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Predicting Elizabeth: prophecy on progress.

[T]he Tudor kings and Queens came and went about their public affairs in a constant atmosphere of make-believe, with a sibyl lurking in every courtyard and gateway, and a satyr in the boscage of every park, to turn the ceremonies of welcome and farewell, without which sovereigns must not move, by the arts of song and dance and mimetic dialogue, to favour and to prettiness.

--E.K. Chambers, The Elizabethan Stage, 107.

Hospitable practice is about the production of fantasies.

--Daryl W. Palmer, Hospitable Performances, 7.

WHEN Elizabeth visited her subjects on progress, she could expect to be greeted by someone eminent and, usually, fictitious. Characters from classical mythology, English legends, and medieval allegory welcomed the Queen to cities and castles. (1) In a number of cases, Elizabeth found that these characters either knew her future or had predicted her arrival long ago. Prophecy occurred in a number of different scenarios during progress entertainments. When prophets performed "in person" they tended to act as spokespersons for Elizabeth's hosts and participate in welcoming ceremonies. For example, George Gascoigne's account of the 1575 Kenilworth entertainments reports that Elizabeth was greeted there by the prophet "Sibilla," who praised the Queen, predicting a peaceful reign and a pleasant stay (91). (2) At Elvetham in 1591 a similar device was enacted (102--5). (3) The most consistent pattern, however, featured recited prophecies, rather than prophets themselves. This essay will discuss short devices performed at country houses that included predictions that the Queen's coming would achieve something or effect a change. In several instances, Elizabeth encountered characters who told her a story about the place she was visiting and a deed that needed to be accomplished there, a problem that must be solved--a maiden in peril or an old enchantment that needed breaking. According to an ancient prophecy, destiny had allotted this task to a famous royal lady who would one day appear. Now, with Elizabeth's arrival, the time had finally come. Elizabeth and the rest of the audience then witnessed the resolution of this situation.

The famous Kenilworth pageantry includes the first extant English example of such a device. Upon her arrival at the home of the Earl of Leicester, Elizabeth was greeted by the Lady of the Lake, who graciously offered her hospitality and her own service. As time passed, however, the Lady did not wait upon the Queen as she had promised. One day when Elizabeth passed by Kenilworth's lake, she met the sea god Triton, who explained why: the villainous Sir Bruce Sans Pite had laid siege to the poor Lady. But there was hope--Triton knew a prophecy of Merlin's, according to which the Lady of the Lake could be rescued by a maiden "worthier" than herself:
  Yea, oracle and prophecie,
  say sure she can not stande:
  Except a worthier maide then she,
  her cause do take in hand. (103)

Elizabeth had come just in time; her presence alone would drive the evildoer away. The Queen obligingly proceeded across the bridge that spanned the lake and the Lady, freed, sailed gratefully over to thank her. (4)

Devices like Kenilworth's are notable because they incorporated the Queen into an entertainment; the lack of attention they have received is, therefore, curious. Besides E. K. Chambers's glancing reference to sibyls quoted above, the only critic who seems to have noticed the frequency with which scenarios featuring prophecy appeared is Alice S. Venezky in Pageantry on the Shakespearean Stage. Venezky notes the Queen's role in this kind of pageant: "[T]he Queen served as the deus ex machina of many a progress show, even though her participation was limited ... Her royal presence proved the solution to innumerable complicated romances, narrated and enacted, which involved prophecies dependent upon the arrival of the paragon of virtue, beauty and sovereignty." (5) Though instances of the pattern were not quite "innumerable" in the entertainments that Elizabeth's nobility staged at their homes, six of the approximately fifteen extant accounts do include some variant of the device, which provokes the question of where their appeal lay. More was at stake in these situations than the "prettiness" Chambers mentions, though "favor" does approach the heart of the matter.

To investigate the popularity of these devices, I will adopt an approach that departs from the standard procedure for studying Elizabeth's progresses. Much recent scholarship on progress pageants quite reasonably situates them in their social and political contexts and tries to locate their subtexts. Digging beneath layers of stock shepherds, nymphs, and extravagant praise, critics find the imprint of individual situations. They make suggestions concerning the messages or impressions specific pageants conveyed to audiences familiar with the hosts, their homes, and their relationship with the Queen. Scholars such as Curtis Breight, William Leahy, and Susan Frye have added meaning to the sparse accounts we have left, which never tell us everything we want to know. What factors did particular hosts consider when they arranged entertainments? What messages hid in among the rhyming couplets? How did the Queen ready respond?

Yet while examinations of individual pageants have yielded intriguing results, it would be a mistake not to consider the set of country house entertainments as a group. The devices they included were shaped in similar ways by their common context. Despite the different circumstances of Elizabeth's hosts, they all participated in the central dynamic of the progress: the construction of bonds between the Queen and the people she visited. Elizabeth's summer travels cost money and aggravated many involved parties. But Elizabeth had compelling reasons to travel, and her subjects had compelling reasons to receive her. As Mary Hill Cole explains, Elizabeth benefited from showing herself before people who otherwise would never have laid eyes on their Queen: "Her public entertainments, speeches in welcoming towns, and open travel through the countryside allowed people to form an impression of Elizabeth as accessible and successful. As propaganda, the progresses fostered an appealing image of the Queen that won her the goodwill so necessary to her longevity and success as a monarch." (6) Besides generating a positive public image, progresses allowed her to become acquainted with nobles, aristocrats, and local leaders who came to court infrequently, if ever. She could promote her policies and learn about issues of concern in the counties she visited. She even had the opportunity to intervene directly in local affairs. (7) For nobles and cities along her route, she was an expense but a valuable one. A royal visit conferred prestige on a host while offering opportunities for developing a connection with the Queen and asking for favors. (8) Ultimately, summer travel benefited both Queen and hosts because of the space and time it made for building relationships between Elizabeth, her subjects, and their localities.

What I will call "prophecy devices" developed as an ingenious tool to function in this setting, for they suited the agendas that both the Queen and the host pursued. From the hosts' perspective, devices featuring prophecy contributed to the bond that they sought to create with the Queen during the brief but valuable period of time she inhabited their home territory. In an effort to make Elizabeth's visit to a particular spot distinct, progress pageants often emphasized the idea of "place"--prominent features of an area and/or estate. Prophecy devices represented an extreme version of this tactic: they encouraged the Queen to feel connected to a place by claiming that she was attached to it by the bonds of destiny. She was preordained to arrive at this very location--Kenilworth, for example--and effect some kind of positive transformation here. Although this claim had no basis in reality, it nonetheless helped tie Elizabeth to a place and its lord or lady by presenting their relationship in idealized terms. In addition to this feature of prophecy devices, because these entertainments depicted the fulfillment of what was in some cases a quite elaborate plot, their performance highlighted the host's careful management of the visit. Everything that occurred while the Queen sojourned at an estate reflected back on those who arranged it, and entertainments that included predictions allowed hosts such as the Earl of Leicester and Sir Henry Lee to demonstrate the skill and providence they had exercised in preparing for the sovereign. Turning to the Queen's perspective, prophecy devices broadcast a vision of herself that she traveled to convey. When Elizabeth "fulfilled" the predictions these devices featured, she promoted the fiction that she was intimately connected with the well-being of her kingdom on a local level. Via pageantry, Elizabeth provided peace and harmony wherever she went.

