight pieces). Now, the mysterious origin of the two early eighteenth-century printed editions of Jiang's lyrics becomes clear: both of them are reproductions of an earlier version of Zhu's collation, itself based on the hitherto unknown anthology Dianya ci and three other minor sources.
Further bibliographical clues regarding Dianya ci can be found in Zhu's Pushuting ji, where he states:
Dianya ci, the total number of volumes of which is unknown.... The Book Catalogue of the Imperial Wenyuange Library compiled in the Zhengtong era (1436-49) only records the existence of "an anthology of song lyrics by various lyricists in thirty-nine volumes," without mentioning the title "Dianya." My surmise is that it actually refers to Dianya ci. The author of the catalogue might have left out the title because of an oversight. I am only in possession of about two-tenths of its total volumes. (21) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
Zhu's possession of the very rare manuscript copy of Dianya ci is further affirmed by the catalog of his private library entitled "Zhucha xingji shumu". Two volumes of Dianya ci can be found in book cabinets listed in this catalog and are indicated by the Chinese characters "Dai" and "Ren" respectively. (22) In fact, Zhu was the first Qing dynasty scholar to discover the existence of Dianya ci; the mentions in his collected works Pushuting i and his private library catalog are the only written records from the middle period of the Qing dynasty of this rare multi-volume manuscript. (23) As the major source for his collation of Jiang's lyrics, the value of this anthology seems, however, to have been over-estimated by Zhu. Of the eighteen pieces from Dianya ci given as composed by Jiang, a total of five pieces have subsequently been argued by Xiao Chengtao to be misattributions. (24) Judging from the tone of his "Postscript," it seems that Zhu was also not satisfied with his later collation either, and still entertained the hope of rediscovering "the five fascicles of Jiang's song lyrics." Among the eighteen pieces, however, there are ten which can be authenticated as genuine works by Jiang based on the subsequently discovered Baishi daoren gequ. Therefore, questions regarding the authenticity of the remaining three song lyrics attributed to Jiang by Dianya ci should be left open.
During the third and fourth decades of the eighteenth century, the enthusiasm for Jiang Kui's song lyrics was so keen that even such a highly problematic compilation as Zhu's was in great demand. Although it had already been published twice under different titles in Jiaxing and Yangzhou, lyricist Cao Bingzeng still planned to publish it for a third time, but his proposal was eventually turned down because his friend Du Zhao (1666-1736) informed him in the spring of 1726 of the existence of a much better edition of Jiang's song lyrics. In a preface to Cao's publication of the lyrics of Zhang Yan (1248-1320), a Southern Song lyricist and follower of Jiang's musical and literary style, Du writes:
Recently, my friend Zhou Weicang [i.e., Zhou Quan, 1622-1722, a native of Shanghai] told me that someone in Shanghai possesses a manuscript that contains some three-hundred-odd song lyrics by Whitestone. It was also copied out by Tao Nancun [i.e., Tao Zongyi, 1329-1412] [as was the manuscript of the present publication of Zhang Yan's lyrics]. If Chaonan [i.e., Cao Bingzeng] were to purchase and publish that as well, then [the works of] the two lyricists would be sufficient to represent the song lyrics of the Southern Song. (25) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
When Du wrote this preface in 1726, it was almost half a century after Zhu's lament for the loss of Jiang's lyric oeuvre in the introduction to his influential anthology Ci zong. By 1726 Zhu had already been dead for two decades and never got to hear the good news. Cao was evidently highly excited: in the colophon to his manuscript copy of the fifty-eight piece edition, he wrote: "Should I ever obtain the five fascicles [of Jiang's oeuvre] in the future, I shall publish all of them together in order to produce a complete edition". (26) Unfortunately for Cao, although he lived in the Shanghai area, he was never successful in obtaining Tao's manuscript of Jiang's lyric oeuvre. Perhaps fate entrusted the editing of the complete lyric oeuvre of Jiang to Zhu's literary successor, Li E, the leader of the second generation of the Zhexi School of lyricists. (27)
Zhu's conscious effort to recast the canon of the Southern Song song lyrics was apparently a great success: by the mid-eighteenth century, lyricists' enthusiasm for Jiang had culminated in a belief that "it is now time to carry out an extensive search" for the lost lyric oeuvre of Jiang "in all bookstores and all remote villages." (28) Sadly, in the first four decades of the eighteenth century, the number of his song lyrics in circulation constituted only about half of his standard repertoire as published in the Southern Song. In the early eighteenth century, if a man of letters had wanted to study Jiang's song lyrics, his choices would have been limited to two sources: (1) the lyrics of the thirty-four pieces transmitted via the relatively less well-known Southern Song anthology Hua 'an cixuan or the Jiguge recension published in the late Ming (nos. 1 and 3 in table 1); and (2) the lyrics of fifty-eight pieces published in the two new editions based on Zhu's collation (nos. 7 and 8 in table 1). (The twenty-three pieces preserved in the well-circulated Ci zong were all selected from the thirty-four pieces found in (1) above and therefore provide nothing new.) Moreover, these editions contain only the lyrics and not the relevant notated music. In other words, even after Zhu's arduous collation, Jiang's oeuvre of songs as known by literati during the reigns of Kangxi (r. 1662-1722) and Yongzheng (r. 1723-35) still differed tremendously from the one current in Jiang's time, and the small portion of Jiang's repertoire that did indeed survive was represented simply by lyrics alone.
These editions all have many defects. Firstly, they are selections of Jiang's lyrics rather than complete editions; Hua'an cixuan, for example, includes only about a quarter of Jiang's oeuvre. Although Zhu's collation increases this number to fifty-eight, eleven of these are arguably misattributed to Jiang. Secondly, these editions are riddled with arbitrary alterations to the original text, while a considerable number of the tune titles, the texts of the verses and their short prefaces, and the musical modes indicated have been modified, condensed, or even summarily deleted by compilers and copyists in the intervening centuries. (29) Therefore, none of them can be regarded as a bona fide reflection of Jiang's literary merit, still less his musical talent.
