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Printing ritual: the performance of community in Christopher Plantin's La Joyeuse & Magnifique Entree de Monseigneur Francoys ... d'Anjou.


In April 1582, the Antwerp publisher Christopher Plantin (1514-89) produced an elaborate folio illustrated with twenty-one etchings and engravings in order to commemorate the blijde inkomst (joyous entry) of Hercule Francois de Valois, Duke d'Anjou and Alencon (1555-84) into Antwerp. The Antwerp city magistrate commissioned the book, titled La Joyeuse & Magnifique Entree de Monseigneur Francoys: Fils de France, et Frere Unicque du Roy, par la grace de Dieu, Duc de Brabant, d'Anjou, Alencon, Berri, & c. en sa tres-renommee ville D'Anvers, in celebration of the duke's entry and investment as Duke of Brabant and Marcgrave of Antwerp, which had occurred two months earlier, on 19 February 1582 (fig. 1). (1) In addition to the folio, Plantin published two quarto versions of the text in French and Dutch without illustrations, to be sold at a lower price. (2) Plantin collaborated with several artists on the book, including the city architect and entry designer Hans Vredeman de Vries (1527-1606), two of Plantin's regular collaborators, Abraham de Bruyn (1540-87) and Peeter van der Borcht (1545-1608), and two unidentified etchers. (3) Neither the names of the artists nor that of the book's author appears in the book; only Plantin's name, in his office of stadsdrukker (city printer) to Antwerp, appears on the title page. (4)

By 1582, many European cultural centers produced elaborate publications, sometimes illustrated, commemorating wedding celebrations, military victories, and princely investitures. (5) Antwerp printers in particular were noted for their illustrated accompaniments to the city's elaborate blijde inkomst celebrations. One of the more recent examples, Cornelius Grapheus's Spectaculorum in Susceptione Philippi Hispaniae Principis, printed by Gillis van Diest for Pieter Coecke van Aelst in 1550, commemorated the blijde inkomst of Prince Philip of Spain in 1549. Unlike many similar publications throughout Europe, such Antwerp publications were always the product of civic, rather than royal or ducal, patronage. Plantin's 1582 book and its predecessors were therefore civic documents, the product of the overlapping communities of printers, rederijkers (rhetoricians), and artists, who worked collectively to produce both civic spectacle and its commemoration.


Of the many representational practices in the Renaissance city, print-making and public spectacle were perhaps the most structurally parallel: each relied upon a division of labor and upon the integration of specialists, resulting in a product that tended to efface individual achievement in favor of collective goals. (6) Both practices involved collaborations across various civic professions as well as material investments that fueled their symbolic and political potential. The migration of public spectacle to print was in this sense a natural one, particularly when there were significant overlaps in personnel between practitioners of spectacle and print, as in Antwerp. Given these important factors of production as well as the political context surrounding Plantin's book, I shall argue that we must not view it either as simple propaganda or as a direct transferal of events, but as a site for negotiating the communal boundaries of Antwerp in 1582. The book should be understood as an example of the growing sixteenth-century conception of print as a space for communal definition: not as a replacement for ritual, but as an analogue to it. The printed analogue not only amplified the effect of the entry's arguments via its replication and dissemination, but also recorded for posterity an ideal version of events.

In recounting Anjou's joyous entry, illustrating its pageantry, and repeating its oaths and speeches, La Joyeuse et Magnifique Entree serves as an important historical document by providing information about the participants, ceremonial aspects, and material history of political pageantry at this turbulent moment. The book is also a departure from previous examples of fete books produced in Antwerp, largely because of its illustrations. Through their larger format, intaglio printing technique, and inclusion of topographic city scenes as well as images of wagons from the annual ommegangen (devotional processions), the illustrations are in many ways unprecedented. I will examine how the book's illustrations--understood as the product of collective effort--structured the reception of the entry for a broad print audience. In particular, I would like to consider two ways in which the illustrations activate the legitimizing ritual of the blijde inkomst. First, they rehearse as closely as possible the performance of a procession; second, they provide a social and historical framework for a civic ritual embedded in a civic space. The effect of these innovations was to broadcast to an international audience an ideal outcome for specific political events, one that the collaborators hoped would be instrumental in shaping the city's uncertain future.


Although the duke's February 1582 entry was a ritual dictated formally by the conventions of previous blijde inkomsten held at Antwerp--the most recent that of Prince Philip of Spain in 1549--the circumstances of the event were anything but conventional. According to the majority of observers, the Duke d'Anjou, brother to the French king, had tenuous ancestral claim to the duchy. By 1582, the city of Antwerp had been embroiled in open revolt against Spain for sixteen years. Since 1577, when the Spanish brigade finally abandoned Antwerp's citadel, the citizens of Antwerp considered themselves subjects, not of King Philip II of Spain, but of the representative body of the Netherlands, the States General. The new autonomy won by the city allowed the Calvinists, who had been operating underground since 1567, to emerge as civic leaders. The period from 1577 to 1585, often called the Calvinist Republic, was essentially a changing of the civic guard along confessional lines. (7) Anjou's arrival was, in part, a product of this short-lived autonomy and of the confidence directed by these magistrates toward Prince William I of Orange (1533-84), the governor of the Duchy of Brabant and stadhouder of Holland and Zeeland. Orange had long sought an alternative to Spanish rule; by the 1580s he had concluded that only a foreign monarchy could provide the assistance and protection needed against the Spanish military. (8) The actions of Orange and his supporters were radical, for in soliciting and indoctrinating the Duke d'Anjou, they ceremoniously and definitively renounced the incumbent duke and marcgrave, the ancestral heir to the realm, King Philip II of Spain (1527-98). This, they claimed, was justifiable because the king had failed to uphold the rights and privileges affirmed in his own blijde inkomst in 1549; Orange had argued as much in his infamous published Apology of 1580.

In exchange for money, territory, and a title, the Duke d'Anjou was expected to defend the Netherlandish cities against Spanish retaliation while exercising tolerance on the question of religion. Antwerp was an important nexus of dynastic and economic concerns for both France and England in 1582. The monarchs of both realms, Henri III (1551-89) and Elizabeth I (1533-1603), desired more control in the region while hoping to avoid all-out war with Spain. Therefore, their negotiations in the Low Countries were mostly covert. An alliance arose in the form of a marriage contract between the Duke d'Anjou and Elizabeth I. (9) The marriage was, however, simply too distasteful, both to Elizabeth's council and the to English populace. When marriage negotiations eventually fell through, Elizabeth instead pledged covert financial support to Anjou's mission in the Low Countries. In 1582, it was clear to anyone paying attention that England supported the alliance, since Anjou arrived in the Low Countries from England with a number of English nobles. (10) But like many of the promises surrounding Anjou's tenure in the Low Countries, Elizabeth's financial pledge was only partially fulfilled. Anjou could not have known that such support would dissipate, leaving his army destitute, powerless to gain any semblance of control in the next year.

Even within the Low Countries, Anjou's power was severely limited. According to the treaty of Plessis-les-Tours, negotiated by the Prince of Orange and signed with Anjou in 1580, Anjou would not hold ultimate power in the Low Countries. Instead, such power would rest with the representative assembly, the States General, a radical departure from tradition. The Duke d'Anjou was, therefore, largely a powerless figurehead, a problematic position for a man of some ambition. Anjou's acceptance in the Low Countries was also far from universal. Whereas previous dukes were received almost unanimously in the provinces, in 1582 only Brabant and Flanders acquiesced to Anjou's title, an important reminder of the complexity of the revolt in the Low Countries as a whole. Indeed, the Prince of Orange himself was the proclaimed sovereign of the northernmost provinces, including Holland. The duke's own frustrations with his situation would lead to a highly ineffectual and troublesome tenure, complicated by unfulfilled promises of funding from both the States General and from his French and English supporters. Less than one year after his blijde inkomst, on 17 January 1583, the duke unleashed his own troops upon the city of Antwerp in a desperate bid for control. Forewarned of the attack, the city mounted a strong defense, and the action that came to be known as the French Fury resulted in the deaths of nearly 1,000 of Anjou's own troops. The duke thereafter fled the city, never to return.