And yet, although these devices served both Queen and host in what at first seems to be a fairly equitable way, they nonetheless played a role in the constant struggle between Elizabeth and her most powerful subjects. Pageant rhetoric praised the Queen as a long-awaited savior, but the pageant plot embroiled her in a scenario of someone else's devising. Prophecy devices allowed the pageant's creators to script the Queen's behavior and, by extension, permitted the Queen's host to exercise a kind of control over her. Though actual control still lay in Elizabeth's hands, the devices put pressure on her to perform on command and thus shifted the balance of power in the host's direction. Although prophecy devices clearly held enough appeal for all parties involved that they cropped up repeatedly, my analysis suggests that their popularity derived at least in part from the manner in which they allowed subjects to become the Queen's director.

My focus on a particular pattern within these entertainments--the presentation of Elizabeth as a predestined savior--will necessitate the exclusion of some pageant prophecies. The pageantry performed in the cities and towns Elizabeth visited included prophecy occasionally, but since this civic pageantry did not, it seems, stage narratives in which Elizabeth fulfilled prophecies, I will not discuss it in detail. (9) My study will chiefly discuss the entertainments performed at six locations. The earliest two Elizabethan country house entertainments of which we have accounts--Kenilworth (1575) and Woodstock (1575)--both feature prophecy prominently. These houses were destinations on the same progress. At Kenilworth, Elizabeth was hosted by the Earl of Leicester and at Woodstock by Sir Henry Lee, a major figure in the development of Elizabeth's personal mythology. The years 1591 and 1592 also saw clusters of pageants that included various prognostications. (10) In 1591 Elizabeth visited the Cecil family at Theobalds, traveled next to Sussex where Anthony Browne, Viscount Montague, hosted her at Cowdray House, and then proceeded to Hampshire where Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, received her in the newly remodeled Elvetham. The 1592 summer progress included stops at Sudeley Castle, home of Giles Bridges, Lord Chandos, and Ditchley Manor, where Sir Henry Lee once again wove prophecies around the Queen.

Rigging the Tilt: Prophecy and the Continental Tournament

Prophecy was a traditional component of English pageantry, especially processions, which were naturally anticipatory in orientation and celebratory in function. In a number of cases, monarchs and other royal figures were posited as the fulfillment of preexisting predictions. Characters in the pageant composed to greet Henry VII at Worcester in 1486, for example, claimed that in him the ancient British king Cadwallader's line had returned, as predicted. (11) Forty-seven years later at Anne Boleyn's coronation entry, poetry recited during the event repeatedly hailed her as the Just Virgin out of Virgil's Fourth Eclogue who brings in a golden age. (12) Because posing as a longawaited hero or benefactor lent legitimacy and grandeur to a procession's honoree, predictions such as these suited the character of these events well. Paul Strohm usefully describes this dynamic in his study of Lancastrian political prophecy. He makes a distinction between the "prospective" and "retrospective" use of prophecy, arguing that "prediction," the anticipation of a prophecy's fulfillment, serves the disaffected best--groups of people who lack power and want major changes to occur. The declarations of reputable prophets can provide authorization for altered policies or leadership. In contrast, "[f]or those in power, or even with a fingerhold on power and seeking its consolidation, a retrospective emphasis on prophecy's fulfillment is far more serviceable." (13) The claim that a public figure had played a role in fulfilling a (positive) prophecy gave him or her pre-approved status; any shadows that lay over Henry's accession or Anne's marriage were dispersed by their association with Cadwallader and Astraea. Though it is clear that royal pageantry did not avoid prediction altogether, in these two instances an ancient prophecy leant authority to the figure who had supposedly fulfilled it, an authority that both Henry VII and Anne Boleyn urgently needed. (14)

Prophecy occupied a kind of natural place in royal celebrations. Yet because prophecy devices involved the enactment of a story, a closer parallel to the devices I will discuss lies in the tournaments performed throughout Europe in the sixteenth century that included predictions as part of their frame narratives. A festival held in the city of Binche in 1549 to honor Mary of Hungary, mother of the Hapsburg emperor Charles V, is a good example and demonstrates that prediction could, in fact, be an effective tool for a monarch--if a situation was properly managed. The tournament at Binche depended on an elaborate set-up: it began when Charles received messages informing him that Norabroch, an evil enchanter living nearby, had imprisoned a number of good knights. To rescue these knights, a champion must fight his way past obstacles to a location called "the Fortunate Isle," and claim there a sword engraved with the prophecy that he who possessed it would defeat the sorcerer. This prophecy proved to be more than mere embellishment of the backstory. A number of knights took part in the ensuing contest, but when one competitor known as the "Chevalier Ebre" finally won through to the Fortunate Isle, he found that the sword's prophecy contained a proviso: only a prince could bear it. In other words, Philip, Charles's heir, was the prearranged victor of the event. The disqualified--and surely disappointed--knight was forced to step aside, and, at the end of the tournament's second day, Philip claimed the sword and defeated the sorcerer. (15) Besides contributing to the atmosphere of romance, therefore, prophecy played a functional role in this situation--it, essentially, fixed the contest. The sword's prophecy ensured that the outcome of the tournament reflected the hierarchy the participants inhabited. Roy Strong argues that this pageant formed part of Charles V's continuing efforts to establish Philip as his successor in the face of opposition from the Estates. The prophecy device served as a useful stratagem in this context; within the fiction, Philip's supremacy was presented as divinely ordained. (16)

Two similar devices occurred during the tour the young French king Charles IX took of his kingdom with his mother, Catherine de' Medici from 1564-66. The journey attempted to promote harmony and royal power in a kingdom on the brink of another religious war, as Victor Graham and W. McAllister Johnson explain in their edition of pageantry from this royal expedition. (17) In a manner similar to the tournament at Binche, prophecies within tournaments at Fontainebleau and Bayonne motivated the events that ensued and designated the victor. At Fontainebleau, a messenger came to the king bearing a letter from two maidens held prisoner by an evil tyrant. The letter cited a prediction given by the enchantress Urganda that stated that they could only be freed through the valor
  De deux jeunes guerriers, dont les bras belliqeurs
  Ne se contenteront d'une seule province
  Et qui sont filz tous deux du plus vertueux prince
  Et du plus accomply aux armes que jamais
  On n'ayt veu, ou que veoir on pourra desormais. (18)
  (168, lines 58-62)

The maidens believed that Charles and his brother Alexander fit Urganda's description of the two princely warriors, sons of a virtuous and valiant father. The king and duke obligingly attacked the tyrant's tower and succeeded in freeing the prisoners. As Philip had done, when Charles and his brother Alexander participated in martial contests, prophecies provided a framework in which they could enact their eminence over all others in the kingdom. (19) Their destined success contributed to the impression of power and dominance the royal progress fostered.