At the same time, successors of the Zhexi lyricists developed the Jiang Kui cult to its apotheosis. For example, Li E, new leader of the Zhexi School, writing in a preface to a song lyric anthology composed by his literary disciple Zhang Jinbei, elucidates Jiang's superior status by employing a comparison with the critical appraisal of Chinese painting, which was also divided into two major traditions, the Northern and Southern schools:
[Let us] make an analogy between song lyric and painting: the painters of the Southern School surpass those of the Northern School. Jiaxuan [i.e., Xin Qiji, 1140-1207], Houcun [i.e., Liu Kezhuang, 1187-1269], etc., belong to the Northern School of song composition, whereas Qingzhen [i.e., Zhou Bangyan 1056-1121], Baishi [i.e., Jiang Kui], etc., belong to the Southern School. (30) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
Ling Tingkan (1757-1809), a theorist of song lyric, further divides the Southern School into two styles. In the preface to a collection of his poetry, Ling's chief literary disciple Zhang Qijin reiterates Ling's opinion, but here the comparison is with Bud dhist schools:
We must learn the art of song lyric composition from the Southern Song. But bear in mind that it is divided into two traditions. One, headed by Baishi [i.e., Jiang Kui], is characterized by its qingkong ["pure and empty"] style, and was followed by Gao [Guanguo and Shi [Dazu, 1163-c. 1220]. Mengchuang [i.e., Wu Wenying 1207-1269], Zhushan [i.e., Jiang Jie, jinshi 1278], Xilu [i.e., Chen Yunping, Xuzhai [i.e., Zhao Yifu, 1189-1256], and Pujiang [i.e., Lu Zugao, c. 1174-1224] were the first to regard [Jiang Kui] as a master. Later, Yutian [i.e., Zhang Yan], Shengyu [i.e., Wang Yisun, c. 1230-c. 1291], Gongjin [i.e., Zhou Mi], and Shangyin [i.e., Li Penglao, fl. 1258] also followed him.... They [all] are comparable to the Southern School of Chan Buddhism. The other tradition, headed by Jiaxuan [i.e., Xin Qiji], is characterized by its haofang ["unbridled"] style. His followers are Longzhou [i.e., Liu Guo, 1154-1206], Fangweng [i.e., Lu You, 1125-1210], and Houcun [i.e., Liu Kezhuang]. They [all] are comparable to the Northern School of Chan Buddhism. (31) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
This hierarchy, as created by Li and Ling, singles out Jiang as the preeminent representative of the genre. By doing so, they not only follow Zhu in praising Jiang's lyrics, but also consciously relegate the works of Xin Qiji, Liu Guo, Lu You, and Liu Kezhuang to a lesser status. This preference in canon-formation is quite different from that of other compilers of Southern Song anthologies: in Hua'an cixuan Huang Sheng selected thirty-four pieces of Jiang and forty-two of Xin; in Yangchun Baixue the compiler Zhao Wenli selected twelve pieces of Jiang and thirteen of Xin. (32) The fact that these compilers included a similar number of pieces by Jiang and Xin in their anthologies suggests that they regarded the two literary styles--"pure and empty" and "unbridled"--exemplified by the works of the two lyricists as having similar artistic value. Zhu eventually reshaped the canon by elevating Jiang above other lyricists, especially those of the Northern Song. Following Zhu, Li E and Ling Tingkan took a step further, and Jiang's pieces became models for every student of song lyric. As a result, the existing erroneous editions could no longer fulfill their needs; for example, in 1729 Li E wrote in the margin of his copy of the Yangzhou edition (no. 8 in table 1):
Although this edition contains several pieces that have not been selected into Hua 'an cixuan and Juemiao haoci, most of those were actually written by other lyricists.... I have found two prefaces to Jiang's song lyrics in the book Chenghuai lu. Very few works of Jiang have survived today. All of them are ingenious pieces. These scattered works are pearls of great value, waiting for us to assemble them. (33) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
It is at this juncture that a manuscript copy of Jiang's works prepared by the Yuan dynasty hermit polymath Tao Zongyi (1329-1412) appeared (henceforth Tao MS). (34) Entitled Baishi daoren gequ (The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist), it consists of 109 song lyrics. Of these, twenty-four are deliberately written in the archaic style of military and ritual ceremonial songs, and twenty-eight are notated in three different types of musical notations. Ever since the discovery of this manuscript, its study has been central to the scholarship of song lyrics and Chinese music history in general. (35)
The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist was first published as early as 1202, but languished in oblivion until 1743, when Lu Zhonghui (?-1761), a salt merchant, republished it in Yangzhou based on a copy of the Tao MS (henceforth "Lu edition," see no. 11 in table 1), (36) as elucidated by Lu's own preface to this woodblock edition:
Being a commoner without official rank, Jiang Kui of the Southern Song dynasty was good at poetry. The exquisite song lyrics he composed surpass those of all his contemporaries.... Apart from some twenty pieces preserved in Hua 'an juemiao cixuan compiled by Huang Sheng [in 1249], very few [of his song lyrics] are surviving today. (37) Even Hanlin academician Zhu Yizun of Xiushui county, who carried out an exhaustive search, has never come across a complete edition of [Jiang's] works. (38) [Therefore,] I suppose that the six-fascicle Songs of the Whitestone Daoist recorded by Ma Duanlin has long been lost. However, judicial commissioner Lou Yan [1669-1745] has recently purchased a manuscript copied by Tao Zongyi of the Yuan dynasty. All the six fascicles are perfectly preserved, as if protected by a heavenly spirit. My friend Fu Zeng [1688-1760] who was working in the exchequer department [of the Imperial court] sent [me a copy] from the capital Beijing. (39) In order to share it with others of similar interests, I have published it immediately, together with Jiang's Anthology of Poetry.... The second and sixth fascicles of The Songs are both very short, so these two have been absorbed into the text, making a total of four fascicles; the melodies of all the song lyrics composed by Jiang himself are notated by symbols put alongside the text. Although I cannot yet decipher their rhythm, I have carefully traced the original symbols, awaiting further investigation by experts who might make a final interpretation. Written by Lu Zhonghui in Yangzhou on the sixteenth day of the tenth month of the eighth year of the Qianlong era [i.e., 1 December 1743]. (40) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
Lu Zhonghui's 1743 publication of Jiang Kui's Songs of the Whitestone Daoist in Yangzhou was one of the major events of Manchu China's revival of song lyrics, because hitherto the reinvented tradition had been purely literary, but here musical notation had at last been added, as originally practiced by Song dynasty poet-musicians such as Jiang Kui. Only six years later (1749) another edition of The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist, edited by Zhang Yishu (1699-1763), was published in Songjiang (modern Shanghai, no. 13 in table 1). Since the publication of both the Lu and Zhang editions, many scholars have produced detailed studies on them, as they not only marked a turning point in the status of The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist, but also played an important role in canonizing the song lyrics of the Southern Song dynasty. In fact, more than twenty different editions of Jiang's Songs of the Whitestone Daoist were subsequently published in the Qing dynasty, more than the collected works of any other ci poet, which attests to the achievement of this discovery of Jiang Kui's lyric oeuvre. This enthusiasm continued until at least two years after the fall of the Manchu court; in the late spring of 1913, a final woodblock edition of The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist was produced by Zhu Zumou (1857-1931), former Hanlin academician and doyen of Chinese ci poets of early twentieth-century Shanghai.
