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Pragmatics and mental images.

1. Introduction

Teaching the same basic courses in linguistics year after year may gradually become a frustrating experience. The teacher also becomes increasingly aware of the possibility that the contents of the course may not have the same meaning for the students as they do to the teacher. It was this kind of situation that led the two of us to experiment with a new approach to teaching a course on pragmatics. We also wanted to find out how the students' minds worked in processing the information offered to them in the course. We would like to think that a Festschrift to Kari Sajavaara is a suitable forum for reporting on this since, as the head of the English Department, his attitude to teaching experiments was always encouraging.

The central concepts used when defining the field of pragmatics seem to be "meaning in context", "speaker meaning" and "utterance meaning", ie. meaning as created in communication situation, as opposed to "abstract meaning". For some pragmatists the emphasis is on speaker meaning (cf. Leech 1983; Levinson 1983), in which case attention focuses on the producer of the message, whereas according to others the hearer's interpretation is decisive in communication (e.g., Sperber -- Wilson 1986). Yule's (1996: 3) list of four main areas of pragmatics consists of the study of speaker meaning, the study of contextual meaning, the study of how more is communicated than is said (i.e. listener's interpretation), and "the study of the expression of relative distance", which he explains by saying that "on the assumption of how close or distant the listener is, speakers determine how much needs to be said." The above definitions seem to suggest that language users, in the role of both speaker and hearer, create a context an d that there may be individual differences in the ways of doing it, which will be our main concern in what follows.

The planning of the course raised for us questions about how the information we were going to present to the students could be made more interesting and more closely linked with their experiences as users of language, both as speakers and as hearers. This led us to the question of how the scholars had arrived at the interpretations given to the phenomena discussed in the literature on pragmatics. On what basis does a pragmatist, when discussing for example place deixis say that this is proximal in meaning while that is distal? Is this analysis based on interviews of speakers or on some kind of psychological experiments? The answer seemed to be that, as far as we know, it is based on the scholars' own native speaker intuition about the meaning and function of these items and their own experiences with them. The same seemed to apply to most of the pragmatic phenomena we wanted to include in the course. This made us wonder whether it would be possible to explore how this kind of information is retrieved in the m ind. We thought it would be interesting to get the students to consciously examine the way their minds work in processing the meanings and functions of pragmatic data.

The problem was how we could teach the students to "watch their minds" without turning it into a mushy, confused practice. At this point, NLP (Neuro-Linguistic Programming) seemed to offer a possible tool in the form of representational systems. This concept (O'Connor -- Seymour 1990: 26-48) is used in NLP to refer to the ways in which the human mind takes advantage of the sensory systems in processing information, in memorising, retrieving or in presenting it. The primary sensory systems used seem to be visual, auditory and kinesthetic (covering bodily sensations and affective reactions), with the olfactory and gustatory systems playing minor roles. (1)

Interestingly, we found some support for our idea in the literature on grammaticality judgements. For example, Levelt et al. (1977: 89) found out that informants who were asked to describe how they performed grammaticality judgement tasks explained that they tried to imagine a situation in which the phrase or sentence could be used. Alanen (1997: 68) comments on this by saying that "this seemed to indicate that informants tried to find a cognitive, preferably visual context for the sentence, i.e. somehow to use imagery."

We wanted to find out whether we could train our students to become more conscious of the mental images produced by the mind as it was working with linguistic meanings, and to analyse how far these images were connected with sensory presentations of the process. After some self-testing, feeling assured that working with one's mind is not impossible, we built the course on a plan which -- in addition to the actual contents related to pragmatics -- included presentation of information about the representational systems, practice sessions with the systems, and instruction about the use of this process in working with data. In doing this, our primary aim was to make the course contents more approachable and personally interesting to the students, and also to explore, in a very modest way, how the human mind processes verbal information.

The first sessions in which we practised awareness of mental processing must have seemed strange to the students. They were told, for example, to think of some object and then to become conscious of how the thoughts were represented in their minds. We emphasized the fact that there were no "good" or "correct" responses as such, that what we wished them to do was to develop confidence in their own reactions.

The whole process, "looking into one's own mind" and reporting to the teachers what one saw, heard or felt must have seemed very confusing to begin with. Gradually, however, the students started telling us about their responses. For concrete words, the representation was for example a picture of the object alone or in context. For abstract words, the representations could be pictures, colours or shapes. It was less frequent that the students offered sounds or kinesthetic sensations, although we encouraged them to consider all responses equally valid.