The English entertainments I will discuss here did not copy their Continental counterparts exactly. Specifically, Elizabethan pageants involved a rather different form of royal participation. Charles and his brother took up arms and fought, as their father and Henry VIII had. (20) Prophecy devices gave the French king and his courtiers the opportunity to display their skills and immerse themselves in the mystique that medieval knighthood had accrued. Elizabethan writers, on the other hand, never asked the Queen to do anything very strenuous. Her presence alone--and, occasionally, her powers of perception--fulfilled predictions. The same basic pattern, nevertheless, directed the Hapsburg, Valois, and Elizabethan pageants: within a nostalgic enactment of romance, prophecy structured the plot and placed the royal family at its center. Philip, Charles, and Elizabeth were cast as long-foreseen saviors; they fought injustice and restored harmony. English writers may well have imported this scenario from Continental magnificences. (21) What gave the English entertainments their unique character was their context: they took place at the homes of prominent Elizabethans. As a result, interpreting these pageants requires taking into account the dynamic involved when Elizabeth entered domains held by her most powerful subjects.

Location, Location, Location

At the doors of Harefield House in 1602, "Place" greeted the Queen. This allegorical figure spoke of the transformations Elizabeth wrought wherever she went: "Doth not the presence of a Prince make a Cottage a Court, and the presence of the Gods make euery place Heauen?" (590). (22) Place maintained that the Queen's majesty altered the very definition of a locale, elevating it to a higher category of being. Place made a particularly appropriate welcoming committee, as the idea of location formed the foundation of Elizabeth's summer travels. As indicated above, the Queen found the challenges, discomforts, and expenses of summer travel worthwhile because it allowed her to learn about her kingdom and interact with people in places distant from Court. The Queen's hosts, meanwhile, found the challenges, discomforts, and expenses of the Queen's visit worthwhile--at least in theory--because of the opportunity a visit offered to develop a relationship with her. An aristocrat would never have easier access to her than when they lived under the same roof. Creating this relationship meant welcoming the Queen into one's estate and encouraging her to feel connected to it. Pageant entertainments relied on prophecy as one important means of creating that sense of connection.

A brief survey will show how heavily progress entertainments highlighted the idea of location. The emphasis is found, first, in commentaries upon the pageants. Helen Cooper notes that both Langham's Letter on Kenilworth's festivities and the Elvetham pamphlet begin by sketching the location, thus indicating its primary importance. (23) Langham's Letter opens with a description of the estate and contains much information on the improvements the Earl of Leicester had made to it. Langham details its spacious and well-lighted rooms, the gardens and their statuary, the aviary and the elaborate fountain (472-76). (24) He waxes so enthusiastic about the great variety of natural blessings on display in so small a space that he compares Leicester's garden to Paradise, "and though not so goodly as Paradis for want of the fayr rivers, yet better a great deel by the lak of so unhappy a tree" (477). The Elvetham pamphlet too begins with the pageant's location. The pamphleteer explains that he will first give the reader important background on Elvetham itself: "Before I declare the just time or manner of her Majestie's arrivall and Entertainment at Elvetham, it is needful (for the readers better understanding of everie part and processe in my discourse) that I set downe as well the conveniencie of the place, as also the suffising, by art and labour, of what the place in itselfe could not affoord on the sodaine, for receipt of so great a Majestie, and so honoruable a traine" (99). A description of the setting will enable the reader to understand the detailed account that follows and to appreciate the Earl of Hertford's achievements. Elizabeth's visit had posed a challenge since Elvetham was not Hertford's chief or largest house, the writer explains. The pamphlet goes on to list the Earl's extraordinary preparations, which included the addition of new rooms, the erection of buildings to accommodate Elizabeth's train, and the construction of an artificial pond for water shows (99-101). Included as well is a drawing of the lake and its islands to further aid the reader's imagination.

Emphasis on place is not only found in the pamphlet writers' descriptions but also within the entertainments themselves. Speeches from progress entertainments abound with references to particular places. At Kenilworth, Gascoigne reports, the opening ceremonies included a brief history of the castle delivered by the Lady of the Lake. She listed its various lords, beginning in Arthur's days, through Saxon, Danish, and Norman invasions and down to "he that's now" (94). She concluded by graciously offering the Queen her lake. Other pageants highlighted an area wider than a single estate. The entertainments that Lord Montague hosted at Cowdray, for example, comprehended the whole county. A Wild Man that Elizabeth met there described the inhabitants of Sussex: "The wall of this Shire is the sea, strong, but rampired with true hearts, invincible: where every private mans eie is a Beacon to discover: everie noble mans power a Bulwarke to defende" (91). (25) He turned a nearby oak into a metaphor for Sussex: "Here they are all differing in somewhat in degrees, not in duetie: the greatnes of the branches, not the greenesse" (91). He thus connected the main theme of the pageant--loyalty--to Cowdray's location. An emphasis on loyalty was necessary, critics believe, because of a significant regional characteristic that goes unmentioned--Catholicism. (26) Montague's entertainments maintained that the residents of Sussex had true hearts, not "hollowe" ones, as a Fisherman explained later in a speech (94). Sudeley's entertainments likewise characterized the general locale. Instead of a poet or a sibyl, Elizabeth was greeted there by a humble shepherd, who introduced his home: "These hills afoorde nothing but cottages, and nothing can we present to your Highnes but Shephards. The country healthy and harmeles; a fresh aier, where there are no dampes, and where a black sheepe is a perilous beast; no monsters; we carry our harts at our toungues ends, being as far from dissembling as our sheepe from fiercenesse" (136). (27) He described his countrymen as humble and rude but loyal--ideal subjects, in other words. All of the devices planned for the Sudeley entertainment featured shepherds, the writers both skillfully following pastoral conventions and highlighting Sudeley's location in the Cotswolds, a major wool-producing area.