In spite of its significance, little is known about how the Lu edition came about, which may account for it being subsequently undervalued by connoisseurs. In 1862 the noted scholar Zhang Wenhu (1808-1885), while praising the later Zhang edition, condemned the Lu edition as made by an "opulent merchant, riddled with arbitrary changes and bereft of the original intention of the author." (41) The majority of lyricists of the late Qing, such as Wu Changshou, Zhu Zumou, and Zheng Wenzhuo, echoed Zhang Wenhu's derogatory comments regarding the Lu edition and praised the Zhang edition, (42) leaving a legacy that influences the modern scholarly study of song lyric and its music even today. Zhang's judgment remains the majority viewpoint in the fields of Chinese musicology and literature. (43)
Is this a fair appraisal? Is Lu's edition of The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist merely the product of a philistine salt merchant pretending to be a cultivated man? If so, how could it have caused such a sensation after its publication? To answer these questions, I will probe into the details of how The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist--the only extant collection of song lyrics that preserves musical notation--was republished in Yangzhou in the light of three manuscript copies of the Tao manuscript (either first or second generation), including a newly discovered one in a private collection in Shanghai. (The Tao MS itself has not survived and it is on these copies that modern scholarship necessarily relies in order to piece together its probable content.)
It was lyricist Lou Yan, a resident of Shanghai, who first discovered the Tao MS. The "someone in Shanghai [who] possesses a copy of some three-hundred-odd song lyrics by Whitestone" mentioned by Du Zhao and cited above actually refers to Lou. In Lou's hands, the Tao MS had only circulated among a small group of Southern lyricists who had stayed in Beijing while Lou served as an official there. It was not until Lu Zhonghui republished the collection in Yangzhou that the lyric oeuvre of Jiang became more widely known among literati. After that, ensuing editions (including Zhang Yishu's edition) were published, thus expanding the list of Southern Song song lyrics included in the canon.
During my exploration of The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist, I discovered that Lu did not accomplish its first republication alone; rather, it was the product of the collective effort and meticulous planning of the Hanjiang Poetry Club in Yangzhou and the Zhexi School of lyricists, which were led by the Ma brothers--the salt merchants Ma Yueguan (1688-1755) and Ma Yuelu (1701-1761)--and Li E. The possibility of Li's engagement in the preparation of the first reprint of The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist is not a new issue. Given the prestigious status he enjoyed in literary society of the eighteenth century, it is reasonable to surmise that he might have been included in the early circulation of the Tao MS. In the first half of the twentieth century, a celebrated manuscript copy of Bais hi daoren gequ circulated among notable book collectors, purportedly prepared by Li E himself in 1737, but support for this viewpoint has crumbled since Xia Chengtao's authoritative critical examination in 1957 pronounced the manuscript as not in Li E's hand. Today, it is housed in the Zhejiang University Library in Hangzhou (henceforth "Hangzhou MS"); in 2010 and 2013 I examined it onsite. It bears the imprints of the following collectors' seals: Ma Yuelu (the younger Ma brother), Miao Sengbao (1893-?), Yuan Kewen (1889-1931), Gao Shiyi, Luo Zhenchang (1875-1942), and Shen Yanmou (1891-1971). Of these, Yuan and Luo suggest in their colophons that the manuscript had first been copied by Li E, an attribution based on a colophon at the end of the manuscript supposedly by Li E and dated to the fourth lunar month of 1737, which reads:
No complete edition of Whitestone's song lyrics is in circulation. My friend Fu Youlu [i.e., Fu Zeng] obtained this volume from the private collection of Lou Jingsi [i.e., Lou Yan] of Songjiang [present-day Shanghai]. I cannot express how grateful I am for the chance to read it after looking for it for so many years! Immediately, I copied it. The musical notations written alongside are not decipherable at the moment; hence, I did not copy them. (44) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
Li's small rectangular seal inscribed "Taihong" is affixed underneath the signature. In 1957, through comparing the various scripts in the Hangzhou MS with a primary sample of Li's calligraphy on display in Hangzhou, Xia challenged the authenticity of the Hangzhou MS as being copied by Li himself and came to the conclusion that none of the scripts in the Hangzhou MS belongs to Li. (45) My examination in 2010 and 2013 supports Xia's judgment: none of the text was copied by Li, nor was the colophon written by him, and the imprint of the seal "Taihong" must thus be a forgery.
This observation does not, however, undermine the fact that Li did copy The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist in the early summer of 1737, six years before it was printed. Xia speculates that the Hangzhou MS is, in fact, itself a copy of Li E's copy of the manuscript, perhaps made in the library of the Ma brothers when he was a resident in the household. This hypothesis is supported by another manuscript kept at the National Peking Library (henceforth "Peking MS"), (46) copied by Wang Zengxiang (1699-1756), a fellow citizen of Hangzhou, which bears the same colophon quoted above. A thorough comparison of the Peking and Hangzhou MSS indicates that the two share the same origin, and the most reasonable explanation for this is that both were copied from the version Li made in 1737. As shown in the recto of the first folio of chapter one, two seals of the Ma brothers' library and the imprint of the ruled paper used by the scribe all indicate conclusively that the Hangzhou MS was prepared by the Ma brothers.
If all this is true, then it took almost a decade from Li's 1729 criticism of the incomplete and erroneous nature of the Yangzhou edition of Jiang's lyrics before he got the chance to copy The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist himself in 1737. Probably enthused by his new discovery, his contribution to the circulation of this important collection was not limited simply to copying. A third, newly discovered first generation manuscript copy of the Tao MS (figs. 1-2) still preserves important traces of editing done by Li and his circle before the release of Lu's reprint in Yangzhou (henceforth "Shanghai MS," see no. 9 in table 1).
Plain in physical appearance, the Shanghai MS is bound together by string in the traditional manner and measures approximately 276 by 175 mm. The ruling of each folio is uniform. The writing block of each side of a folio is divided into ten columns of about twenty-one Chinese characters or notational symbols. Apart from two inscriptions written by modern book collectors in 2006 and 2011, the imprints of two collector's seals are noteworthy, one on the recto of the first folio of the table of contents and the other on the recto of the first folio of the first fascicle. Both seals belonged to Shi Zhecun (1905-2003), a Shanghai book collector and novelist who had also developed a strong interest in song lyric study. During a sojourn in Shanghai in the summer of 2011, I was able to borrow the MS from the private collection of an anonymous owner, examined it in great detail, and made a complete digital facsimile.