The ceremonial aspects of the duke's reception at Antwerp responded to this complicated political landscape. Had convention ruled the day, the duke would have sworn his oath to the Duchy of Brabant at Leuven, the capital of the duchy since 1356. (11) Traditionally, the duke swore the oath outside Leuven, entered the city, and then took up residence in Brussels, the seat of the royal court and the States General. Thereafter, the duke visited several regional cities where he reaffirmed his oath to the duchy and underwent local investitures. At Antwerp, for instance, the duke was invested as marcgrave of the city. However, on 19 February 1582 Anjou swore the ducal oath outside of Antwerp, representing a transfer of the seat of legitimate power from Leuven to Antwerp. The reasons for the transfer were complex: first, the royal court at Brussels had dissolved; second, after a battle at Gembloux, near Brussels, in 1577, the Prince of Orange and States General had moved to Antwerp, in part for the advanced military fortifications the city could provide, and in part for the perceived support of the city and populace. The ceremony therefore took place within the Prince of Orange's domain amid a generally supportive populace.

The internal organization of the procession also represented an alteration to tradition. Antwerp's wealthy colonies of foreign merchants did not contribute spectacles to the entry, nor did they march in the procession itself. (12) During Philip II's 1549 joyous entry, numerous triumphal arches sponsored by the merchant colonies were the cause for much wonder and celebration. In 1582, only three triumphal arches appeared, with no such sponsorship. In the introduction, the author explains that the unusually modest number of spectacles was due to a lack of time and money. (13) In fact, most entry decorations were recycled from entry to entry, as is evident in the repeat of civic spectacles in 1549 and 1582, and in both civic and merchant spectacles during entries in 1594 and 1599. Merchant colonies, like the city, would have had decorations at the ready, to be tailored to the specific occasion. Therefore, the absence of these important economic bodies from the entry as a whole is notable. At the very least, it reveals that foreign support for the alliance was less determined than local support. It may also suggest that outright sponsorship of the alliance had the potential to compromise advantageous trading partnerships. Indeed, most of the merchant communities in Antwerp depended on trade with the Iberian Peninsula, the New World, and Italy, which was then occupied by Spain. The program at Antwerp, therefore, must largely be credited to the city government and its agents.

Structurally, the duke's reception adhered strongly to the format of previous blijde inkomsten in the city. (14) Beginning with the ceremony outside the city gates, the participants in the procession followed a customary route that touched major religious, economic, and political centers, a route with a clear beginning at the Keizerspoort (Emperor's Gate), and an end at St. Michael's Cloister. Tracing the ancient city walls down long stretches of major streets and bridges, such as the Huidevetterstraat and the Meerbrug, the entourage paused to view the content-laden tableaux vivants organized by the three civic rhetorical chambers. (15) The procession culminated in the center of the city as the participants passed the cathedral to the Groote Markt (Central Market), where the duke saw another tableau and heard a welcoming speech. Thereafter the procession turned southward down the Hoogstraat, another border of the ancient city wall, ending at the cloister.

Along the route, ephemeral triumphal arches, tableaux vivants, and decorated wagons provided spectacular visuals, while arguing for Anjou's legitimate sovereignty. These works of art, created with a combination of wood, papier mache, and paint, were reused for joyous entries and were retrofitted with paint, decorative details, and textiles according to the specific context. One recurring wagon carried the Maid of Antwerp (fig. 2). The Maid played an important role in Antwerp's joyous entries and devotional processions. In 1582, she met the duke's entourage on the threshold to the city, inviting him to enter. Her virgin status enacted a symbolic marriage ritual between the duke and the city. (16) The city bestowed the honor of playacting the Maid on a young woman, the daughter of Philips Galle (1537-1612), an engraver, print publisher, and rhetorician. The city paid her for her service. (17)

The iconography of the Maid's wagon, called the "Chariot of the Alliance," also set the tone for the entry. Dressed in armor, the Maid was flanked by the personifications of Religion and Justice. She sat behind Concord. On Concord's right was Wisdom, on her left, Force; before her, two soldiers called Faithfulness and Watchfulness carried shields signifying Defense and Offense. (18) Concord--offered as the answer to Discord and Tyranny--was an overriding theme of the entry, to be taken up in tableaux vivants, on the theater stage on the Groote Markt (fig. 3), and in a wagon depicting a seahorse (fig. 4). The Maid's attendants highlight another emphasis of the entry, the visual stress on military might: further examples include the mounting of a wagon depicting an elephant with an armed bastion (fig. 5) and firearms atop arches and tableaux.


The three civic rhetorical chambers (theatrical societies), the Goudbloem (Marigold), the Olyftack (Olive Branch), and the Violieren (Gillyflower), were responsible for the decoration, iconography, and staging of the three tableaux vivants at the beginning of the processional route. Many members of these chambers, particularly of the Violieren, were artists. The tableaux were central to the rhetorical program of the entry, because in addition to providing exempla for the duke's behavior they posed arguments about the validity of his reception. The Goudbloem chamber tableau, for instance, consisted of a stage divided into three sections, upon which live actors staged stilled scenes from the Old Testament. Plantin's book provides an illustration (fig. 6). In the center of the etching is Samuel accusing Saul of disobedience to God and plucking a piece of his garment, signifying, according to the author, "that the sovereignty of those Low Countries was taken from the King of Spain, for his perjuries, tyranny, and abominable extortions." (19) At left, Samuel commands Jesse, father of David, to bring forth his sons, one of whom will be the new king, chosen by God. At right, David, the youngest son and chosen one, stands above a vanquished Goliath. Analogies could be made both to Anjou, who was the youngest son of the French king, and to the Prince of Orange, a Samuel who searched for a new sovereign at God's will. The righteous hero overcoming his foe provided a neat final analogy to Anjou triumphing over Spanish tyranny. In the etching, the appearance of the Tetragrammaton above the scene, centered below the arms of Anjou, drives home the analogy that the transfer was ordained, even commanded, by God. The Olyftack chamber's tableau focused on the personification of Antwerp as a maid, juxtaposed with allegorical personifications of Knowledge of God, Privileges, Laws, Franchises, Diligence, Truth, Perseverance, Faithfulness, Loyalty, Unity, Grace of God, and Order. The Violieren chamber's tableau depicted the alliance of David and Jonathan, emphasizing, according to the author, "the firmness of the oath mutually made by his Highness and the States of Brabant, and the Magistrate, Citizens, Colonels, and Captains of the City of Antwerp." (20) The book's descriptive passages accompanying each of the three tableaux describe Philip II as a tyrant who failed to uphold the rights and privileges sworn to in his own blijde inkomst. These three tableaux demonstrate the primary aim of the entry iconography as a whole: to assert the legitimate causes for the transfer of power from Philip II to the Duke d'Anjou and to present the desired effects of the alliance. These emphases take precedence over arguments about the duke's ancestral claim to the duchy.




Another recurring theme found in the entry iconography is the use of the duke's device, "Cherish and Chase," in relation to Antwerp's economic prosperity. (21) On the triumphal arch on the Hoogstraat (fig. 7), a deep porch contained two painted vignettes, the right portraying the idea of Cherish, and the left, Chase. The text describes how Cherish, portrayed by Flora, Ceres, and Pomona upon the abundant earth underneath the heat and direction of the sun, signified the cherished natural commodities contributing to Antwerp's wealth. Chase was portrayed by Discord, Violence, and Tyranny against a barren field, fleeing at the sight of the duke. (22)



By centralizing the causes and effects of Philip II's tyrannical behavior, highlighting the virtue of Concord as a means to economic prosperity, and forwarding the argument that Anjou's reception was the divine deliverance from past wrongs, the iconographic program of the entry addressed the particular anxieties surrounding Anjou's reception. Antwerp displayed both its moral and material preparedness for the challenges that the controversial reception of the duke was expected to bring. Through its formal structure and the participation of the entire community, the blijde inkomst enacted the legitimacy of Anjou's reception via the ceremonial acquiescence of the duchy, the States General, the city, and the populace. In these ways the ritual procession, dictated by convention and decorum, sought to mediate the circumstance of Anjou's reception, which was in fact an outright challenge to decorum.


Interspersed with the tableaux and arches that provided the major rhetorical arguments were decorated wagons (figs. 2, 4-5, 8-10). All of the wagons--the Maid of Antwerp, Concord on the Seahorse, the Elephant, the Giant, Neptune on the Sea Monster, and the Mountain of Parnassus with the Cave of Discord--were regular features in Antwerp's annual devotional processions, or ommegangen ("go-arounds"). With the exception of the Maid and the Giant, both of which appeared in Philip II's 1549 joyous entry, the inclusion of ommegang wagons was unprecedented in a state event of this magnitude.