We also experimented with the mental representation of the time span. We discussed the concept of time and that the human mind needs to keep separate events that occur at different times. The students worked out how their minds processed time: the majority seemed to have a time span extending from somewhere on their left to somewhere on their right, though the exact shapes of the spans varied a lot. There were also students whose time spans extended from behind and "through them" directly forward, and a few whose time spans even went backwards. The students were also asked to draw pictures of their time spans and to discuss their ways of processing time in groups.

After the initial practice sessions we started working with the actual contents of the course, i.e. pragmatic phenomena. The selection of the phenomena to practice with was made on the basis of which of them could most easily and naturally be worked with by using our approach. These pragmatic topics were linked with homework based on the use of the representational systems, to be discussed in class. We collected the data acquired in this way (each student working at home) and made summaries of what seemed to us the most interesting phenomena. The two most promising ones were those of deixis and modality. The following discussion is based on these data.

2. Deixis

Deixis is a pragmatic phenomenon par excellence as it "concerns the ways in which languages encode or grammaticalize features of the context of utterance or speech event, and thus also concerns ways in which the interpretation of utterances depends on the analysis of the context of utterance" (Levinson 1983: 54). It can also be said that with deictic expressions the speaker locates persons, objects, events in relation to his/her "here and now" (cf. Lyons 1977). We experimented with two types of deixis, those of place and time, using the traditional deictic categories of demonstrative pronouns, demonstrative adverbs and tenses.

2.1. Place deixis

Lyons (1995: 310-311), when discussing what he calls "primary" and secondary" deixis claims that "among the several uses of the demonstratives that can be analyzed in terms of the notion of secondary deixis, there is a particular use of 'that' versus 'this' which is recognizably expressive, and whose expressivity can be identified as that of emotional or attitudinal dissociation (or distancing). For example, if speakers are holding something in the hand they will normally use 'this', rather than 'that', to refer to it ... If they say 'What's that?' in such circumstances, their use of 'that' will be indicative of their dislike or aversion: they will be distancing themselves emotionally or attitudinally from whatever they are referring to." Lyons goes on to say that this type of secondary deixis is very close to subjective modality. Furthermore, Yule (1996: 13) actually suggests that the truly pragmatic basis of spatial deixis may actually be psychological distance, that "physically close objects will tend to b e treated by the speaker as psychologically close". Correspondingly, physically distant objects will generally be treated as psychologically distant (for example, that man over there). However, Yule (1996: 13) adds that "a speaker may also wish to mark something that is physically close (for example, a perfume being sniffed by the speaker) as psychologically distant 'I don't like that'. In this analysis, a word like 'that' does not have a fixed (i.e. semantic) meaning; instead, it is 'invested' with meaning in a context by a speaker." These views found in the literature on pragmatics seemed to us to suggest that deixis was a suitable object for our experimentation.

An added interest in experimenting with demonstrative pronouns and adverbs in particular was the fact that Finnish students sometimes have difficulties in using the English demonstratives correctly. For example, when writing in English they occasionally use that/those to refer to something mentioned in the immediately preceeding sentence. This may be due to the fact that Finnish has a more complex system of demonstrative pronouns and adverbs than English does. Finnish has both in the pronouns and the adverbs a tripartite division while English has a bipartite one. This fact may well be a source of the difficulties Finnish students sometimes have in using these items correctly in English. Even greater are the difficulties that one has in trying to explain differences between the corresponding Finnish items to a foreigner learning Finnish. We therefore decided to experiment with the Finnish expressions of place deixis. Unfortunately, we were not systematic enough in our experiment and did not carry out a simila r test with the English expressions, which would have allowed us to contrast the demonstratives in the two languages. The Finnish system of demonstrative pronouns consists of tama ('this'), tuo ('that'), se ('that'/'it'). The last mentioned member of the set (se) is sometimes considered a personal pronoun referring to inanimate objects (although used in colloquial speech to refer to human beings as well), sometimes included in demonstrative pronouns. As a demonstrative, se is used in the place deictic function and is distal rather than proximal, but it is difficult to place it according to the principle of proximity. It has been suggested that se refers to something that is further away from the speaker than tuo. Penttila (1963: 510) is of the opinion that tuo refers to persons and things that can be pointed at, whereas se refers to something that could but need not be pointed at because attention is already directed to the object in one way or another. According to Larjavaara (1986: 51), the Finnish demonstr ative pronouns can be described in terms of semantic features as follows: tama ('this') is /+close reference, +speaker centred/, tuo ('that') is /-close reference, +speaker centred/, and se ('that', 'it') is /-close reference, -speaker centred/.