Two scripts can be distinguished from the main body of the manuscript: the standard script (kai) [S.sub.1] and the slightly cursive script (xing) [S.sub.2]. The owner of script [S.sub.1] is Scribe A, plainly a skillful copyist in standard script of the Qing dynasty at the zenith of its power and responsible for the overwhelming majority of the manuscript's entries. The remaining cursive text script [S.sub.2] belongs to Scribe B and is found only in a small number of locations, principally marginalia at the top of each folio or between the columns, correcting the text copied by Scribe A. The codicological evidence indicates that Scribes A and B were active in the eighteenth century, a tentative dating further reinforced by the fact that all the lyrics and musical notations copied by Scribe A and the revisions by Scribe B are the same as those in the so-called "Ma brothers' master [first generation] copy." The latter has apparently not survived, but its contents are frequently quoted in the apparatus criticus handwritten by Bao Tingbo (1728-1814), a reputable, late-eighteenth-century bibliophile, on a copy of Zhang Yishu's edition of The Songs of the White stone Daoist. (47) A thorough comparison of the Shanghai MS and the apparatus criticus reveals that, if not the long-lost "Ma brothers' master copy" itself, the Shanghai MS can at least be regarded as a bona fide copy of it. (48)
Scribe B seems to have adopted the role of revising Scribe A's text, as is evident from the frequent "corrections," or more precisely "textual variants" he suggests. This does not, however, indicate that the considerable alterations he provides are the result of proofreading the work of Scribe A. In fact, he takes on the role of a collator and makes frequent mention of textual variants suggested by the Ma brothers' contemporaries Li E, Min Hua, and Wang Zao. Phrases such as "Fanxie said" (fig. 2), "Yujing said", and "Meipan said" appear frequently in his notes written in the top margins. "Fanxie," "Yujing," and "Meipan" are courtesy names of Li E, Min Hua, and Wang Zao respectively, members of the Hanjiang Poetry Club, to which Lu also belonged. This gives us a fascinating, first-hand glimpse into the complex editorial process and repeated proofreading carried out by the members of this group of fellow spirits in the 1730s and early 40s. The Shanghai MS was clearly a "working manuscript" and indicates that Lu's edition of The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist had been scrupulously collated and proofread by members of the Hanjiang Poetry Club before it was published in Yangzhou.
By a stroke of pure serendipity, a handscroll entitled "Jiuri xingan wenyan tu" (Ninth-day literary gathering at the Garden of Temporary Retreat) by Fang Shishu (1692-1751) and Ye Fanglin, preserved in the Cleveland Museum of Art, depicts a 1743 gathering held by members of this club (see figs. 3-4). (49) The occasion is the festival of the Double Ninth or "Chongyang" [R]u, the ninth day of the ninth month of the eighth year of the Qianlong era [i.e., 25 October 1743], The garden, located in the northern outskirts of Yangzhou and known as Xing'an ("Temporary Retreat"), belonged to the Ma brothers. Possessing fabulous wealth, the Ma brothers were cultivated and generous patrons of men of letters, (50) and from the second quarter of the eighteenth century onwards, they hosted the literary salon Hanjiang yaji (Elegant gatherings of the Hanjiang Poetry Club), where periodic contests of cultural amusement took place accompanied by lavish entertainment. This literary gathering on the Double Ninth--undoubtedly one among numerous assemblies at this elegant private garden in Yangzhou--is the only one of which a pictorial record has survived to the present day.
According to Li E's colophon to the scroll, this painting was executed one month after the actual gathering had taken place (i.e., ca. 25 November 1743), when a professional portrait painter from Suzhou, Ye Fanglin, was fortuitously in the neighborhood. This painting would have been completed only one week in advance of Lu Zhonghui's preface to his edition of The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist, which is dated to 1 December, and can thus be treated as an ipso facto commemorative photo taken at the time when members of the club were preparing the edition. (51)
The participants can be divided into three groups: former government officials, e.g., Hu Qiheng (1668-1745), Quan Zuwang (1705-1775), and Cheng Mengxing (1678-1747); lyricists of the Zhexi School, e.g., Li E, Min Hua, and Wang Zao; and their salt-merchant sponsors, e.g., Lu Zhonghui and the Ma brothers. (52) Among these, it was Li E who most probably initiated the production of the Lu edition, and Lu Zhonghui was entrusted with the printing because he owned a private press noted for its exquisite craftsmanship. (53) Acquaintance with these "editorial board members" of Lu's magnificent edition is highly relevant to our understanding as to how this publication came into being, so let us look in detail at the sixteen personages depicted in the scroll, and their different roles in the circulation of The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist. At the "beginning" of the scroll (to the extreme right), there are two gentlemen sitting together on a low dais: the one on the right is Tang Jianzhong (7-1745) from Tianmen; next to him with outspread legs sits Hu Qiheng from Wuling, holding his knee with his left hand. Two other gentlemen are seated on matted chairs: the one holding a piece of paper is Fang Shishu of Shexian; the other, looking up as if about to speak, is Min Hua of Jiangdu. According to Shanghai MS marginalia, Min Hua was involved in collating The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist by providing corrections to the corrupted text of the Tao manuscript; on the publication of Lu's edition in 1743, Min Hua composed a long poem to celebrate the event. (54) The gentleman sitting on a rattan stool and stroking his beard is Quan Zuwang of Ningbo; nearby, leaning against a rock as though deep in thought, is Zhang Sike (1711-1) of Lintong. On the publication of Lu's edition, Quan Zuwang composed a poem in Jiang Kui's style to express joy at the event. Both Min and Quan reiterate in these poems that Tao's manuscript copy was the foundation and bedrock of Lu's edition. (55) Two gentlemen are standing under the trees in the center of the garden, somewhat distanced from the others: the one holding a chrysanthemum is the chief protagonist in this story, Li E from Qiantang (modern Hangzhou of Zhejiang province); the other, clasping his hands in his sleeves, is Li's fellow countryman Chen Zhang.
As discussed above, in a similar manner to Lu Zhonghui, Li E gained access to Tao's manuscript via Fu Zeng. He had previously prepared his own copy of The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist, whose colophon is dated to the sixth day of the fourth month of the second year of the Qianlong era (i.e., 5 May, 1737, six years before the publication of Lu's edition), stating that the musical notation of The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist had been left uncopied since he could not himself read music. This version had also been widely disseminated among fellow literati; for example, a younger fellow countryman of Li, Wang Zengxiang of Hangzhou, copied Li's manuscript in the early years of the Qianlong period sometime between 1737 and 1763, while the Ma brothers' extraordinary private library also held a copy of Li's 1737 manuscript (which currently resides in the collection of Zhejiang University); moreover, according to Scribe B of the Ma brothers' manuscript copy of Tao's original, Li E was also involved in collating The Songs of the Whitestone Daoisf, the result of this work was absorbed into Lu's edition of 1743, and six years later, another edition was published by Zhang Yishu. In Zhang's preface to his edition, he acknowledges Li for his contribution to collating the text. All these traces indicate that Li E and his fellow Zhejiang poets must have been the real engine for the re-circulation of Jiang Kui's songs.