Ommegangen were civic devotional processions that consisted of peopled tableaux vivants upon moving wagons (spelwagenen) relaying secular histories and biblical narratives. (23) Two important ommegangen had been enacted every year in Antwerp since the late fourteenth century, one dedicated to the civic patroness, the Virgin Mary (the Onze Lieve Vrouwommegang), held in August, and the other to the valued local relic of Christ's foreskin (the Besnijdenis ommegang), held in May. (24) In addition to offering religious devotion, the ommegang--which consisted of ordered groupings of almost every civic profession, confraternity, militia, and neighborhood--constituted a visual manifestation of the city's social order overlaid onto civic space. The processional route traced economic, religious, and political boundaries. Following a roughly circular path that began within the Onze Lieve Vrouwkerk, the processional route passed by four of the five parish churches of the city, designating different neighborhoods. It paused within the political center of the Groote Markt and touched upon major economic centers, such as the green market, the milk market, the linen-draper's district, the stock exchange, and the luxury-goods market. During the procession, members of each of the city professions, including fish sellers, butchers, bakers, and textile merchants, as well as the militia guilds, met at the boundaries of their districts to transfer the holy relic. (25) The communal rehearsal of physical boundaries and markers provided a model for the symbolic borders and markers by which members of the community defined themselves. The repetition from year to year over the same route and with the same ordering of participants rendered each procession a palimpsest: individual participants and spectators might have changed, but not the core values and constituencies they represented. In these ways, ommegangen were rites that shaped the community perhaps more materially than outside forces of planning or order. (26) Attesting to both their ingenuity and popularity is the publication of several ordinancies (civic ordinances) by Hans de Laet, the city printer in the 1550s and '60s, recounting the order and iconography of the processions.




The city government was largely responsible for the maintenance and storage of the ommegang accoutrements. A civic warehouse, the Eeckhoff, housed the wagons, accessories, textiles, and signs used from year to year. An inventory of the Eeckhoff from 1572, carried out by the two stadsschilderen (civic painters), provides confirmation of the financial and material investment in ommegangen. (27) It lists everything from the wagons themselves, such as the "decorated wagon whereupon the Maid of Antwerp sits with all its weapons and shields," to accessories, such as the thirty-two chains attached to the fish and the sea-monster's collar. Also included were more practical props, such as the seventeen decorated pieces (probably wood planks) used to carry and drag the wagons. (28)

The 1571 inventory and the printed ordinancies recount in total twenty-two wagons regularly used in the ommegangen. (29) It follows that the six wagons chosen for Anjou's entry held particular relevance to the themes and goals of the event. Both the Maid of Antwerp and the Giant played recurring roles in ommegangen and joyous entries. As noted above, the Maid usually welcomed the princely entourage, at the city gate. In ommegangen, the Maid often inaugurated the procession. The Giant was part of the origin myth of the city. During the Roman era, legend told of a giant who required all who passed his castle on the bank of the Scheldt to pay a tribute. Any who refused would lose their hands to his sword. Only when a Roman general named Brabo finally vanquished the giant, cutting off his hand and throwing it into the river, was the city saved. (30) During ommegangen, the Giant often represented a tyrant who had been transformed into a kind and balanced ruler. The same held true in 1582, when, according to the text, the Giant was made to drop the arms of Spain as the Duke d'Anjou passed. (31)

The other wagons first appeared in ommegangen beginning in the late 1540s. The Elephant is a motif that can be traced to Roman triumphs, and can be tracked in the Renaissance via prints depicting triumphs by such artists as Georg Pencz, Maerten van Heemskerck, Titian, Mantegna, and Gerard de Jode. (32) In Antwerp, the popularity of the Elephant wagon coincided with a visit by an actual elephant that had been presented to Charles V by the King of Portugal in 1554. (33) The elephant provided the opportunity to make the concepts of strength and power visible: the military bastion placed atop its back during Anjou's entry was an outright reference to the city's military strength.

Neptune was the mythological guardian of the population, which made its livelihood largely through sea trade. The wagon depicting Neptune atop his Sea Monster therefore referenced Antwerp's economic livelihood. (34) The seahorse was an animal that stood for the perfect fusion of land and sea, a fitting symbol for the harbor city of Antwerp. In Anjou's entry, the personification of Concord rode astride the Seahorse wagon, a further sign of balance and the resulting economic prosperity.

Finally, the Mountain of Parnassus with the Cave of Discord was in fact a combination of three different ommegang spectacles. The subject of Apollo atop the mountain of Parnassus and surrounded by the Muses appeared first in a tableau vivant presented by the Violieren rhetorical chamber for the 1556 ceremony of the Golden Fleece held in Antwerp and attended by Philip II. On that occasion, the tableaux appeared on a stage typical of rhetorical chamber stages rather than on a mountain. (35) Thereafter, a Parnassus wagon rode in the ommegangen. The likely source for the mountain structure that appeared in Anjou's entry was a religious wagon called the Virgin's Mountain (Maagdenbergh), which carried the ascending Virgin during ommegangen. The Cave of Discord wagon, on the other hand, appeared in the 1566 Onze Lieve ommegang and carried personifications of the vices. (36) In 1582 the two motifs were combined in order to compellingly depict a cause-and-effect relationship. Apollo, the inspired poet and cultural leader, dispensed Concord and Harmony, resulting in the banishment of Discord's furies. The wagon provided a fitting conclusion to the overall argument of the entry: that inspired and virtuous rule could purge Discord and its ill effects.

The material and financial investments in ommegangen both reflected and shaped Antwerp's cultural and economic dominance in the region in the 1550s and early 1560s. Inevitably, however, as widescale communal efforts poured into ommegangen, they also became sites for communal unrest. The first Iconoclasm of September 1566 occurred shortly after the Onze Lieve Vrouw Ommegang, at which invectives were hurled at the holy statue of the Virgin. The Calvinist disdain for traditional Catholic ceremony and its perceived idolatry was one source of controversy. Also, both local and centralized governments recognized civic spectacles such as processions, plays, and devotional ceremonies as potential loci for social unrest, brought about by the gathering of crowds and the solidarity of expression. After the arrival of the Spanish Duke of Alva in 1567, civic spectacles of all types ceased, largely because of government censorship. Civic rederijkers, who were largely responsible for the content of civic ommegangen as well as for public plays, suffered from closer censorship by the authorities as well as the widescale emigration of their membership. Thus the loss of civic processions was truly indicative, in this case, of the actual fracture of, and peril to, community. The use of several of the secular ommegang wagons in Anjou's 1582 entry therefore made significant reference to a ritual with immense importance to the delineation and expression of community. These wagons argued that Anjou's reception would uphold the cultural and economic primacy of the city, and evoked communal memory, history, and ceremony.


The opening etching of Plantin's book, a large folio spread with the title Antwerpia, introduces the critical parties in the treaty of Plessis-les-Tours against a backdrop of the city of Antwerp (fig. 11). This large-scale cartographic image was an innovation unprecedented in Antwerp fete books. The artist depicted the city from the south, in a combinatory birds-eye and axonometric view. The combined viewpoint includes a large landscape seen from above, which allows space for the depiction of a profusion of military guards, guilds, and nobles in neat, separated groups with identifying labels. To the left are the fleets of the Prince of Orange and Duke d'Anjou, who have arrived on the River Scheldt from England. Within the city walls beyond, particular structures are shown in elevation, while others are seen from above. The city church spires, especially the Onze Lieve Vrouw cathedral, the St. Joriskerk, and the St. Jakobskerk, form a latitudinal axis across the horizon that takes a certain amount of liberty with their actual placement within the city. The axial situation emphasizes the churches as civic landmarks and as beacons of civic wealth while also denoting the church parishes, important social divisions within the city around which much of civic life centered.


Borrowing the cartographic vocabulary of contemporary publications such as the Civitates Orbis Terrarum (Frankfurt, 1571), the etching layers groups of people and action upon a map of the city, thus visually binding the physical space of the city with its social community. (37) The image is a visual amalgam of the civitas and the urbs, as defined by Isidore of Seville in the seventh century: "A city [civitas] is a number of men joined by a social bond. It takes its name from the citizens who dwell in it. As an urbs, it is only a walled structure, but inhabitants, not building stone, are referred to as a city." (38) The image is also chorographic in intent. Chorography, described by Petrus Appianus, geographer and teacher to Charles V, "carefully takes note of all particularities and properties, as small as they may be, that are worth noting in such places, such as ports, towns, villages, river courses, and all similar things, including buildings, houses, towers, walls, and the like. The aim of chorography is to depict a particular place, just as an artist paints an ear or an eye or other parts of a man's head." (39) In Plantin's day, chorography was a term applied to written chronicles as well as to cartographic images, as they both sought to provide a particular history of a place. (40) Antwerpia records a particular moment, the arrival of the Duke d'Anjou on Antwerp's shores, while also presenting the viewer with the primary social, defensive, and religious markers of the city. As the inaugural image in the book, the etching introduces the qualities of Antwerp as a city, to be delineated and particularized throughout the remainder of the volume via text and image.