Sir Henry Lee's entertainments differed from those at Cowdray and Sudeley; the devices at Woodstock and Ditchley did not mention the manors at which they were performed or the county, Oxfordshire, either. Ditchley did not even keep its name; the domain Elizabeth visited in 1591 was dubbed "The Manor of Love" (141). (28) Yet although Lee's pageants did not refer to the actual location of his entertainments, they nevertheless featured the idea of place--a place out of romance. Elizabeth lived, while she visited him, among knights, fairies, hermits, and shepherds who immersed her in an alternate reality. This strategy was only to be expected of such a prominent figure in the Queen's Accession Day tournaments, in which knights donned elaborate costumes and created heroic characters for themselves. (29) Frances Yates and Jean Wilson suspect that Lee devised the Woodstock and Ditchley pageantry himself. (30) Elaborate scenery constructed for the occasion assisted in presenting the romance world at Woodstock--more artificial scenery than, it seems, Kenilworth, Cowdray, or Sudeley employed. Elizabeth feasted in the home of a character named Hemetes the Hermit, a sylvan hall raised forty feet from the ground, surrounded by lattice, overhung by real trees and decorated with allegorical paintings (97-98). (31) In this setting Elizabeth received the Queen of the Fairies. While we do not know what scenery Ditchley's entertainments included, its writers also infused the landscape with imagination. The entertainment there concluded with the reading of a will in which the old retired knight Loricus, Lee's persona, bequeathed the Manor of Love to Elizabeth. The legacy allegorized each element of the estate. Woods, groves, and meadows became
  Woods of hie attemptes,
  Groves of humble service,
  Meddowes of greene thoughtes,
  Pastures of feeding fancies ... (141)

And so on. In this document the landscape was transformed until it epitomized the chivalric and courtly ideals Lee displayed in his pageantry.

As we do not have a full account of Woodstock's entertainments and the Ditchley accounts are fragmentary as well, it is, of course, possible that we have simply lost evidence of entertainments with more local flavor that occurred there. Lee's pageantry nonetheless appears to represent a strategy of highlighting place that differs from the approach the writers at Sudeley and Cowdray took. In his article, "'Something Nasty in the Wilderness': Entertaining Queen Elizabeth on Her Progresses," Michael Leslie points to this difference. Leslie distinguishes between country-house entertainments which were keyed to a specific place and those which seem generic. He argues that Elvetham's entertainment, in particular, could have taken place "anywhere in Early Modern Europe." (32) He is correct to note that Elvetham's nymphs, fairies, and shepherds did not owe any particular allegiance to Hampshire. Wilson makes a somewhat similar assessment of Elvetham's pageantry; she writes that its entertainments were set in "a place removed from the diurnal world." (33) This disconnection reveals the basic orientation of Elvetham's pageants and others like them. Devices such as those at Elvetham and Ditchley privileged the estate over the outside world. Creating a fairy tale around the Queen sealed her off from the area beyond the house and grounds; it suggested that the estate was a place apart and excluded the surrounding area from the magic circle. This tactic contrasts with the entertainments other pageants featured that referred to the county as a whole or gave the non-elite a role to play; at Kenilworth, for example, local people performed a comic bride-ale, and at Cowdray, the lord and lady of the manor danced with their tenants. (34)

Yet although certain pageants worked harder than others to insulate the estate and its royal visitor, both varieties highlighted the idea of location. Even the entertainments at Elvetham and Woodstock created a distinct impression of a place. Hertford's manufactured crescent moon pond and elaborate water show were designed to be memorable and indeed, according to the pamphleteer, Elizabeth assured the Earl that she would never forget her stay there (118). No pageant, furthermore, accurately reflected the "real" conditions of its setting--Louis Montrose points out that the rustic but loyal shepherds at Sudeley fail to mention that Lord Chandos was known to exploit his tenants. (35) Leahy similarly notes that the mock will read at Ditchley bequeathed pastures, woods, and arable land to Elizabeth that Lee denied his actual tenants through his policy of enclosure. (36) Whether or not it encompassed the land and people beyond an individual estate, pageantry did not seek to showcase the real world, but to create a striking ideal one, to particularize the entertainment with reference to an environment. (37)

Emphasizing location was a logical choice for the writers of progress entertainments. The Queen traveled, at least in part, to see and learn about her kingdom. Entertainments helped her do so by displaying unique features of particular places. In the process, hosts made their entertainments distinct. Both civic and private hosts wished to distinguish their stop on the Queen's itinerary from those before and afterwards and to create a lasting impression. As discussed above, a host might wish to request specific favors or to strengthen a relationship with the Queen more generally. In order for a host to achieve either goal, the Queen must enjoy her visit and remember it afterwards. Self-assertive Norwich appears to have succeeded. As Elizabeth left the city, the pamphlet records that she told the mayor, " 'I have laid up in my breast such good will, as I shall never forget Norwich;' and proceeding onward, did shake hir riding-rod, and said, 'Farewel, Norwich,' wyth the water standing in her eies." (38) A host could not hope for a better sign of success.

Within pageantry that stressed location, devices featuring prophecies played a strategic role. These devices contributed to the emphasis pageants laid on the idea of place because in every case, predictions involved both Elizabeth and a situation rooted in the locale she was visiting. In contrast to stage plays set in a location distinct from that of the actual performance, the narratives progress pageantry enacted took place in "real time" and "real space," so to speak, and their prophecies described scenarios destined to occur here and now. Each prophecy device maintained that predetermined events connected the Queen to the entertainment's location. One--and, possibly, the first--example of this conceit was Elizabeth's "long-foreseen" rescue of the Lady of the Lake at Kenilworth. For another example, when Elizabeth visited Cowdray in 1591, a Porter greeted her with joy. Gesturing towards the house, he explained the curse that afflicted it: "It was a prophesie since the first stone was layde, that these walles should shake, and the roofe totter, till the wisest, the fairest, and the most fortunate of all creatures, should by her first steppe make the foundation staid: and by the glaunce of her eyes make the Turret steddie" (88). He had vowed to watch faithfully until the savior arrived. Elizabeth clearly fit the bill, and at her approach the walls had finally steadied themselves. She played a savior again at Ditchley in 1592. This time, she came upon an old knight guarding a grove of trees. He stated that the trees were actually metamorphosized men and women: an enchantress had transformed them as punishment for the women's inconstancy. Like the Porter at Cowdray, the old knight awaited the fulfillment of a prediction:
  Yet in this night of our accursed state
  we doe but for that morninge star attend
  wich is apoynted by the secret fate
  to bringe this hard enchauntment to an end ... (127)