The gentleman playing the qin at the stone table is Cheng Mengxing, a native of Yangzhou. According to his poem addressed to Hu Qiheng, (56) the doyen of the society depicted at the beginning of the scroll, in the summer of 1738 (i.e., five years before the publication of Lu's edition) the elder Ma, Ma Yueguan, had requested that the retired scholar-official Cheng perform Guyuan, Jiang Kui's qin song that is preserved in his Songs of the Whitestone Daoist. At that time, Cheng was ill, but apparently motivated by curiosity, after three days of continuously practicing the qin, Cheng eventually brought this twelfth-century piece of music back to life, for the first time in six hundred years. Of the three listeners nearby, the one standing behind him with his sleeves rolled down is Ma Yuelu, the younger of the Ma brothers, from Qimen; the other two, seated on porcelain stools, are Fang Shijie (1697-?), leaning against a tree, and Wang Yushu, with his legs crossed, both from Shexian. The two gentlemen seated facing each other and unrolling a scroll are Ma Yueguan, the elder of the Ma brothers, on the left and Wang Zao of Wujiang on the right. In a similar fashion to Min Hua, Wang Zao was also engaged in the collation of the Tao manuscript, and his comments can also be found among the Shanghai MS marginalia. The onlooker with both hands clasped behind his back is Lu Zhonghui, native of Yangzhou and publisher of the Lu edition of Jiang Kui's song lyrics discussed above; behind him and leaning forward is Hong Zhenke of Shexian.
The art historian Ho Wai-kam observed that "with the exception of two retired officials, the rest of the group were primarily commoners; although a number of them," such as the younger of the Ma brothers, Tang Jianzhong, Li E, Chen Zhang, and Wang Zao, "were qualified candidates and were recommended for the highly esteemed special examination, the boxue hongci, [though] most had declined the honor." (57) This special civil service examination for advanced scholars took place in 1736 (the first year of the Qianlong reign) for only the second time in the entire Qing dynasty, the first time being in 1679, early in the reign of the Kangxi emperor, when Zhu Yizun triumphed. The 1736 examination was one of the new emperor's first measures intended to generate goodwill among scholars and officials, especially those who lived in the lower Yangtze region, where competition in civil service examinations was often far more intense than in other parts of the empire. Nomination by a provincial governor or other bureaucrat was regarded as a important achievement, and refusal to be present at the examination held at the Imperial palace in Beijing regardless of excuse could be interpreted as an statement of disaffection, as discussed by Frederick W. Mote in his study of this painting. For those depicted in it, there may have been a necessity to tread an alternative career path and, maybe more importantly, the necessity to cultivate a suitable literary expression of self-imposed detachment.
It is at this juncture that the belated resurfacing of Jiang Kui's Songs of the Whitestone Daoist with accompanying music attracted the attention of the Hanjiang yaji literary coterie. The Yangzhou gathering, together with the exciting discovery made under its auspices, fueled a regional consciousness and stimulated memories of the great Southern Song poet-musician. To quote a celebrated sentence from Jiang's well-known autobiography: "Alas! Within the four seas those who knew me well were not few, but none rescued me from the realms of destitution and depression". (58) Jiang Kui's twelfth-century lament of his fate haunted the Zhejiang poets Li E and Chen Zhang as well as their Yangzhou patrons. The great revival of song lyrics in the mid-eighteenth century thus derived its primary creative impetus from a perceived common psychology shared with the poetic tradition of the Southern Song. As the late-nineteenth-century critic Xie Zhangting (1820-1903) aptly remarked: "During the Yongzheng and Qianlong eras, promoted by Zhejiang poet Li E, the cult of Jiang Kui came to its apotheosis." (59)
From the evidence presented here, the history of the reconstruction of Jiang's oeuvre becomes clear. The discovery of Jiang Kui's song lyric anthology and its consequent recirculation in print cannot simply be regarded as the result of salt-merchant-amateur-poet Lu Zhonghui's antiquarianism. On the contrary, it arose from the carefully crafted collaboration between the Zhexi poets and their Yangzhou merchant patrons, and it was Li E and his fellow Zhejiang lyricists who played the crucial role in the recirculation of this Song dynasty vocal music repertoire. Lou Yan, Fu Zeng, Li E, Min Hua, Wang Zao, Lu Zhonghui, and the Ma brothers were all southerners of the Lower Yangtze area, and, as lyricists, all had a high regard for Jiang's song lyrics. Apart from Lou, who seems to have been somewhat aloof from the literary society of his time, (60) all the others knew each other well, and a large number of lyrics and poems written by them have survived to the present day. Their literary ideals are reflected in their recasting of a canon inherited from the past, and, in this case, the development of a Jiang Kui cult among eighteenth-century Lower Yangtze literati and the reconstruction of his musical repertoire went hand in hand. The re-contextualization of twelfth-century song lyrics in the mid-eighteenth century gave birth to a new literary style of song lyric writing, in which tension between pensive melancholy and allusions to the Southern Song can be clearly felt, by which the landscapes of Yangzhou and Hangzhou are imbued with lingering echoes and traces of a resonant past. As a result, they fashioned the 1743 Lu edition meticulously and exquisitely: Zhang Wenhu's disparagement of the Lu edition as being the work of a "philistine merchant" is simply untenable.
So far, we have explored how the lyric oeuvre of Jiang Kui was reformulated in the post-Song era and examined its crucial role in the canonization of Southern Song song lyrics. By studying the PKU MS and Zhu's "Postscript" and "Supplementary List" copied in the blank spaces of the Shanghai Library's copy of the Jiaxing edition, we have discovered that Zhu Yizun was not only the strongest advocator of Jiang in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, but also the first collator, who assembled fifty-eight pieces ascribed to Jiang from the Southern Song manuscript sources he possessed. While the conventional understanding of the publication of Jiang's lyrics in the Qing dynasty assumes that Chen Zhuan first compiled the Yangzhou edition of fifty-eight pieces in 1714 and Wu Chunhuan made the Jiaxing edition by copying Chen, I have discovered that the fifty-eight pieces published in these two editions were actually compiled and collated by Zhu Yizun as early as 1685. Moreover, together with the Peking and Hangzhou MSS, the newly discovered Shanghai MS sheds light on the hitherto unknown editorial process of the first re-publication of The Songs of the Whitestone Daoist in 1743. I have demonstrated that salt merchant Lu Zhonghui did not accomplish its publication alone, but that it was rather a product of the collective effort of the Hanjiang Poetry Club in Yangzhou and the Zhexi School of lyricists, headed by the salt merchants Ma Yueguan and Ma Yuelu and the lyricist Li E respectively. Among them, Li is the principal figure who promoted the publication of the Lu edition.
The recirculation of Jiang's lyrics preserved in the Tao MS changed the literate classes' whole understanding of song lyric history. Before the eighteenth century, the picture was largely late Tang- and Northern Song-centered, featuring the works of Wen Tingyun (812-879), Li Yu (c. 937-978), Huang Tingjian, and Qin Guan (1049-c. 1100), as reflected in the critiques penned by the precocious Manchu lyricist Nalan Xingde (1655-1685), (61) while others, such as Chen Weisong (1625-1682), another major propagator of the song lyric renaissance and a contemporary of Zhu, regarded the works of the revered Northern Song scholar-official Su Shi (1037-1101) and his Southern Song follower Xin Qiji as of preeminent artistic value. (62) Although refined Southern Song lyricists such as Jiang Kui, Shi Dazu, and Wu Wenying were also considered skillful in their own right, (63) no one paid particular attention to them, still less placed them at the top of the hierarchy.