Significantly, the artist chose to emphasize the citadel by arranging the city from a southern viewpoint, which was less common than easterly viewpoints in contemporary maps. The arrowhead-like shape of the citadel points the viewer downward, toward the scores of militia in the landscape. At left, the meeting between the Duke d'Anjou and Prince William of Orange takes place (fig. 12). Since Orange was a divisive figure, his presence holds the potential to at once signify his divestment of power in favor of Anjou, and to reinforce his controlling, even righteous status as true sovereign of the realm. At the bottom left of the image is the Baron de Merode on horseback, bearing a sword. Merode was the official representative of the States General and Duchy of Brabant. The figure, signaling the duchy's acquiescence to the new alliance, shows that the ceremony was a departure from tradition, in that the oath to the duchy had been transferred from Leuven to Antwerp.

The citadel, a major focal point in the print, was both a new technological achievement and an important symbol of Antwerp's triumph over Spanish tyranny. (41) After the Pacification of Ghent in 1577, the Spaniards, who had built the citadel as a base from which they could control the city and dispense justice, finally abandoned the stronghold. A short-lived occupation of the citadel by German mercenaries followed the Spanish abandonment. Civic militia and the Prince of Orange's forces eventually drove the mercenaries from the citadel. Between 1577 and 1582, the era of the so-called Calvinist Republic, local hands controlled the city both politically and militarily. The citadel was thus a site of communal memory, both of the violence that defined Antwerp's subjugation under the Spanish and of the subsequent victorious reclamation of the city via local efforts.

In 1577, led by the city architect (and entry planner) Hans Vredeman de Vries, the city fortifications masters drew new designs for the defense system, which included dismantling and then incorporating the citadel into the city walls, an act subsequently carried out by the Antwerp populace. (42) This act fundamentally altered the relationship between the city and its sovereign by breaking down the very instrument by which the city could be controlled from the outside. Antwerpia offers a rare view of the citadel in its dismantled state, as printed maps, even those published after 1577, continued to exhibit the earlier configuration of the citadel set apart from the city. The primacy of the dismantled citadel in the first etching of the publication thereby associates Anjou's entry with this basic shift in power, championed by the Prince of Orange.

The etching is an important document of the current state of the military defense system at the critical juncture of Anjou's entry, one to be recorded, disseminated, and, as evident in the accompanying text, celebrated: "and behold the counterscarps: the beautiful ditches full of clean water, clear to the very bottom of the channel, enclosed on either side with hewn stone: the great and beautiful bastions, the lovely walls, beautiful to look upon and very thick, and the broad ramparts garnished with trees planted by hand, such that it resembled a small forest." (43) This passage corresponds to a panorama of the city's walls (fig. 13), an etching with the ostensible purpose of introducing the beginning of the joyous entry procession, but with the clear dual purpose of highlighting the achievements of the fortifications masters.


The Antwerpia etching, placed near the beginning of the book on a full-page spread, lays out the primary features of civic defense for the viewer, while demonstrating the crucial idea that defense is inseparable from widespread communal participation. This concept is primarily demonstrated by the vast number of armed men in the foreground landscape, including the guards of both the Prince of Orange and the Duke d'Anjou; French, English, and Netherlandish nobility; the deans of professional guilds; representatives of the States General; and the city magistrate. Also represented are the militia guilds of Antwerp: the longbowmen, crossbowmen, and riflemen (les guides). In the lower right center extending in an upward sweep through the landscape is the civic militia (Bourgeois D'anvers), made up of representatives from each city neighborhood. These groups were still in large part burdened with civic defense, as demonstrated in the 1577 crisis. Antwerpia, therefore, offers a literal and figurative map by which the viewer can conceptualize civic identity by comprehending its most critical features: defense, social structure, and civic cohesion. The print also provides a public face of the city to be distributed, portraying it as a community with advanced militaristic, technological, and human resources. Antwerp, it promotes, is a place equipped for whatever challenges may come its way, regardless of its leadership.


The Antwerpia etching demonstrates the formative parameters of civic identity. The twenty illustrations that follow demonstrate the means by which that identity is rehearsed and preserved by presenting (or particularizing) the most important civic historical, economic, social, and defensive markers. Consisting primarily of theaters, tableaux vivants, arches, and wagons that the duke observed, rode under, and passed by during his entry, the illustrations exhibit minimal embellishment, a feature reiterated in the descriptive, but spare, accompanying text. (44) The artists presented the spectacles from various viewpoints--frontally, facing both left and right--as if the viewer encountered each element along the route, at street corners, perhaps, or spanning the street in front of him. In addition to Antwerpia, four other unprecedented views portray participants and topographic city scenes, placing the event firmly within civic space. These include depictions of the oath-taking ceremony outside the city, a plate depicting the duke progressing under a baldachin, and the closing ceremony in the Groote Markt (figs. 14-16) in addition to the scene of the procession entering the Emperor's Gate described above. These scenes locate the event firmly in relation to the specific social and symbolic spaces of the city through which, and in which, it occurred. The duke's insertion into the city scenes demonstrates the circumscription of both the office of the duke and his person into the civic entity.


Comparison to earlier fete books produced in Antwerp demonstrates the formal innovations of the 1582 images. Two important previous examples are Cornelius Grapheus's recounting of the entry of Prince Philip of Spain in 1549, Spectaculorum in Susceptione Philippi Hispaniae Principis ... (Antwerp, Gillis van Diest for Pieter Coecke van Aelst, 1550), and Jan-Baptiste Houwaert's tribute to the entry of Mathias of Austria, Sommare beschrijuinghe vande triumphelijcke Incomst vanden doorluchtighen ende hooghgheboren Aerts-hertoge Matthias (Antwerp: Christopher Plantin, 1579) (figs. 17-18). Both utilized the woodblock technique, which integrated text on the same page as the illustration. The static and frontal architectural renderings--many with measurements--emphasize the structures themselves, while the corresponding descriptions explicate in detail their complex allegorical and typological meanings. These earlier examples functioned both as commemorative documents and as architectural treatises. The effect of the Anjou folio is much different, for the intaglio technique requires the viewer to flip through independent pages in order to view the illustrations. Many of the illustrations also place the structures in space with the presence of horizon lines and shading, placing more emphasis on placement within the city than the previous examples. (45) The layout and varying perspectives result in a vicarious experience of the procession, concentrating one's attentions upon sequence, movement, and performance--in short, upon the enactment of the ceremony in addition to the achievements of its architecture.




In this way, the format and layout of the spectacles in the book recreate the rhetorical structure of the event as experienced on the day of the entry. As discussed at length by Mark Meadow, the use of Serlian arches and tableaux in Antwerp's 1549 blijde inkomst ceremony for Philip II structured a particular form of argument by example (argumentatio ad exemplum). (46) This form of argument depended upon movement through space, during which different places (topoi) of knowledge, structured via architecture, built the overall argument. Oscillation between the particular exempla presented by the spectacles, and civic landmarks and demarcations, was crucial to the argument as well as to the ritual power of the entry.


In Plantin's book, the combination of the five topographical views and the spectacles structures the viewer's visual engagement with the procession, compelling a reconciliation of the overall views of civic space with the particular topoi along the route. The viewer therefore witnesses the duke's investiture from a birds-eye view and, at the same time, experiences the privileged, ideal view of the procession's exempla. The latter was an experience of the procession reserved during its enactment for the duke himself. The duke's ideal position of viewing the spectacles is therefore transferred to the viewer, who can experience this highly elite, public form of power on a private scale. (47) This mixture of witnessing and experiencing can only be achieved in representation. The printed version of the event was a highly effective means by which the event could be reenacted from the perspective of the two parties most crucial to its legitimization: the duke as the head of the community, and the populace. The individual viewer now replaced both.