In accordance with this prophecy, Elizabeth's constancy overcame the deficiencies of the fickle lovers and they gratefully resumed their original shapes. In all of these devices, the Queen became linked to the unfolding drama and its locale--houses, ponds, groves of trees--via fictional predictions. Lee's pageants also used storylines involving prediction to tie Elizabeth to the romance realm they portrayed. The pageantry Lee sponsored--and, potentially, composed--at Woodstock included a long monologue given by the character Hemetes the Hermit, which concluded with the revelation that Elizabeth's presence fulfilled three prophecies at once. (39) Prophecy, in all of these cases, played the important, and almost ritualistic, role of incorporating the Queen into the world the entertainment featured. (40)

As the Queen encountered adventures with her name on them, she enacted a pattern derived from romance. Elizabeth, in an interesting gender reversal, became Lancelot or Galahad, arriving at a castle in the midst of his travels and finding that a problem awaited that only he could resolve. The pattern, in fact, appeared first at Kenilworth with a duo of Arthurian characters at its core: the Lady of the Lake and Sir Bruce sans Pite. These characters may have been suggested by the fact that Kenilworth had Arthurian associations--Sir Roger de Mortimer, who maintained the castle for Edward I, held a series of Arthurian-themed tournaments there in the thirteenth century. (41) Already, though, the eclecticism typical of the period was evident--instead of a damosel on a palfrey bringing the news of the Lady's plight, the Greek god Triton performed this function. Later pageants, such as those performed at Elvetham, also used the motif in classical and pastoral settings. (42) Romance patterns adapted easily and also suited the progress setting well-the Queen was, after all, on a journey. Wilson explains that progresses gave members of Elizabeth's court the opportunity to fit her life to the mythology that surrounded her: "Since her courtiers saw Elizabeth as a figure out of romance, they did their best to ensure that her life was as romance-like as possible. This, apart from the occasional Tilts, and the Christmas celebrations, was difficult at Court, where Elizabeth was above all the practical politician ... But on her numerous progresses the courtiers had the chance to arrange her life for her, and grasped it eagerly. Each Progress became a Quest." (43) And, like a knight on a quest, she had damsels to rescue and enchantments to end.

Options for connecting the Queen to an entertainment other than prophecy devices existed, of course. Some entertainments included direct requests. At Wanstead in Sir Philip Sidney's well-known Lady of May pageant, for example, Elizabeth met a young shepherdess who needed her help judging between two suitors. At Kenilworth, the god Sylvanus showed her trees that he claimed were the metamorphosized lovers of the cruel nymph Zabeta. One tree sang a song aligning Elizabeth with Zabeta and asking the Queen to remain at Kenilworth forever or return him to his original condition and let him go (128-31 ). (44) But despite the possibility of alternatives, over and over again pageant characters cited predictions that the Queen would interact with the inhabitants of the places she visited and solve their problems. The popularity of the prophecy device arose, I believe, from the relational nature of predictions. Prophecy suggested that Elizabeth had a special relationship with the places she visited. Her presence, the entertainments claimed, allowed the locality to thrive and be at peace. Daryl Palmer writes that "[h]ospitable practice is about the production of fantasies." (45) The fantasy in this case was the claim that a bond of destiny tied Elizabeth and Kenilworth, Woodstock, or Cowdray together.

Because of this relational dynamic, enactment of the prophecy scenario served the interests of both Queen and host. From the host's point of view, the devices affirmed the Queen's relationship with his/her home, a relationship that the host, in all likelihood, wished to strengthen. In creating a fictional bond between the Queen and a residence, pageantry contributed to the actual bond that the visit was intended to fortify. From Elizabeth's perspective, pageantry conveyed a message she wished her progresses to send. In these pageant fantasies, instead of ruling a county through her ministers and local government, she affected each place in person. These devices harmonized, therefore, with a key priority of Elizabeth's, for the desire to make direct connections motivated her summer travel. Many critics emphasize the importance for Elizabeth of face-to-face interactions, and Cole shows that progresses enabled her to extend this style of governance beyond the court: "Through her visits, Elizabeth expressed a style of personal monarchy that depended upon direct contact with people important in their locality as well as at court." (46) A progress carried the Queen's personal rule into places that usually only experienced royal power secondhand. More specifically, the journeys promoted the idea that Elizabeth cared about local matters and desired an opportunity to intervene in them herself. Responding to this message, various groups took advantage of her visit to present petitions. Langham reports that at Kenilworth a group of men from Coventry asked permission to perform their traditional plays again (446-49). In 1573, Folkestone and Sandwich both sought funds to repair their harbors. Great Yarmouth petitioned the Queen for a fishing monopoly, and Worcester requested a charter for a number of guilds. Though Elizabeth did not grant all of these petitions, her subjects continued to present them, indicating that they believed the Queen's beneficence was available during a progress. (47) She was potentially willing to intercede personally. In devices such as those performed at Kenilworth and Ditchley, the Queen performed a version of this intercession. Pageant prophecy allowed the Queen, within the drama, to assist areas of her realm with which she did not often have direct contact. Symbolically they confirmed the necessity of her personal involvement in the affairs of the counties.

For both Queen and host, then, prophecy devices enacted an ideal dynamic in a ritualistic fashion. Wilson notes that the masque, a close cousin of the country-house pageant, seeks to actualize ideals through ritual; masques "[come] very close to an exercise in sympathetic magic: a hope that the quasi-religious ambiance of the masque, with its ritual dancing and singing may somehow, by invoking the image of the king-who-is, and who-should-be ... invoke it in him, so that he becomes what he is presented as being." (48) The participants of masques acted out the desired situation as a way of generating it. Similarly, through progress entertainments, Elizabeth and her hosts sought to alter conditions and perspectives through performance. As Elizabeth fulfilled imaginary prophecies she cemented real relationships and encouraged her subjects to see her as necessary and effective.