This picture of song lyrics was later revised to a Southern Song-centered one through the efforts of Zhu, Li, and other lyricists from the Zhexi School of song lyric, who rediscovered a series of rare manuscripts of Southern Song song lyric anthologies and widely re-circulated printed collections of Southern Song song lyrics. These compilations include Jiang Kui's Baishi daoren gequ, Zhang Yan's Shanzhong baiyunci, and Zhou Mi's Juemiao haoci, an anthology of 133 Southern Song lyrics. (64) The recirculation of these previously marginalized collections of Southern Song song lyrics gave momentum to the reconstruction of the canon. Although later critics of song lyric would modify this Southern Song-centered repertory for their own purposes, and some of them, such as Zhou Ji (1781-1839) of the Changzhou School, even attached equal importance to Northern and Southern Song song lyrics, (65) the reputation of Southern Song lyricists as a whole was nonetheless collectively elevated to a new height. Since then, their works have been considered the epitome of the Southern Song's artistic achievement. (66)
The question which needs to be resolved is: why did the ci canon of the early Qing evolve from the direct and heroic "masculinity" of the Northern Song into the more subtle and subdued "femininity" of the Southern Song? Was it really possible that the absolute artistic value of the Southern Song ci was superior to its Northern Song counterpart? Had critical selection of the composition of the ci canon in the Ming dynasty genuinely lost its focus and led the genre into a dead end? Certainly, modern scholarship has already overturned the stereotypical viewpoint that the ci genre declined and finally expired in the Ming dynasty, notwithstanding the more than twenty thousand ci lyrics surviving from the period (at least as many as from the Northern and Southern Song combined), the systematic fashioning of song lyric registers (cipu), and the beginnings of research into the wellspring of ci creativity at this time. The derogatory scholarly status quo that Zhu Yizun and Li E established should thus be better understood as simply a pretext for the creation of a new canon. This realignment is a more powerful explanation of their strenuous efforts to recast the canon from Northern- to Southern-focused with Jiang Kui as its main protagonist. In their hands, the function of ci itself changed: compared with the lofty artistic heights of shi poetry, ci were originally much more straightforward, the personal expression of individual thoughts and emotions--love, romance, and even eroticism--but, by the early Qing, in the hands of the Zhexi school, ci became a tool for the cathartic expression of veiled feelings, particularly in the context of a sense of political oppression at the hands of the Manchu ruling elite. The romantic and erotic ci of the Five Dynasties and the Southern Tang and the heroic ci of the Northern Song could no longer satisfy the psychological requirements of the time. The Zhexi School lambasted these as "vulgar" (su) and turned instead to the Southern Song and to Jiang Kui's ci as the only part of the tradition that could satisfy their notions of artistic refinement (ya). In a period of transition during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the canon of song lyric was reformulated through the hitherto invisible hands of anthology editors, and its aesthetic finally realized.
University of Hong Kong
Research for this article was made possible by the General Research Fund (17602715) of the University Grants Committee, Hong Kong.
(1.) Zhu Yizun, Ci zong (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), 8.
(2.) For a biography of Jiang in English, see Lin Shuen-fu, The Transformation of the Chinese Lyrical Tradition: Chiang K'uei and Southern Sung Tz'u Poetry (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1978). For a multi-perspective musical biography, see Joseph S. C. Lam, "Writing Music Biographies of Historical East Asian Musicians: The Case of Jiang Kui," The World of Music 43.1 (2001): 69-95.
(3.) Lin Shuen-fu, "Chiang K'uei," in The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, ed. William H. Nienhauser, Jr. (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1986), 264.
(4.) Canons and canonization have been vast and controversial fields for decades, in both Western and Chinese literary studies. For studies that discuss the role that anthologies of Chinese poetry played in the process of canon formation see, e.g., Pauline Yu, "Poems in Their Place: Collections and Canons in Early Chinese Literature," HJAS 50 (1990): 163-96; Pauline Yu, "Song Lyrics and the Canon: A Look at Anthologies of Tz'u," in Voices of the Song Lyric in China, ed. Pauline Yu (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1994), 70-103; Pauline Yu, "Canon Formation in Late Imperial China," in Culture and State in Chinese History, ed. Theodore Huters et al. (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1997), 83-104, 382-92; Kang-i Sun Chang, The Evolution of Chinese Tz'u Poetry: From Late Tang to Northern Sung (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1980); and Stephen Owen, "The End of the Past: Rewriting Chinese Literary History in the Early Republic," in The Appropriation of Cultural Capital: China's May Fourth Project, ed. Milena Dolezelova (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Asia Center, 2002), 167-92.
(5.) For further information about this anthology, see Pauline Yu, "Song Lyrics and the Canon," 83-85.
(6.) Zhu Yizun, Pushuting ji (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1964), 2: 490-91 and 630.
(7.) Ma Duanlin, Wenxian tongkao (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), 2: 1947. In fact, Ma's record is taken from the book catalogue of the private library of Chen Zhensun (fl. 1211-1249), a Southern Song bibliophile and contemporary of Jiang. See Chen, Zhizhai shutu jieti Beijing: Wuyingdian, 1774), 20.20a.
(8.) For the recently discovered correspondence between Zhu and his family members regarding this examination, see Yu Cuiling Zhu Yizun Ci zong yanjiu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005), 224-38.
(9.) This study was included in Xia's Jiang Baishi ci biannian jianjiao (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1998), 160-209. This important book was first published in 1958 and has been reprinted (with new material added in 1961 and 1962) numerous times.
(10.) Wu Chunhuan, "Baishi cichao Wu xu", in Jiang Kui, Baishi cichao, lr. A flawed transcription of Wu's preface can be found in Xia Chengtao, Jiang Baishi ci, 191.
(11.) Ke Yu, "Baishi cichao Ke xu", in Jiang Kui, Baishi cichao, i.
(13.) Jiang Kui, Baishi ciji (Ji'nan: Qilu Shushe, 1997), 10.
(14.) For the complete transcription of Ke Yu's colophon to the PKU MS, see Li Shengduo, Muxixuan cangshu tiji ji shulu (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1985), 302-3.
(15.) Zhu Yizun, Tengxiao ji (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1979), 5-6.
(16.) Ibid., 22.
(17.) Zhang Yuanji, Zhang Yuanji guji shumu xuba huibian (Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2003), 3: 1058.
(18.) See Ling Dongmei and Chen Xinrong "Jiaxing Haiyan Zhangshi jiazu cangshu yuanliu kao", Jiaxing xueyuan xuebao 24.1 (2012): 35-39.
(19.) Zhu Yizun, "Shu Baishi yuefu hou," handcopied by Zhang Zongsu on the blank leaf of Baishi cichao.