The six illustrations of ommegang wagons add significantly to the impact and communal-political function of Plantin's book as a whole. The spectacles of the Sea Monster, the Elephant, the Seahorse, the Maid of Antwerp wagon, and the Mountain of Parnassus with the Cave of Discord had not previously appeared in print. (48) As if to emphasize this point, the illustrations and their layout highlight the wagons' more traditional functions. Depicted with wheels and pulling boards that intimate their usual role in the moving ommegang, the artist positioned them facing both directions, as if re-creating a circuitous processional route through the city. These details exist even though the spectacles would have remained stationary during the duke's entry. With these subtle formal assertions, the ommegang wagons visually constitute a kind of procession-within-a-procession in the 1582 book.

As discussed above, the wagons had significant political and social import, comprising a timely reference to a ritual with intensely local significance that had been suppressed since 1566. In the midst of war, in the shadow of years of subjugation to the Spanish sovereign, and in the light of a future under the jurisdiction of the unknown person of Anjou, it is perhaps not surprising that the collaborators chose to centralize a group of wagons so readily associated with civic participation and communal prosperity. The wagons were a direct link to an essential ritual of communal renewal. The inclusion of the wagons in this form supports the argument that the evocation of shared history and memory was a crucial way in which a collective communal identity could be expressed to a broad print audience.

The visual strategies demonstrated in the book suggest that the most expeditious means by which to proclaim the duke's legitimacy in 1582 was to center him fully--ritually, spatially, and symbolically--within the physical and social community of Antwerp. Given the circumstances, it could be reasoned that it was difficult for the Antwerpenars to argue the duke's legitimacy via a more traditional iconographic or typological program, since his arrival was essentially counter to the traditional means by which power was transferred. The duke's legitimacy was therefore proclaimed to an international community via the translation, as directly as possible, of the ceremonial experience of the duke's ritual investiture.


Having discussed how the book operates on a visual level, I now turn to the production of the book. The structural parallels between the representational and professional practices of printmaking and public spectacle--particularly their collaborative production and diverse public reception--explain the implicit assertion made by the book's collaborators that it could function as a wholly unbiased revelation of the ritual practice it recreated.

Commissioned by the city magistrate to carry out the publication, Christopher Plantin constituted the sole public face of La Joyeuse & Magnifique Entree, standing in for a number of unnamed organizers, artisans, authors, and artists. Production of the event itself, for instance, represented a broad communal effort not mentioned in the book. At the top of the cultural hierarchy were the city painters and city rederijkers. An example is Peeter Leys, the Antwerp stadsschilder who played both a managerial and creative role in the entry and whose designs were inevitably illustrated, but who had no direct involvement in the creation of the book. Peeter Baltens, an artist, printer, and rederijker, also designed the Goudbloem theater stage; yet he took no part in the book's production. (49) Below these ranks, numerous artisans played a role in the event by painting coats-of-arms, pillars, and wagons. An expense list in the Antwerp city archives dated 19 June 1582, and a series of payments in the 1582-83 city reckoning book, shed light upon the numerous tasks allotted to citizens. (50) The sculptor Wouter van Elsmer repaired and outfitted the traditional ommegang wagon of the Seahorse. (51) The ironsmith Willem van Steenwinckele provided materials such as wood and hardware by the wagonload for the ephemeral architecture. Carvers and sculptors wrought decorative carvings for the triumphal arches and stages. Textile merchants sold velvet, damask, ermine, satin, and gold cording for the dress of the duke himself, for civil servants, for the deans of the rhetorical chambers, and for banners to be raised during the procession. The city mintmaster, Peeter Baselars, produced gold and silver coins impressed with the duke's coat-of-arms, to be scattered by the duke during the procession (see fig. 13). Other artists were paid to beautify religious buildings in preparation for the event: for instance, the sculptor Michiel Coignet created a sundial for the tower of the Onze Lieve Vrouw cathedral. (52) In all, the magistrate paid out 250,659 guldens to these workers, which represents only a portion of the amount they actually owed for work performed. (53)

Women and the general populace also participated in the preparation for, and performance of, the entry. As has been noted, the role of the Maid played by a young woman offered one highly visible instance of female participation. Women also took part in staging the costumed tableaux. Barred from the ceremonial and professional guilds that marched in the procession, women nonetheless prepared for the entry on a massive scale by cleaning and decorating the buildings and streets along the entry route. (54) Spectatorship by almost all citizens on the day of the entry was virtually guaranteed, because the city forbade shops to open or any business to take place. (55)

When it came to transferring this broad communal effort to print, the work performed was inevitably distilled into the designs made by Plantin's illustrators. Hans Vredeman de Vries was the individual who brought the two productions together. In 1582 he requested payment for "his service as to the invention, order, and direction of the spectacles in regard to the entry of His Highness." (56) The request further indicates that he supplied drawings of the entry inventions, figures, spectacles, poincten (examples), theaters, and arches to the city registrar "pro forma and perfectly drawn in order to be printed." (57) He also provided descriptions of the spectacles he created, to be included in the book's text or as a means to composing it. (58) Vredeman de Vries's participation in the book's design draws a connection between the organization of the entry and of the book, indicating that La Joyeuse & Magnifique Entree was meant to have a direct, material correlation to the event. And although the archives reveal that both Vredeman de Vries and Peeter Leys, his fellow stadschilder, walked in a place of honor during the procession, this is not recorded for posterity in Plantin's publication. (59) This omission is consistent with the overall hesitancy, evident on many levels, to celebrate any one individual in the printed version of the event.

Collaboration on La Joyeuse & Magnifique Entree occurred on a number of levels, from the preparatory drawings for the illustrations, the cutting of the plates, and the drafting and typesetting of the text, to the printing and distribution of the finished books. Since Vredeman de Vries's artistic practice was largely limited to architectural, perspectival, and ornamental design, it is probable that the material outside of his usual specialty, such as the topographic views, figural compositions, and ommegang wagons fell to another artist. Abraham de Bruyn and Peeter van der Borcht, two regular Plantin workshop collaborators, are the most likely design and engraving collaborators. (60) De Bruyn, who had previously illustrated a number of figural costume books and equestrian portraits, likely completed views with these emphases, while Van der Borcht and two additional unidentified etchers may have completed the ommegangen wagons and topographic vistas. (61)

The widescale collaboration evident in the production of both the procession and the printed book indicates that the city's investment in the event was a material one, in the sense that it relied heavily on both economic and human resources. The material investment manifestly affected the symbolic power of the book for its audience, which was partially made up of the very community that it sought to illustrate. The book therefore contained not only ideals about Antwerp as a community in 1582, but also recorded the real, material collective efforts that poured into it. The popularity of the commemorative fete book as a genre is evident by the brisk sale of two smaller, quarto versions of the text (sans illustrations) from Plantin's walk-in retail shop in the months following the procession. (62) Sold at a lower price in Dutch, as well as in French, the book catered to a local audience of participants, spectators, and other interested parties. Though the motivations for individual ownership cannot be determined with any certainty, a healthy local interest in publications such as these must be considered one of the leading financial motivations for their continued publication. Because publications, like processions, were expensive undertakings that involved financial risk, an inherently collaborative production was an important factor in determining a guaranteed market.

With all this emphasis on the city, one might wonder where the Duke d'Anjou fit into this elaborate collaboration. There is no indication that the duke took any interest in the production of the book other than the purchase of a copy by one of his deputies on 8 May 1582. (63) The author neither proclaims the duke's participation nor, for that matter, dedicates the book to him. In fact, as stated earlier, the text does not announce an author or organizing agent in any capacity. The lack of declared authorship is a conspicuous omission, especially in the context of previous and subsequent fete books produced in Antwerp. In every case before and after 1582, the authorship of a learned city secretary--such as Cornelis Grapheus in the 1549 edition and Joannes Bochius in the 1594 and 1599 editions--served as an important proclamation of the erudition and legitimacy of the publication. (64) The major organizer in 1582, Hans Vredeman de Vries, was not the author, nor did he have the stature of a city secretary. He was, however, a frequent beneficiary of the patronage of William of Orange, having designed an elaborate monument to the prince for his largely unpublicized entry into Antwerp in 1577. (65)

The archives reveal that the author of Plantin's 1582 volume was Petrus de Villiers, who received a payment in wine for composing the narrative of the book. (66) De Villiers was the Prince of Orange's closest counselor, a Protestant, and best-known for drafting Orange's infamous Apology in 1580, which denounced the sovereignty of the King of Spain. In addition, another secretary to the Prince of Orange, Baudewijn van Barlecom, translated some of the spectacle descriptions from Flemish into French. (67) While it was one thing to highlight Orange's participation in the event, it may have been another to suggest that he or his agents, rather than the city itself, played a significant role in the book's authorship. The omission of de Villiers's name may indicate the collaborators' hesitation to present the appearance that the city's reception of Anjou was based on any motivation other than his righteous and legal claim to the duchy. Politics, religious sectarianism, and outside influences thereby suspended, the book could function as a civic document of true events.