The students were shown (on a transparency) simple sentences in whichthe above mentioned Finnish demonstratives occurred: Ota tama kirja ('take this book'), Ota tuo kirja ('take that book'), Ota se kirja ('take that/the book') and asked to write down their reactions to them, i.e. how they reacted to the sentences, what images they created in their minds. As could be expected, they reacted to the distance vs. closeness of the item. There was at least one student whose reaction was that tama is closer to the speaker, tuo within the same distance from both the speaker and the hearer and the speaker was pointing to the book, and se meant "closer to hearer", but also "not present", "not visible". Some respondents also described the expressions with colours: the sentence with tama was seen as "red", "orange" or "yellow", but also as "blue and good". The sentence with tuc was "black", "brown", "dark" or "grey-green"; se was described only once with a colour, as "blue". Other features attached to the sentences seeme d to be related to the speaker's way of speaking or tone of voice: the sentence with tama showed irritation or was a strict command, whereas the sentence with tuo was interpreted as "indifferent" and the sentence with se as impatient".

In the area of deictic adverbs of place, the Finnish system is even more complex: it consists of two sets of three adverbs, related in form and meaning to the three demonstrative pronouns described above: tassa ('this' + inessive) - tuossa ('that' + inessive) - siina ('that/it'+ inessive) and taalla ('this' + addessive ) tuolla ('that'+ addessive) - siella ('that/it'+ addessive). The difference between the two sets is that the first one seems to comprise a smaller, more restricted area than the latter, which refers to a more extended area. However, the differences among the members of both sets seem to cause similar difficulties of interpretation and analysis in terms of the proximal - distal dimension as do the pronouns.

Judging by the reactions of the students, the difference between the two sets is clearly one of the size of the area within which an object/person is "placed", i.e. tassa, tuossa, siina imply a "smaller" area, closer to the interlocutors than taalla, tuolla, siella. For example, tassa got reactions (the sentence given was Kirja on tassa ('the book is here') like "touched by the speaker", "close to me", "open in front of the speaker", "speaker takes it out of her bag", whereas taalla was interpreted as "close to speaker", "where we are", "speaker shouting to another room", but also "the place is vague", "a librarian walks to the shelf". Otherwise, the difference between the three members within each set seemed very similar to those between the three pronouns: tassa and taalla were interpreted as being in the same location as the speaker, tuossa and tuolla somewhere out of reach for the speaker; siina was close to hearer rather than the speaker, siella was either close to the hearer or in a totally different, f araway place.

The reactions expressed in colours were very few but associated tassa/taalla with warm colours, tuossa/tuolla with cold colours. There were also some associations with the speaker's tone: siina was experienced as said with an impatient, angry tone (perhaps suggesting something like "can't you see the book, it is close to you"). Kirja on taalla was an expression of surprise, Kirja on tassa was experienced as "open and contact-searching".

It is quite clear that in all the cases with place deixis the students had imagined a context with a speaker and a hearer and related the object mentioned to the participants in terms of closeness or distance, which was to be expected. The colours they associated with the expressions were warm colours with the closer objects and colder with the more distant ones. Interestingly, however, they also associated emotions like anger, surprise or impatience with the expressions, which seem to be based on auditive images.

2.2. Time deixis

Under this heading we experimented with tense (and aspect) using three sentences: I have a problem, I had a problem, and I have had a problem. The reactions to the first one were that the problem was "long-lasting", "constant", "eternal", which is in keeping with the fact that the verb was in the present tense form. The problem was also felt to be heavy and serious, causing anxiety and a great need to solve it. The colours associated with it were all dark, grey or even black. One respondent experienced it as "a big block in my arms".

The second sentence I had a problem caused above all the feeling of the problem being behind and "gone", apparently due to the past tense, although in one case it was "still present but seen as small and dark". The colours were light and bright, green and blue, yellow and orange, but also red in one case; the feelings were those of relief, pleasure, satisfaction. Some saw a smiling face and heard laughter, one student had a very detailed picture of a person with arms open, wearing a white shirt, and a lot of open space round her/him.

The third alternative I have had a problem was most frequently experienced as referring to a long-lasting problem like alcoholism, burn-out state, a psychiactric problem, or a financial problem, which, however, was over now and the person did not need help anymore. However, it also suggested that the problem was not totally over yet. One interesting reaction was that the sentence was said by a person who wanted to emphasize how wonderful everything is at present.