(20.) It is worth noting that the Yuxuan lidai shiyu, compiled by Imperial order of the Kangxi emperor and completed in 1707, the same year as Zhu revised his "Supplementary List" of Jiang's lyrics, shares Zhu's opinion as to this attribution to Cao instead of Jiang.
(21.) Zhu Yizun, Pushuting ji, 521-22.
(22.) Zhu Yizun, "Zhucha xingji shumu," in Zhongguo zhuming cangshujia shumu huikan (Ming Qing juan) ed. Lin Xi (Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2005), 17: 271 and 282.
(23.) For further bibliographical information on Dianya ci, see Yang Hongsheng "Wang Zhongmin Zhongguo shanbenshu liyao dingbu sanze", Shangdong tushuguan jikan (2008)4: 94-95; Wang Zhongmin, Zhongguo shanbenshu tiyao (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1983), 683; Zhao Wanli, "Guancang shanbenshu tiyao", Beiping tushuguan yuekan 2.2 (1929): 157; Miao Quansun, Yifeng cangshuji (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2007), 455-56; Fu Zengxiang, Cangyuan qunshu jingyanlu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 1594.
(24.) Xia Chengtao, Jiang Baishi ci, 167.
(25.) Du Zhao, "Caoke Shanzhong baiyun ci xu," in Ciji xuba cuibian ed. Shi Zhecun (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1994), 397.
(26.) Cao Bingzeng, Fangyanju shiji, Shiku cunmu congshu 272 (Ji'nan: Qilu shushe, 1997), 135.
(27.) For the development of the Zhexi School of lyricists in the Qing dynasty, see Yan Dichang, Qing ci shi (Suzhou: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1990), 223-66, 308-37, and 397-420.
(28.) Chen Tingzhuo, Baiyuzhai cihua zuben jiaozhu (Ji'nan: Qilu shushe, 1983), 821.
(29.) Luo Hanglie "Songci biaoti cixu buke jinxin," in Cixue zazu (Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1990), 10.
(30.) Li E, Fanxie shanfang ji (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1992), 2: 753-54.
(31.) Ling Tingkan, Meibian chuidi pu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), xvi.
(32.) Murakami Tetsumi, Songci yanjiu, tr. Yang Tieying, Jin Yuli, and Shao Yiping (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2012), 449-50.
(33.) Xia Chengtao, Jiang Baishi ci, 354. Li's comments were copied by Yu Ji (1738-1823). For a facsimile of Yu's copy, see Jiang Kui, Jiang Baishi shici heke, Songji zhenben congkan 69 (Beijing: Xianzhuang shuju, 2004), 192-200.
(34.) For biographical information on Tao, see Frederick W. Mote, "Notes on the Life of T'ao Tsung-I," in Silver Jubilee Volume of the Zinbun Kagaku Kenkyusyo, ed. Shigeki Kaizuka (Kyoto: Kyoto Univ., 1954), 279-93.
(35.) For English studies on its music, see John Hazedel Levis, Foundations of Chinese Musical Art (Peking: Henri Vetch, 1936), 168-78; Rulan Chao Pian, Sonq Dynasty Musical Sources and Their Interpretation (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1967); Laurence Picken, "Chiang K'uei's Nine Songs for Yueh," Musical Quarterly 43 (1957): 201-19, "Secular Chinese Songs of the Twelfth-Century," Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 8 (1966): 125-72, "Music and Musical Sources of the Song Dynasty," JAOS 89.3 (1969): 600-621, "A Twelfth-Century Secular Chinese Song in Zither Tablature," Asia Major 16 (1971): 102-20, and "The Musical Implications of Chinese Song-texts with Unequal Lines, and the Significance of Nonsense-syllables, with Special Reference to Art-song of the Song Dynasty," Musica Asiatica 3 (1981): 53-77; Liang Ming-yueh, "The Tz'u Music of Chiang K'uei: Its Style and Compositional Strategy," Renditions 11/12 (1979): 211-46. For major modern Chinese studies of Jiang's music, see Tang Lan, "Baishi daoren gequ pangpu kao", Dongfang zazhi 28.20 (1931): 65-74; Xia Chengtao, "Baishi gequ pangpu bian", Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies 12 (1932): 2559-88; "Baishi daoren gequ jiao lu", Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies 16 (1934): 83-117; Yang Yinliu and Yin Falu, Song Jiang Baishi chuangzuo gequ yanjiu (Beijing: Yinyue chubanshe, 1957); Jao Tsung-i and Chao Tsunyueh, Ciyue congkan (Hong Kong: Zuowangzhai, 1958); Qiu Qiongsun, Baishi daoren gequ tongkao (Beijing: Yinyue chubanshe, 1959); Zheng Mengjin, Songci yinyue yanjiu (Beijing: Zhongguo wenshi chubanshe, 2004); Ding Jiyuan, "Baishi daoren gequ pu", in Zhongguo chuantong yinyue yuepu xue, ed. Wang Yaohua (Fuzhou: Fujian jiaoyu chubanshe, 2006), 151-216; Liu Chongde and Long Jianguo, Jiang Kui yu Songdai ciyue (Nanchang: Jiangxi gaoxiao chubanshe, 2006).
(36.) A facsimile of the Lu edition can be found in Sibu congkan (chubian).
(37.) For further information regarding this mid-thirteenth century anthology, see Yamauchi Masahiro, "Hua-an t'zu-hsuan," in A Sung Bibliography, ed. Yves Hervouet (Hong Kong: Chinese Univ. Press, 1978), 474-75.
(38.) See the previous section's discussion of Zhu's effort to collect Jiang's song lyrics.
(39.) However, whether Fu indeed sent out a copy or the original MS of Tao is unclear.
(40.) Lu Zhonghui, ed., Baishi Daoren gequ (Yangzhou: Shuiyun yuwu, 1743), i-iv.
(41.) Zhang Wenhu, Shuyishi yubi, vol. 1164 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chu banshe, 1995), 457.
(42.) Zhu Zumo, ed., Qiangcun congshu (Yangzhou: Guangling shushe, 2005), 2: 785; Zheng Wenzhuo, Dahe shanren cihua (Tianjin: Nankan daxue chubanshe, 2009), 398.
(43.) See, e.g., Xia Chengtao, Jiang Baishi ci, 208-209; Qiu Qiongsun, Baishi daoren gequ tongkao, 25; and Pian, Sonq Dynasty Musical Sources, 34.
(44.) Xia Chengtao, Jiang Baishi ci, 170.
(45.) Ibid., 170-75.