That so many parties worked on the book's production indicates that its potential power to persuade was not taken lightly. The book was deemed a useful tool in influencing public perception, one that could presumably broadcast the appropriate version of civic identity. Civic approval was demonstrated by the city magistrate's purchase of seventy-four copies of the folio shortly after its completion--for, although the magistrate had commissioned the book, they still paid Plantin per book. (68) Given the total of 420 folios sold by Plantin in 1582, seventy-four is quite a significant number, outnumbering the total books sold to England that same year. It is safe to assume further that the civic body distributed many of the seventy-four copies to politically advantageous connections. The viewing experience of such books was likely a group activity, so that at any point of distribution the illustrated version may have gained multiple, rather than individual, viewers. The magistrate's purchase must be considered a corporate statement of belief in the book's effectual power to document and proclaim the duke's legitimacy. The purchase further indicates how closely the successful reception of the duke was bound to civic identity, as manifested in collective public ritual. But the book undoubtedly functioned on many different levels, evident by the purchase of twelve copies of the folio by the Antwerp civic fortifications masters. This purchase suggests the importance of the illustrations in documenting the technological novelty and achievement of the civic defense system in 1582. (69)

The book obtained an international audience in England, France, and Germany, three territories having various levels of engagement with both the struggle in the Low Countries and the Duke d'Anjou. (70) Within political circles in each of the three territories, Anjou's ascendancy could have signified the return to peace, and the removal of Spain, the potential for dynastic and economic expansion, and the quieting of religious discord in favor of tolerance. With these issues at stake, it may have been to the advantage of the organizers to promote some level of ambiguity, allowing the various audiences to decide for themselves whether Anjou's power was real, or whether he was simply a puppet of Orange and the States General (the latter a perception that would have been largely correct). Details such as the omission of de Villiers's name served to avoid the appearance that any one entity held more sway than another. The presentation of the book as a product of collective effort was therefore not just an idealized version of the community, but also a political tool.

By neutralizing politics and allowing the book to operate as a broad civic statement, the visual rhetoric of the book took primary importance in furthering the goals of the collaborators. Ideally, of course, the visual re-creation of Antwerp's ritual investiture of Anjou would function to create an expanded community of viewers who participated in the entry's perpetual enactment and legitimization. Through the strategies of representation, these viewers were indoctrinated into Antwerp as a community. The community of viewers could both take part in the communal consensus of Anjou's reception and join the city's fight for preservation. In responding to their audience in this way, the collaborators could also encourage partnerships in the civic journey toward prosperity. With this idealism, the book shares its goals with the entry itself, attempting to make ritual and community stronger in the definition of Antwerp's future than the vicissitudes of politics, religion, and war.

The emphasis on the collective presentation of La Joyeuse & Magnifique Entree reveals an epistemological foundation of ritual processions and how they functioned effectively: they were communal activities, freely undertaken by the participants, that represented collective, rather than individual concerns. (71) Bias and pronounced political and sectarian influences could negate the integrity of ritual activity. (72) The transfer of this value system from the procession to the book derives from the analogous means of production of each of the two media. In a broader sense, the book signifies an important validation of print by its producers as a highly effective tool in the journey toward communal definition, one that would increasingly rival ritual itself in the formation of new and enduring identities. The advantages that print had over ritual were obvious. By providing a fixed version of the event, a closed, unambiguous argument about the duke's legitimacy, and the possibility of distribution, print was now a crucial partner with ritual in the diffusion of Antwerp's collective thoughts about itself. As a distributed object, the book could also function as a visual guide and stimulus to the correct practice of ritual in other contexts.


The final etching in the book offers a view of the duke taking his oath to the city in Antwerp's political center, the Groote Markt (fig. 16). Facing the chariot of the Maid of Antwerp, and surrounded by the guild buildings, militia, and city burghers, the city itself encircles the duke within civic space and within civic political and social power. The twenty-one illustrations begin with Antwerpia, and end with this scene: two panoramas that position the duke spatially in regard to the city. The overall structure designates the duke's journey as one from outsider to insider. The duke, thus embedded into the community, was thereby challenged to uphold the virtues of Concord as presented in the Maid's chariot; his role was also circumscribed, for it is clear that it is only within the boundaries of the city, so defined, that his power could have any meaning. Of course, Anjou's tenure at Antwerp ended with the most blatant breach of these boundaries possible, the unleashing of his troops upon Antwerp's citizens. That event, followed closely by Anjou's death and the assassination of the Prince of Orange, cast the city toward its inevitable capitulation to Spain in 1585.

La Joyeuse & Magnifique Entree is a compelling visual document of the collaborative search for effective visual terms by which the community could be presented in 1582. These innovations must be understood to respond to the political exigency of the validation of the transfer of sovereignty to the Duke d'Anjou, as well as to civic aspirations. Political agency on the part of the collaborators should not be overlooked: to a large extent, their portrayal of the ideal civic community was distributed in order to affect that community through future diplomacy. While the book's collaborators could not have known the short and disastrous outcome of their alliance or the future downfall of their hopes, the innovations in the book do reveal the stresses and aspirations of a community that in reality was far from the ideal it represented.



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Thijs, Alfons K. L. "Private en openbare feesten: communicatie, educatie en omgaan met macht (Vlaanderen en Brabant, 16de-midden 19de eeuw)." Volkskunde 101, no. 2 (2000): 81-145.

______. "De Antwerpse Ommegang in 1599." Volkskunde 102, no. 1 (2001): 35-52.

Thofner, Margit. "The Court in the City, the City in the Court. Denis van Alsloot's depictions of the 1615 Brussels ommegang." Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek (Hof-Staats- en Stadsceremonies) 49 (1998): 185-208.

______. "Marrying the City, Mothering the Country: Gender and Visual Conventions in Johannes Bochius's account of the Joyous Entry of the Archduke Albert and the Infanta Isabella into Antwerp." Oxford Art Journal 22, no. 1 (1999): 1-28.

Vandenbroek, P. Rondom plechtige intredes en feestelijke stadsversieringen: Antwerp 1594-1599-1635. Antwerp, 1981.

Van Der Stock, Jan, ed. Antwerp: Story of a Metropolis, 16th-17th century. Ghent, 1993.

______. Printing Images in Antwerp: The Introduction of Printmaking in a City: Fifteenth Century to 1585. Rotterdam, 1998.

______. "Ambiguous Intentions, Multiple Interpretations: An 'Other' Look at Printed Images from the Sixteenth Century." Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek (Prentwerk 1500-1700) 52 (2001): 19-29.

Van de Velde, Carl. "Hans Vredeman de Vries und die Triumphalen Einzuge in Antwerpen." In Hans Vredeman de Vries und die Renaissance im Norden, ed. Heiner Borggrefe, Vera Lupkes, Paul Huvenne, and Ben Van Beneden, 81-88. Munich, 2002.

Van die blijde Incoemste des aldermachtichsten Conincx va(n) Spae(n)gienende van Engelant, onsen ghenadighen Prince ende Heere, binnen die Stadt van Antwerpen, end van die triumphe af daer ghedaen. Antwerp, 1556.

Voet, Leon. De Gouden Eeuw van Antwerpen: bloei en uitstraling van de metropool in de zestiende eeuw. Antwerp, 1973.

______. The Plantin Press (1555-1589): A Bibliography of the Works Printed and Published by Christopher Plantin at Antwerp and Leiden. 6 vols. Amsterdam, 1980-83.

Vroom, W. H. "Monogrammist M. H. V. H., De Blijde Inkomste van Anjou te Antwerpen, 1582." Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 37, no. 3 (1989): 185-90.

Williams, Sheila, and Jean Jacquot. "Ommegangs anversois du temps de Bruegel et de Van Heemskerk." In Fetes de la Renaissance II, Fetes et ceremonies au temps de Charles Quint, ed. Jean Jacquot, 359-87. Paris, 1960.

Wintroub, Michael. "Civilizing the Savage and Making a King: The Royal Entry Festival of Henri II (Rouen, 1550)." Sixteenth Century Journal 29, no. 2 (1998): 465-94.