The "strong" images caused by these sentences may have been to a great extent due to the word problem and the reactions that it awoke in the testees. However, there were also some differences that must have been caused by the tense and aspect differences: in the case of the first sentence the problem was seen as long-lasting and eternal, in the second one as behind and gone, apparently due to the difference between present and past tense. The third sentence also caused the reaction that the problem was not clearly in the past yet and one reaction of emphasis on the present happiness, which support the view that the present perfect suggests current relevance (e.g., Huddleston 1984: 160), as is clearly seen in the reaction of one student "distant but still related to present".

2.3. Time and place deixis combined

A few combinations of time and place deictic reference were also given to the students. These brought out more contrasts, which were even clearer than those reported on above. These reactions are reported below in Table 1, classified into three major categories. The first one, purely sensory images, consists of visual, auditory and kinesthetic types (there were no olfactory or gustatory ones). The second main class consists of elements relating to the speech event, mainly participants and setting. The third class consists of interpretative and associative elements, such as illocutions associated with the imaginary speech event, references to emotions and feelings, or memories.

We do not attempt to describe the responses in each category in quantitative terms here, since this was not our concern. We are interested here in the range of responses and their accessibility, i.e. in examining the possibility of accessing individual ways of mentally processed pragmatic information. Therefore the examples in each category below are chosen to represent the whole range of the students' responses.

3. Modality

The other major concept that we experimented with was modality, which we first explained by using the division into epistemic and deontic types and attempted to show that both may, as Lyons (1995) claims, be either objective or subjective. Thus, a sentence like He may not come can have both epistemic and deontic reading and both can be either objective or subjective. If the sentence has an objective deontic interpretation, its propositional content will be (according to Lyons 1995: 330) 'It is not permitted that he come.' If its meaning is interpreted epistemically, it can be described as 'Relative to what is known, it is possible that he will not come.'

However, as Lyons (1995: 330) points out, both in the case of a deontic interpretation and an epistemic one, the modality can also be subjective, rather than objective as in the above examples. This means that speakers when uttering these sentences may be expressing their own beliefs, attitudes or their own will, "rather than reporting, as neutral observers, the existence of this or that state of affairs". According to Lyons (1995: 330), the latter is much more common than the former intepretation in everyday language, and "objective modality, in particular, is very rare". Therefore, with epistemic reading, the sentence He may not come means something like 'I think it possible that he will not come.

In our experiment we gave the students sentences in which only either deontic or epistemic reading was likely, even without a context. Thus, for deontic modality, we gave the sentence pairs You must stay at home tonight / You must not go out tonight and You may go out tonight / You need not stay at home tonight. For epistemic modality, we gave three sentences, out of which the first one was the non-modalized He is a good doctor, the other two the epistemically modalized He must be a good doctor and He may be a good doctor.

3.1. Epistemic modality

Of the two sets of sentences, the latter i.e. the epistemic ones gave more intriguing results. The first one, the non-modalized He is a good doctor was considered as expressing the greatest certainty as compared with the two other sentences. This is a bit surprising as the sentence with must could be expected to have this role. The sentence He must be a good doctor was described as "evaluative" and "not as certain as the previous one", "not certain but hopeful", although also as "showing firm belief". One student described the speaker as "a desperate person". The third sentence He may be a good doctor was described as "positive in tone", but "distant" and "doubtful" or "politely doubtful". One student described it as expressing "polite doubt" and thought that the sentence could continue with "but a young one", other students thought that it referred to an old doctor who could still be good. Yet another student said that the sentence could mean something like "really a quack but good with people".

The reactions related to visual representations were for the first sentence (He is a good doctor) that the picture was clear, white, but also round, soft and reddish. The second sentence was seen as sharp and dark, or heavy and square; the third sentence was said to be grey, shapeless and unsettled.

Most of the above reactions seem to be based on some kind of auditory representations in spite of the fact that the students only saw the sentences in writing, i.e. did not hear them. They must have imagined a possible speaker and "heard" his/her voice.

3.2. Deontic modality

The sentence You must stay at home tonight was in most cases interpreted as something that a parent would say to a child, but also as a wife saying it to her husband. The speaker's voice was described as being angry, emphatic, quarrelsome, strict, with no room for misunderstanding. But also, at least by one respondent as expressing warmth or begging. The negative way of expressing it, You must not go out tonight, was thought of as implying safety and protection, but also threat and danger. It was also considered less strict than the first sentence, it was more of an advice than an order.