The "Appoynted" Plot

Noblemen and women who welcomed Elizabeth into their homes may have hoped that prophecy devices would strengthen their connection to the Queen. It should be noted, however, that from the host's point of view, these pageants had a drawback: to place Elizabeth at the center meant placing oneself out of it. The entertainments I have discussed claimed that Kenilworth, Elvetham, and Cowdray depended on the Queen--not on Leicester, Hertford, and Montague. When Elizabeth saved the Lady of the Lake and broke the curse on Cowdray's shaky walls, the estate's lord disappeared from the picture completely. Such a tactic seems counterintuitive, given that critics are increasingly discussing country-house pageants and the pamphlets that recorded them as assertions of independence, not dependence. Elements of the progress pageants praised the Queen, but others magnified her host, sometimes to the extent that the Queen was overshadowed, or even subtly challenged. Many critics have observed, for example, that the Kenilworth entertainments presented Leicester as the Queen's equal. Frye argues that the lineage that Kenilworth's pageantry constructed for the Earl elevated his status so that it would not appear reliant on the Queen, as it in fact was. (49) She also demonstrates that a number of devices planned for the event stressed male power and situations from the past in which Elizabeth had lacked power, such as her imprisonment in the Tower of London. (50) Though Elizabeth's relationship with Leicester was undoubtedly unique and no other peer could probably risk as much as he did, Breight locates similar dynamics in the Elvetham entertainment. He shows that the pageant pamphlet consistently seeks to "displace" Elizabeth from the center of attention in favor of Hertford himself. (51)

The centrality that prophecy-centered devices gave the Queen would have conflicted with an aristocrat's attempts to showcase his/her own wealth and power. And yet. I would argue, the devices themselves ultimately did not. Besides establishing a connection between the Queen and an estate, they contributed to the overall magnificence of a visit. They were not, therefore, counterproductive from the standpoint of self-promotion. If the entertainment proved to be well orchestrated and diverting, its success would reflect back on the host. This principle is well illustrated in Langham's Letter. Several times Langham mentions the lord's role as organizer and purveyor in glowing terms. He observes that "neyther offis nor obsequie ceassed at any time too the full, to perform the plot hiz honor had appoynted" (456). The bounty provided during the visit demonstrated that Leicester possessed "a magnifyk minde, a singuler wizdoom, a prinsly pers, and an heroical hart" (479). And when Langham imagines all of the gifts the gods donated to the visit, in terms of weather, wine, and music, he concludes enthusiastically: "[W]hat a magnificent Lord may we justly account him, that cold so highli cast order for such a Jupiter and all hiz Gods besid" (471). Critics have detected an ironic tone in Langham's praise--it seems a bit fulsome. But it nevertheless shows that pageants were read in terms of a host's management. Leicester had a "plot" in mind, a carefully formulated set of plans. Their implementation demonstrated his liberality and providence. (52)

The idea of "plotting" grows even more resonant in relation to prophecy devices, for here the host assumed the role of Providence itself--arranging and orchestrating events, dictating destiny. For a leading lady, the host had the Queen. Yet although the Queen only played herself, these devices placed her in an unusual position. Most of the predictions pageant devices contained did not belong to the "if ... then" category of prophecy. With the exception of the Elvetham device, they did not claim that "If the Queen performs x, then v result will occur." (53) Prophecy devices presented future events not as contingent and dependent on an evolving chain of events, but as categorical and preordained. (54) Y is destined to occur, no matter what. The providential structure that prophecy devices adapted from romance depended on the notion that a hero's fate was scripted. The title character in the thirteenth century Havelok the Dane, for instance, sets out to regain his birthright on his wife's counsel, which is inspired by an angel's prediction of his future glory. Driven by prophecy, Sir Thomas Malory's Galahad follows a detailed preordained itinerary from Camelot to Sarras, performing great deeds and accumulating holy objects. In The Faerie Queene, Providence directs Britomart's very gaze to fall upon her father's mirror and catch a glimpse of her future husband, while Merlin and her own dreams outline her future. These examples show that the price of starring in a providential drama is the overarching presence of a strict plan.

Within the pageants I have discussed here, Elizabeth found herself in just such a situation. Though prophecy devices seemed to give the Queen all of the power, someone else constructed the scenario in which she performed and presented it as inexorable destiny, giving it a certain weight. As a result, the entertainment's implicit director, the host, occupied a position of power relative to the Queen. I do not, therefore, disagree with Frye and Breight's claim that progress pageantry had an aggressive side: the Queen ultimately had more reason to feel threatened by the prophecy devices than her host did. Her future was taken out of her own hands. Admittedly, evidence that she was in fact troubled by the implications of the entertainments is lacking; the number of surviving prophecy devices testifies to their popularity and acceptability. And yet, in making the Queen the subject of a categorical prophecy, the pageants scripted her behavior--a power play more significant than any attempt to outshine or upstage her.


(1.) Many thanks to Mary Baine Campbell, Ramie Targoff, William Flesch, and Christopher Martin for reading and responding to different versions of this article.

(2.) Two different accounts of the 1575 Kenilworth entertainments were published. One was produced by the poet George Gascoigne, who had helped to compose the devices. For Gascoigne's text, The Princely Pleasures at Kenelworth Castle, I have used The Complete Works of George Gascoigne, vol. 2. (See the appendix for a list of the pageants quoted within this article and the editions I have used, civic entertainments excepted. For a complete list of the Elizabethan country-house pageants from which material survives, see the appendix to Bruce R. Smith's article, "Landscape with Figures: The Three Realms of Queen Elizabeth's Country-house Revels." His list is still fairly accurate, though new editions of several pageants have appeared since it was written and he locates a pageant in Woodstock in 1592 that is now believed to have taken place at Ditchley.) The other published version of Kenilworth's pageantry, called Langham's Letter, was ostensibly a letter written by a servant of the Privy Council, Robert Langham. A Robert Langham (or Laneham) did live at the time and did serve the Privy Council, but David Scott has argued convincingly that the letter is in fact a joke that parodies Langhanvs rambling and effusive manner of speech and was in fact written by William Patten, a writer who served as Teller of the Exchequer and was a friend of Lord Burghley. See Scott, "William Patten," 298.

(3.) For the Elvetham pageant, I have used Jean Wilson's Entertainments for Elizabeth I.

(4.) Of all the prophecy devices I will discuss, only the ones performed at Kenilworth have known authors. (R. W. Bond attributed the pageantry at Cowdray, Elvetham, and Sudeley to Lyly, but this attribution does not appear to have been accepted by other critics.) Gascoigne himself composed some of the poetry read during the pageants, and his pamphlet reports that "M Hunnys" "invented" both the Lady of the Lake's rescue and Sibilla's greeting. "M. Hunnys" was William Hunnis, who was Master of the Children of the Chapel Royal beginning in 1566. He wrote numerous plays that were performed at Court by the children he supervised. It would be very interesting to know if any of them resembled the devices at Kenilworth but unfortunately none of them survive. See Stopes, William Hunnis, 152. In general, little work has been done on the authors of country-house entertainments--Sir Philip Sidney's Lady of May and Gascoigne's contributions to Kenilworth excepted. The pageant pamphlets discourage such work--Gascoigne's account consistently records the authors of devices, but his is the exception. As a result, studies usually focus on the hosts of pageants, about whom we have more information and whose interests we can reasonably expect to find reflected in the pieces performed at their homes.