Zanger, Abby. "Betwixt and Between Print and Performance: A New Approach to Studying Moliere's Body of/at Work." In French 'Classical' Theatre Today: Teaching, Research, Performance, ed. Philip Tomlinson, 117-38. Amsterdam, 2001.

* Earlier versions of this article were presented at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conference (20-23 October 2005) and "Formulating a Response: Methods of Research on Italian and Northern European Art 1400-1600," a conference at the University of Leiden (20-23 May 2006). I thank the participants at each for their comments and suggestions. Thank you as well to Dirk Imhof and Karen Bowen in Antwerp for their guidance through the Plantin archives. I am grateful to my advisor, Mark A. Meadow, for his insight and guidance on my dissertation, of which this research forms a part. I am also indebted to Mary Bergstein and to two anonymous Renaissance Quarterly readers for their helpful insight. This research was funded by grants from the Fulbright Foundation, the Belgian American Educational Foundation, and The Metropolitan Museum of Art. The Professional Development Fund, The Rhode Island School of Design, generously assisted with imaging costs.

(1) Copies consulted: R18-25, Museum Plantin-Moretus (MPM); LP 9.389.C, Bibliotheque Royale Brussels (BRB); 41.117, The Metropolitan Museum of Art (MMA); Dh811.A64 I5x 1582 Hay Library (Military Collection), Brown University; Dutch quarto version K81740 Stadsbibliotheek Antwerpen (SBA).

(2) The French quarto version was made available at the same time as the folio. It took approximately one additional month for the Dutch translation to appear in Plantin's business records on 16 May: MPM, Archive 60 (Journal 1582), fol. 80r.

(3) While the attribution to De Bruyn is longstanding, that to Peeter van der Borcht is my own. I would like to thank Dr. Nadine Orenstein for consulting with me on this attribution. On van der Borcht's book illustrations, see Mielke and Mielke. The designs have also been attributed to Crispijn van den Broeck, due to his initials on the title page; however, the title page was a recycled one, previously used by Plantin for his 1582 edition of Guicciardini. For discussions of the artistic attributions of the volume, see Delen, 2:160-61; Voet, 1980-83, 2:951-53; Peters, 48-52.

(4) Plantin had been the official printer to the city of Antwerp since 1579, and as part of his duties published civic ordinances for the magistrate. The first payment to Plantin for his services as city printer can be found in Stadsarchief Antwerpen (SAA) Rekenkamer R20 (1579-80), fol. 168r.

(5) While the literature on Renaissance courtly and civic festivals is vast, that addressing the resulting publications is less so. Recent case studies include Jouhaud; Saslow; Arnade; Nussdorfer; Wintroub; Meadow, 1998 and 1999; Ramakers; Schrader; and Thofner, 1999.

(6) For a discussion of this phenomenon in a different context, see Brown, 165-92.

(7) On the Calvinist Republic, see Marnef.

(8) For a full discussion of the intricacies of the negotiations, see Koenigsberger, 296-310.

(9) See Holt, 159-60.

(10) Ibid., 162-63, 166.

(11) For a discussion of the blijde inkomst ceremony at Leuven, see Vandenbroek, 20-22.

(12) Two exceptions were the English and the Hanseatic merchant nations, who marched in the procession but did not contribute triumphal arches.

(13) La joyeuse & magnifique entree, 13

(14) For important discussions of the format and political significance of public processions in the Southern Netherlands, see Soly, 1984a and b; Thijs, 2000.

(15) Meadow, 1998, 52-53, discusses the custom of processing along the ancient boundaries of the city.

(16) See a detailed discussion of this concept in ibid., 43-48, 50-53. See Manley on the feminine persona of cities. See also Thofner, 1999, on the adjustments made when a female entered the city in 1599.

(17) SAA Rekenkamer 23 (1582-83), fol. 281'. The reckoning refers to "two repetitions." The young woman would have ridden the cart on the day of the entry and during the final ceremony in the Groote Markt, which occurred four days after the entry.

(18) de Villiers, 1582b, 26: "Ce chariot estoit appelle CHARIOT DE L'ALLIANCE."

(19) Ibid., 28: "Signifiant que la Seigneurie de ces Pais est ostee au Roy d'Espaigne, pour ses sermens violez par tyrannies, & concussions abominables."

(20) La joyeuse & magnifique entree, 29.

(21) Ibid., 33-34. The device in Latin reads "Fovet, et Discvtit."

(22) The etching does not depict the iconography as described: it further omits an entire section described in the text, in which a well-tilled field (Cherish) is compared to a depiction of military conflict (Chase). The barrenness of the etching places emphasis on the arch as an architectural element, while suggesting that the viewer might have been expected to fill in the missing information. Active engagement of this sort with fete books is evident in a copy of the 1594 entry book for the entry of Duke Ernest into Antwerp: Joannes Bochius, Descriptio publicae gratulationis spectaculorum et ludorum, in adventu seremiss. Principis Ernesti ArchidVcis Avstriae (BRB: VB 10269), which contains period notations in brown ink. The owner underlined the major iconographic descriptions, marked some of the images, and made a list of the chronology in the back of the book. This phenomenon is discussed by Van Der Stock, 2001.

(23) De Burbure dates the origins of the ommegangen in the late thirteenth century based upon archival notations; Joukes, 29-31, places the origins in the fourteenth century.

(24) Two other ommegangen occurred in Antwerp, the Holy Sacrament in May, and St. George's Day in the autumn; however, the more elaborate and inclusive events were the two discussed. In addition to De Burbure and Joukes, the Antwerp ommegangen have been the subject of other scholarly works: see Prims, 3-21; Williams and Jacquot. See also Thijs, 2001.

(25) Joukes, 127-28.

(26) Critical to my understanding of this concept has been Mullaney's discussion of civic processions in Renaissance London.

(27) SAA Privilegekamer Pk. 2195, fols. 31v-41v. Peeter Leys (d. 1585) and Christiaen van den Queecborne (1515/21-78), the incumbent city painters, signed the inventory, further indicating the management of those city assets by that office.

(28) Ibid.

(29) Of the secular and mythological wagons, those inventoried but not included in the 1582 entry were: Nerius and Dorius, the Ship, the Palace of Nations, Paris and Venus, Juno and Pallas, and Diana and her Nymphs. The religious wagons were the Maagdenberg (Virgin's Mountain), Kaiser Augustus and the Sybil, the Queen of Sicily, the Annunciation, the Visitation, Nativity, the Three Kings, the Holy Circumcision, the Holy Trinity, and the Last Judgment.

(30) Guicciardini, 62-64.

(31) La joyeuse et magnifique entree, 32.

(32) Examples are Georg Pencz's Triumphs of Petrarch, Maarten van Heemskerck's Triumph of Patience (1559), and the Triumphs of Caesar by Andrea Andreani after Andrea Mantegna, 1559. Gerard de Jode published a classical procession of unknown date, Amplissimi ornatissimique triumphi.

(33) A painted woodcut by Jan Mollijns depicting this event is in the collection of The British Museum: see Voet, 1973, 34. Another elephant named Emanuel, also belonging to the King of Portugal, apparently visited the city in 1563: see Roobaert.

(34) The Sea Monster wagon appeared in the 1550s, after a whale became stranded in the Scheldt River near Antwerp: see Joukes, 31. Beached whales on Netherlandish shores had both prodigious and scientific interest in the period, and found their way into engravings by Jacob Matham and Jan Pietersz Saenredam in the 1590s.

(35) See Hummelen. A manuscript describing this event and illustrating the stages erected is extant at Valenciennes, Bibliotheque Municipale, nr. 805 (old nr. 600). A printed, unillustrated account of the 1556 event is in the SAA, pamfletten, 29/1, Van die blijde Incoemste des aldermachtichsten Conincx va(n) Spae(n)gien ende van Engelant, onsen ghenadighen Prince ende Heere, binnen die Stadt van Antwerpen, end van die triumphe af daer ghedaen (Antwerp, Anthonis vander Haeghen, 1556).

(36) The description of the wagon is found in de Laet.

(37) The images for Georg Braun and Franz Hogenberg's Civitates Orbis Terrarum were in large part designed by the Antwerp artist Joris Hoefnagel. Hoefnagel's designs depict cities with combined birdseye and axonometric views. His images show profiles of the most notable buildings, but the architecture is, in general, subordinate to foreground scenes depicting particularities of the region, such as costumes and everyday life.