(46.) The existence of the Peking MS was first reported by Wang Shiqing in his second letter to Xia Chengtao dated 14 December 1958; see Xia, Jiang Baishi ci, 351. For a facsimile of the Peking MS, see Jiang Kui, Baishi daoren gequ, Songji zhenben congkan 69 (Beijing; Xianzhuang shuju, 2004), 220-47. The bibliographical information provided in the editorial notes (p. 200) is imperfect. The so-called Fu Zengxiang (1872-1949) colophon was actually written by Qin Gengnian (1885-1956). For accurate bibliographical information on this MS, see Ji Shuying, Zizhuangyankan shanben shumu (Tianjin: Tianjin guji chu banshe, 1985), 84.
(47.) For a complete facsimile of Bao's copy, see Xu Wuwen ed., Bao Tingbo shoujiao Baishi daoren gequ (Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1987).
(48.) See also Yang Yuanzheng, "Jindou: A Musical Form Found in Southern Song Lyric Songs," T'oung Pao 101 (2015): 98-129.
(49.) See Wai-kam Ho, "The Literary Gathering at a Yangzhou Garden," in Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting, ed. Wai-kam Ho et al. (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1980), 372-76; Chou Ju-hsi, ed., The Elegant Brush: Chinese Painting under the Qianlong Emperor, 1735-1795 (Phoenix: Phoenix Art Museum, 1985), 133-38. For a reproduction see William Rockhill Nelson Gallery of Art and Mary Atkins Museum of Fine Arts, Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting: The Collections of the Nelson Gallery-Atkins Museum, Kansas City, and the Cleveland Museum of Art (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art in cooperation with Indiana Univ. Press, 1980), 374, fig. 275.
(50.) See Ho Ping-ti, "The Salt Merchants of Yang-chou: A Study of Commercial Capitalism in Eighteenth-Century China," HJAS 17 (1954): 157.
(51.) For previous studies of this painting, see Frederick W. Mote, "The Intellectual Climate in Eighteenth-century China: Glimpses of Beijing, Suzhuo, and Yangzhou in the Qianlong Period," in Chinese Painting under the Qianlong Emperor: The Symposium Papers in Two Volumes, ed. Ju-hsi Chou and Claudia Brown (Tempe: Arizona State Univ., 1988), 1: 17-55; Wai-kam Ho, "The Literary Gathering at a Yangzhou Garden," 372-76; and Antonia Finnane, Speaking of Yangzhou: A Chinese City, 1550-1850 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Asia Center, 2004), 251-64.
(52.) For further information on these salt-merchants, see Ho Ping-ti, "The Salt Merchants of Yang-chou," 130-68.
(53.) Zhao Wanli, ed., Zhongguo banke (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1961), plates 512-13.
(54.) Min Hua, Chengqiuge ji, in Siku weishoushu jikan di 10 ji, ed. Siku weishoushu jikan bianweihui (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2000), 21: 540.
(55.) Zhu Zhuyu ifcSill, ed., Quart Zuwang ji huijiao jizhu (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chu banshe, 2000), 3: 2093.
(56.) Cheng Mengxing, Jinyoutang shiji, in Siku quanshu cunmu congshu bubian, ed. Siku quanshu cunmu congshu bianweihui (Ji'nan: Qilu shushe, 2001), 42: 81, see the second of his two poems addressed to Hu; Xu Ke, Qingbai leichao (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984-86), 10: 4872.
(57.) See Wai-kam Ho, "The Literary Gathering at a Yangzhou Garden," 372-76.
(58.) Lin, The Transformation of the Chinese Lyrical Tradition, 56.
(59.) Xie Zhangting, Duqi shanzhuang cihua, in Cihua congbian, ed. Tang Guizhang (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), 4: 3458.
(60.) Huang Shang itSi, Qingdai banke yiyu (Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2005), 182-83.
(61.) Nalan Xingde, Tongzhitang ji (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1979), 294, 717; Xu Qianxue, "Tongyi dafu yideng shiwei jinshi Nalan jun muzhiming", in Tongzhitang ji, 744.
(62.) Yan Dichang, Qin ci shi, 193-99; Madeline Chu, "Interplay between Tradition and Innovation: The Seventeenth-Century Tz'u Revival," CLEAR 9.1/2 (1987): 71-88.
(63.) After recommending the ci of the late Tang and Northern Song poets Wen Tingyun, Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072), Yan Shu (991-1055), and Qin Guan, the early Qing writer Zou Zhimo (1627-1670) considered the Southern Song ci poets Jiang Kui, Shi Dazu, and Wu Wenying also to have encompassed all aspects of sophistication in their compositions. See Zou Zhimo, Yuanzhizhai cizhong, in Cihua congbian, ed. Tang Guizhang (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), 1: 651; Yan Dichang, Qin ci shi, 58-65.
(64.) Lin Xi, Xianxian shushi dushuji (Guilin: Guangxi shifan xueyuan chubanshe, 2011), 143-69. We must also remember that the complete version of Ciyuan, the small early Yuan treatise in which
(65.) Yan Dichang, Qin ci shi, 442-54. Zhang Yan upholds Jiang Kui's ci as the most accomplished model of the aesthetic quality qingkong, was not available in print until 1810.
(66.) In the conventional narrative of ci revival beginning in the late Ming and subsequent development in the Qing, the Zhexi school is said to have "declined" and "reached a dead end" after Li E. My study arguably demonstrates its continuation in the allegorical hermeneutics promoted by the Changzhou school from the late eighteenth century on, particularly with Zhou Ji who upheld Southern Song ci poets after Jiang Kui as models for emulation.
Table 1. Major Editions of Jiang Kui's Song Lyrics, Mid-13th to Mid-18th Centuries No. Year Title Pieces Editor Publisher Place 1. 1249 Hua 'an cixuan 34 Huang Sheng Liu (Fuzhou) Chengfu 2. 1441 Baijia ci 32 Wu Ne -- -- 3. c. Song liushijia 34 Mao Jin Mao Jin Changshu 1628 ci ("Jiguge edition") 4. 1678 Ci zong 23 Zhu Yizun Wang Sen Jiaxing 5. 1685 Baishi xiansheng 58 Zhu Yizun ciji ("PKU MS") 6. 1707 Baishi cibu 21 Zhu Yizun -- Jiaxing ("Supplementary List") 7. c. Baishi cichao 58 Wu Chunhuan Yu Lan Jiaxing 1710 8. 1718 Baishi ciji 58 Chen Zhuan Zeng Yangzhou Shican 9. c. Baishi daoren 109 the Ma Yangzhou 1736 gequ brothers, ("Shanghai MS") i.e., Ma Yueguan and Ma Yuelu 10. 1737 Baishi daoren 109 LiE -- Yangzhou gequ 11. 1743 Baishi daoren 109 Li E et al. Lu Yangzhou gequ Zhonghui ("Lu edition") 12. 1744 Baishi shici 97 Jiang Qiulu -- -- heji 13. 1749 Baishi daoren 109 Zhang Yishu Yao Shanghai gequ ("Zhang Peiqian edition")
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|Publication:||The Journal of the American Oriental Society|
|Article Type:||Critical essay|
|Date:||Oct 1, 2015|
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