(5.) Vanezky, Pageantry on the Shakespearean Stage, 148.

(6.) Cole, The Portable Queen, 3.

(7.) Ibid., 2-3.

(8.) Ibid. See also Wilson, Entertainments for Elizabeth 1, 38-40; Bergeron, English Civic Pageantry, 15; and Leahy, Elizabethan Triumphal Processions, 58-59 on the purposes of the progresses.

(9.) For example, at Norwich in 1578 an actor portraying Queen Martia told Elizabeth that Fame had predicted that she would come there, and Mercury explained that Jove foresaw her coming (Nichols II, 148, 185).

(10.) This gap of fifteen years does not indicate a pause in Elizabeth's progresses. The Queen traveled steadily throughout her reign--see Cole's Appendix II for a list of the visits she made. The lack of prophecy devices between 1575 and the 1590s may indicate that the devices enjoyed periodic moments of popularity. It is also possible that records of other similar devices have simply been lost.

(11.) Ibid., 31.

(12.) Kipling, "'HeThat Saw It,'" 61.

(13.) Strohm, England's Empty Throne, 6-7.

(14.) Some examples of predictions within processions: when London welcomed (Catherine of Aragon as the bride of Prince Arthur, one pageant featured Katherine's (deceased) ancestor King Alphonso, the famous astronomer, predicting the marriage's success. When Edward VI ascended the throne, a song at his entry to London proclaimed that he would soon rule four kingdoms. Sec Anglo, Spectacle, Pageantry and Early Tudor Policy, 72 and 291. These predictions do not conform to Strohm's prospective/retrospective model, for although they forecasted the future they supported reigning powers instead of challenging them. In making predictions, however, they became vulnerable to the vagaries of real time; one is struck by their failure to describe actual history. As Anglo notes, "events had a way of treating the prognostications of these political plays with ungentle irony" (234).

(15.) Strong, Splendor at Court, 107-8. For more information on the Binche pageantry, see Barber and Barker, Tournaments, 134-35.

(16.) Strong, Splendor at Court, 109.

(17.) Graham and Johnson, The Royal Tour of France, 3.

(18.) ["Of two young warriors whose warlike arms / Are not content with one province alone / And who are both sons of the most virtuous prince / And the most accomplished in arms / That one has ever seen or henceforth ever will see"] (my translation).

(19.) For the Bayonne tilt see Graham and Johnson, 353-56.

(20.) Their father had, in fact, died of injuries he received in a tournament at a marriage fete.

(21.) Elizabeth owned a copy of the verses poet Pierre de Ronsard wrote for the Fontainebleau entertainments, including the imprisoned maidens' appeal. See Graham and Johnson, 48.

(22.) For the Harefield entertainment, I have used John Nichols's The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth, vol. III.

(23.) Cooper, "Location and Meaning in Masque," 143.

(24.) For Langham's Letter I have used Nichols, vol. I.

(25.) For the Cowdray pageant, I have used Wilson's Entertainments for Elizabeth I.

(26.) Wilson, 86. See also Breight, "Caressing the Great," 150.

(27.) For the Sudeley entertainment, I have used Nichols, vol. III.

(28.) For the Ditchfey pageant, I have used Wilson's Entertainments for Elizabeth I.

(29.) On Lee's participation in the Accession Day tournaments, see Chambers's Sir Henry Lee: An Elizabethan Portrait, ch. 5; Yates, Astraea, 88-104; Strong, Cult of Elizabeth, 129-34.

(30.) Yates, 97; Wilson, 125.

(31.) For the Woodstock pageant, I have used Cunliffe's The Queenes Majesties Entertainment at Woodstocke.

(32.) Leslie, "'Something Nasty in the Wilderness,"' 59.

(33.) Wilson, 97.

(34.) For the Bride-ale, see Nichols, vol. I, 441-49, and for the dance at Cowdray, see Wilson, 95.

(35.) Montrose, "'Eliza, Queene of shephcardes,'" 178.

(36.) Leahy, 134.

(37.) Country house entertainments shared a concentration on locale with progress entertainments taking place in towns and cities, which, Cole notes, highlighted "civic identity" (107). Several surviving accounts contain long and detailed history lessons to which the Queen was suhjected upon arrival. Speeches such as those at Coventry in 1565, Warwick in 1572, and Worcester in 1575 described the city's founding, related important past events, and explained the privileges it enjoyed, privileges which of course played an important role in a city or town's sense of itself (Cole 128). The entertainments at Norwich in 1578 serve as a good example. Elizabeth was greeted there by an actor playing "King Gurrunt," the legendary founder of nearby Norwich Castle (Nichols II, 138). The king intended to regale her on his history and the admirable qualities he and Elizabeth shared but was prevented by a rain shower (Nichols II, 141). Later in the day, children demonstrated Norwich's important industry, weaving. The pamphlet writer records that Elizabeth enjoyed the show very much (Nichols II, 145). And to continue with the theme, the City of Norwich itself appeared personified shortly afterwards (ibid).

(38.) Nichols II, 166.

(39.) The Hemetes device involved a complicated scenario and a long story. The beginning of the entertainment has unfortunately been lost. The remaining account begins with Elizabeth's discovery of pair of knights fighting as a lady and a hermit stood by. The Queen sat down to observe, and the hermit parted the knights, telling them that he had important information to impart. The hermit, Hemetes, proceeded to explain how they had all come together. His story included a pair of lovers who had been separated, a knight seeking a lady above his station, and himself, a blind hermit. Each plotline ended with a prophecy. An enchantress told the lover Contarenus, for example, that he must travel until "he should fight with the hardiest knight, and see the worthiest Lady of the whole world. The whilst shee told him, he must take the gard of a blinde Hermit, who shoulde recouer his sight, and he his satisfaction, both at one time" (94). Hemetes, meanwhile, had been told that he would recover his sight when "at one tyme and in one place, in a countrie of most peace, two of the most valyaunt knightes shal fight, two of the most constant lovers shal meet, and the most vertuous Lady of the world shall be theare to looke on" (90). Hemetes finally revealed that this meeting here, in the presence of Elizabeth, was the circumstance they had all been seeking. This storyline continued throughout Elizabeth's visit, as the lady, Princess Caudina, was eventually persuaded by a visit from the Fairy Queen to leave her lover and return home to marry someone more suitable for a person of her birth (113-14).