(38) Frugoni, 3, discusses how Isidore's definition reflects the earlier writings of both Saint Augustine and Aristotle. For further reading on this subject, see Swan; Nuti; Lynch.

(39) Petrus Apianus, Libro de cosmographia chap. 4, Antwerp, 1548; translated by Kagan, 78.

(40) An additional example is Guicciardini, a largely textual chorography that offered a particular history of each city in the Netherlands.

(41) Print culture allowed the widespread sharing of new developments in defense technology; specialized volumes on the science of defense appeared with increasing frequency in the late sixteenth century. See, for example, Pasino, published by Christopher Plantin in 1579.

(42) Vredeman de Vries served as surveyor of fortifications for the city of Antwerp from 1575 to 1586. See Fuhring, esp. 9-14. The archival notation for the fortifications drawings is SAA, Inv. ICO 26.176. The drawings are illustrated and discussed in Borggrefe et al., 295-96, cat. 134.

(43) La joyeuse et magnifique entree, 15: "Ce Theatre estoit dresse vers lecoing du Chasteau, ayant l'ouuerture vers la ville: tellement que S. Alt. y estant, il pouuoit d'une veue descouurir la ville & le chasteau, co(n)siderer les contrescarpes, les beaux fossez remplis d'eaue profonde a fond de cuue, reuestus des deux parts de pierre de taille, les grands & beaux bastions, les murailles belles a veoir & espesses, & des larges rampars ornez d'arbres plantes; tellement qu'il semble d'vne petite forest."

(44) For important discussions of the architectural and political significance of the decorations of this and other joyous entries in the Southern Netherlands, see Roeder-Baumbach; McClung; Hummelen.

(45) This departure is also noted by McClung, esp. 89-90; and by Thofner, 1999, esp. 1. It should be noted that images depicting participants and spectacles within a fully-realized civic environment appear with more frequency in painted, rather than printed, commemorations of joyous entries. An important example is the series of paintings commissioned to commemorate Anjou's entry by the Monogrammist M. H. V. H., two of which survive, one in the collection of the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, and another in a private collection in Brussels. Depicting the duke and his entourage surrounded by particular civic groups and civic architecture and entering the arch from the Hoogstraat, the Rijksmuseum painting offers a fully-realized descriptive view of the event. The discrepancies between painted and printed versions of events merit further consideration, falling, however, beyond the scope of this essay. See Vroom; Van Der Stock, 1993, 266-67, cats. 118-19. For additional painted examples of a detailed ommegang in the seventeenth century, see Thofner, 1998.

(46) See Meadow, 1998; Meadow, 1999, esp. 4-6, Kuyper was the first to identify Serlio as the source for many of the entry designs.

(47) For a fascinating approach to this question, see Zanger, 117-38. Boureau, 285-86, also skillfully navigates this issue in relation to printed emblem books. The transformation from public to private spheres is part of the discourse inaugurated by Habermas.

(48) The Giant appears in a woodcut in Grapheus's account of Philip II's joyous entry in 1549.

(49) Jan Van Der Stock directed me to Baltens's request for this payment from the city: SAA, Privilegiekamer, 660 (Requestboek, 1582), fol. 51r, 4 April 1582. Van Der Stock also determined that Baltens composed the request in rhyme. For further information about Baltens's politics and his participation in the events surrounding Anjou's joyous entry, see Van Der Stock, 1998, 158-72.

(50) The original expense list is in SAA, Privilegekamer, Pk. 1627. The expense list was published in a curiously incomplete form by Gielens. The payments from the Rekenkamer are in SAA Rekenkamer 23 (Stadsrekening 01.04.1582-31.03.1583).

(51) SAA Rekenkamer 23.

(52) Ibid., fols. 289v-290r.

(53) The city records from 1583 are full of requests for payment from artists and craftsmen yet to be paid by the city for work performed.

(54) The city commanded the cleaning of steps, windows, and streets via a number of public ordinances. Extant examples of such ordinances include that of 28 September 1585 (see MPM, Gheboden Book 1844, no. 22214) and another of 7 December 1599 on the occasion of the entry of the Archduke Ferdinand and Archduchess Isabella into Antwerp (MPM Gheboden Book 1843, no. 365.)

(55) Various Geboden (civic commands) throughout the period call upon citizens to cease working on the days of processions: for example, gebod of 19 March 1582 calling for a prayer procession (MPM Gheboden Book 2010, I, no. 4); gebod of 25 January 1586 calling for a general procession (MPM Gheboden Book 1843, no. 342); gebod of 13 May 1594 on the occasion of the entry of Ernest into Antwerp (MPM Gheboden Book 1843, no. 311).

(56) SAA Rekwestboek 1582, Pk. 660, fol. 47.

(57) Ibid., fol. 47v. Transcribed in Van de Velde, n. 10. Van de Velde, 81-90, provides an account of Vredeman de Vries's participation in the entry design.

(58) Fuhring, 48: nos. 460-69, attributes the designs for plates 2, 6-7, 9-10, 12, 14, and 16-18 to Vredeman de Vries.

(59) Vredeman de Vries and Leys were provided with special vestments to wear during the procession as indication of their status. The garments are noted on the city's expense list: SAA, Priviligiekamer 1627, fol. 9: "Idem aen peeter [begin strikethrough]end[end strikethrough] Leys ende Hans du vriese / stadtschilders geleuert vstellen s(f)aueyt laeken dellen tot vier gulden ... / carmosyn."

(60) See n. 3 above.

(61) De Bruyn was in exile in Cologne in the 1570s, but returned to Antwerp after the departure of the Spanish army in 1577. Examples of De Bruyn's output include fifty plates depicting horsemen in ornamental frames, Equitum Descriptcio, Quomodo Equestres, 1576, which includes an equestrian portrait of William of Orange (partially illustrated in Hollstein, vol. 4, nos. 139-92; the portrait has also been attributed to the Van Doetecum brothers: see ibid., 47, 335); forty-eight plates depicting Costumes, Imperii ac Sacerdotii Ornatus, Diversarum item gentium vestitus, 1578 (ibid., nos. 193-241); fifty-eight plates depicting international men and women, Omnium Pene Europae, Asiae, Aphricae Atque Americae Gentium Habitus. Trachtenbuch der Furnembsten Nationen und Volker Kleydungen, 1577 (ibid., nos. 248-306); and seventy-six plates depicting knights on horseback, Diversarium gentium armature equestris, 1576 (ibid., nos. 307-82). De Bruyn was also an illuminator. Plantin paid him for painting a copy of the Anjou book: MPM 60 (Journal 1582, 3 May, 16 May), fols. 73v, 80'.

(62) The local audience was reconstructed from the journal and "boutique" records at the archives of the Museum Plantin-Moretus, Antwerp. For a full accounting of the local audience, see Peters.

(63) MPM 60 (Journal 1582), fol. 76r: "A Monsr le Premier de Son Altese / 1 Joyeuse Entree f(ol)." The duke did, however, commission an illuminated prayer book on the occasion of his entry from the esteemed local artist, Hans Bol. A number of the illustrations recall the entry festivities and depict the city of Antwerp: see Van Der Stock, 1993, 268, cat. 120.

(64) Bochius 1594 and 1599. Hendrik de Moy, city secretary of Antwerp in 1582, served on an oversight committee along with four other civil servants, but, as far as can be ascertained, played a very minor role overall. For his appointment to the committee, see Genard, 1863-64, 24:311.

(65) A drawing from 1578 provides a model for this commission, but it is not clear whether the monument was ever executed: see Borggrefe, et al., 297, cat. 136a.

(66) Genard, 1863-64, 374 (Collegial Actenbook, 1582).

(67) SAA Rekenkamer 23 (1582-83), fol. 243v.

(68) Ibid., fols. 272r-v.

(69) MPM Archive 60 (Journal 1582), fol. 85r: "Aux mres de la fortifications / 12 Joyeaux entree f(olio)."

(70) For a recounting of the specifics of the international audience, reconstructed from Plantin's daily business journals at the Museum Plantin-Moretus, see Peters.

(71) Although examples of ritual processions with forced participants, such as the auto de fe, certainly exist, in Antwerp force was contrary to the particular format, tradition, and function of civic processions.

(72) An extreme example of the avoidance of sectarianism arises in a speech by an unnamed member of the Reformed Church of Antwerp that appears at the end of Plantin's book. In it, the speaker avoids mention of sectarianism, focusing instead upon the importance of the arts and letters to a healthy society: see de Villiers, 1582b, 42-46.
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