(40.) A final example: a device performed at Theobalds also linked Elizabeth to the estate via a prophecy. The device began with a Gardener describing the great efforts he and a Molecatcher had spent clearing a space of land and ridding it of moles to make the garden in which the Queen was (presumably) currently standing. While they performed this task, they had unearthed a box inscribed with the prophecy that it would only come to light when "a virgin had reigned thirty-three years / Which shall be but the fourth part of her years" (Lyly 418). Both the Gardener and the Mole-catcher had claimed the box as their own, but upon meeting the Queen they decided to bestow it upon her. The device appears to have provided an elaborate framework for presenting the Queen with a gift.

(41.) Nash, "'A Subject Without Subjection,'" 98.

(42.) At Elvetham, the Queen was asked to name a ship floating on the estate's lake because Nereus the sea prophet had foretold that if she did, the ship would be fortunate. She obliged, naming the pinnace the "Bonadventure" (113).

(43.) Wilson, 42.

(44.) This entertainment has traditionally been read as Leicester's last attempt at Kenilworth to press his suit. See Wilson, 22; Cunliffe, 130; Cole, 132-33; and Nash, 89 for arguments supporting the claim that Leicester was proposing marriage at Kenilworth.

(45.) Palmer, Hospitable Performances, 7.

(46.) Cole, 63.

(47.) Ibid., 108-11.

(48.) Wilson, 9.

(49.) Frye, 68. See also Berry, Of Chastity and Power, 95-99 and Nash, 89-96.

(50.) Frye, 70-79.

(51.) Breight, "Realpolitik and Elizabethan Ceremony," 35.

(52.) The writers of the Kenilworth pageants consistently sought to give the impression that their entertainments were well coordinated with each other. Partway through Elizabeth's visit, a Wild Man appeared while the Queen was hunting and summarized all of the notable incidents that had occurred up to that point, including Elizabeth's rescue of the Lady of the Lake. He then predicted that in a few days' time, Elizabeth would meet some ladies there in the wood--a reference to a device that was planned but not, in the end, performed (Gascoigne 101). Gascoigne includes the script for his readers' benefit, however, and so we are able to see that within this unperformed device, the Wild Man's son was to arrive and refer back to the Queen's encounter with his father (112). In the last device of the visit, furthermore, Elizabeth encountered the god Sylvanus, who predicted that she would soon hear the enchanted bush Deep Desire speak to her (128). After Deep Desire had, as predicted, sung his song, Sylvanus reminded the Queen: "[S]o have I neither recompted nor foretold any thing unto your Majestie, but that which you have nowe founde true by experience" (131). These echoes and predictions indicate that the pageant masters at Kenilworth had carefully orchestrated events; they suggest, in addition, that this sense of unity was intended to be admired.

(53.) See n. 42 for a description of the Elvetham device.

(54.) For more on this distinction between categorical and contingent, see my article, "Merlin's Prophecies, Malory's Lacunae," Arthuriana 19, no. 2 (2009).

(55.) The Hemetes portion of the Woodstock pageantry is also included in The Complete Works of George Gascoigne, vol. 2.

(56.) See also Breight's transcription in his article, "Caressing the Great: Viscount Montague's Entertainment of Elizabeth at Cowdray, 1591."

(57.) See also Breight's transcription in his article, "Realpolitik and Elizabethan Ceremony: The Earl of Hertford's Entertainment of Elizabeth at Elvetham, 1591."


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Berry, Phillipa. Of Chastity and Power: Elizabethan Literature and the Unmarried Queen. London: Routledge, 1989.

Breight, Curtis. "Caressing the Great: Viscount Montague's Entertainment of Elizabeth at Co wdray, 1591." Sussex Archaeological Collections 127(1989): 147-66.

--. "Realpolitik and Elizabethan Ceremony: The Earl of Hertford's Entertainment of Elizabeth at Elvetham, 1591." Renaissance Quarterly 45, no. 1 (1992): 20-48.

Chambers, E. K. Sir Henry Lee, An Elizabethan Portrait. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1936.

--. The Elizabethan Stage. Vol. 1. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1951.

Cole, Mary Hill. The Portable Queen: Elizabeth I and the Politics of Ceremony. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1999.

Cooper, Helen. "Location and Meaning in Masque, Morality and Royal Entertainment." In The Court Masque, edited by David Lindley, 135-48. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984.

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Appendix: Pageants Quoted
Date             Place        Host      Prophecy         Edition

Feb.1564     Fontainebleau  Various    --Ancient       Graham and
                                       come to         Johnson, eds.
                                       because of      The Royal Tour
                                       prediction      of France by
                                       to save         Charles IX and
                                       maidens         Catherine de

July 1575    Kenilworth     Robert     --Elizabeth     --Gascoigne's
             Castle,        Dudley,    by Sibilla      Text:
             Warwickshire   Earl of    -Elizabeth      ed. The
                            Leicester  the Lady        Complete Works
                                       of the
                                       Lake as         of George
                                       prophesied      Gascoigne
                                                       Letter: John
                                                       Nichols, The
                                                       Progresses and
                                                       Processions of

Sept.1575    Woodstock,     Sir Henry  --Story of      Cunliffe, ed.
             Oxon.          Lee        the Hermit      The Queenes
                                                       at Woodstocke

May 1591     Theobalds,     The Cecil  --Debate        The Complete
             Herts.         family     Gardener        Works of John
                                       Molecatcher     Lyly, ed.
                                                       Vol. 1.

Aug. 1591    Cowdray,       Anthony    --Elizabeth     Jean Wilson,
             Sussex         Brown,     stabilizes      ed.
                            Lord       shaky walls,    Entertainments
                            Montague   predicted       for Elizabeth

Sept.        Elvetham,      Edward     --Elizabeth     Wilson (57)
1591         Hants                        greeted
                            Seymour,   by a
                            Earl of    prophet
                            Hertford   --Elizabeth
                                       names Nearea's
                                       pinnace as

Sept.        Sudeley        Giles      Planned but     Nichols,
1592         Castle,        Bridges,   not performed:  Vol. III
             Glos.          Lord       --Constable
                            Chandos    of the
                                       reads a
                                       prediction of
                                       discussing the

Sept.        Ditchley,      Sir Henry  --Elizabeth     Wilson
1592         Oxon.          Lee        saves
                                       lovers, as

July         Harefield,     Sir        --Joan the      Nichols,
1602         M'sex          Thomas     Dairymaid       Vol. III
                            Egerton/   explains the
                            The        signs which
                            Countess   predicted
                            of Derby   Elizabeth's
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Article Type:Critical essay
Geographic Code:4EUUK
Date:Jan 1, 2011
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