In terms of colours and visual images, the first one (You must stay at home tonight) was seen as dark, heavy and described as having sharp edges or hard colours and sharp triangles; the figures motionless, close to each other. The latter one (You must not go out) was also black, with edges, but the speakers were inside and the threat outside. One student had the image of must as "a big stone that falls on the floor". These strong reactions seem to reflect the interpretation of must as expressing compulsion or obligation (cf. Greenbaum - Quirk 1990).

The other pair was You may go out tonight and You need not stay at home tonight. Most respondents imagined the context for both sentences to be a family scene, in which a parent was talking to a teenager. The parent's attitude in the former was said to be forgiving, showing good-will or trust toward the addressee. The latter sentence on the other hand was described as "more indifferent" or as "giving permission after a few nights at home as a punishment", a relief to the addressee but suggesting uncertainty and low self-esteem. One student group mentioned that this sentence could also be used in a context in which "it would still be nice if the son or daughter would not go out but stayed at home after all", which indicates that need not expresses a reluctantly given permission. An exceptionally interesting context for this sentence was that it was said "to a mother who sits every night at home and needs encouragement to get out once in a while". The speaker's voice was heard as soft and mild in the first one, less interested and more neutral in the latter. Visually the difference between these sentences was that the former was described as "light" or even "red" in colour and "soft" and "round" in shape. The latter sentence in its turn was described as "a little darker" or "yellow" and even "red" in colour. Its shape was also less soft and round. Table 2 below gives the results of this experiment with modality in more detail.

4. Discussion and conclusion

Our experiment made it clear that the students had, in connection of each of the sentences tested, a need to imagine a context, with a speaker and a hearer, sometimes with very concrete images of their relationship and the physical features of the situation. It was also clear that they created these contexts on the basis of their personal experiences and "life histories", which explains such details in their reactions as "an angry parent saying it to a child" or the hearer being "a mother who sits every night at home and needs encouragement to get out once in a while".

The sensory reactions attested show a great deal of variation both in terms of the representational system used -- in the data there are visual, auditive and kinesthetic reactions -- and in the properties of these reactions -- there are a great number of colours, voices, bodily sensations, and emotions. Similarly, the qualities, thoughts, and states of affairs associated with the imaginary speech events vary a lot. However, among all these reactions, similarities, even a kind of logic, may be detected. For instance, the examples with the word problem show a range of responses where qualities such as heaviness or darkness, related to colours, sensations or emotions, are systematically associated with I have a problem, while qualities of lightness, easiness are associated especially with I had a problem. The other expressions fall somewhere between these two extremes. In the same way, in the examples using modal verbs, heaviness and darkness are related to must -- and to some extent to must not -- while need no t is generally felt to be less oppressive.

Naturally, the verbal contexts for the verbs in each case restrict or guide the response. The difference in the tense (have a problem vs. had a problem) might give rise to different reactions altogether if the complement of the verb have were a more neutral or positive noun phrase. It is also possible that, if the modals had not been embedded in directives, i.e. if we had given examples like I must go and I need not stay, the students might have created different contexts for them, with different reactions. The directives and, in particular, the word home used in them seem to have invited contexts in which the speaker has a kind of institutionalised right to invade the hearer's world, and this was reacted to by our testees.

Thus, at the same time as the use of different modal verbs in the sentences otherwise identical shows the kind of effect those single verbs have, we also see that the sentences chosen -- whether directives or representatives -- form semantic wholes. They have a potential to create in the mind of the testee certain kinds of speech events with interpretations of the illocutions and emotional reactions (not necessarily in this order). It also seems that this "schema" for a word or phrase is not a haphazard collection of visual, auditive etc. reactions. Some students produced colours and sizes consistently whereas others produced detailed speech events. Their meaning schemata may be somehow related to their learning styles. Furthermore, the particularly strong and idiosyncratic schemata are often associated with strong emotions, which may suggest that they are based on the testees' own experiences.

Our data may also have implications for the complex meaning negotiation that goes on in discourse, where the negotiation taking place between speakers can be assumed to lead each participant to choose the most relevant meanings from their individual schemata. Speakers with highly idiosyncratic schemata may find meaning negotiation less successful than speakers who have open schemata with alternatives. This also supports the view that foreign language learners benefit from learning verbal items, not only in context, but in many and varying contexts with both verbal and non-verbal features, which prevents the development of rigid and idiosyncratic contextual schemata and supports individual ways of learning.

As to the students -- after all it was with them in mind that we started the experiment -- their feedback was quite positive and emphasized the importance of working in a way which helped them to link abstract notions with their own experience. We also felt that the discussion in class flowed more easily when it could start with something that everybody had tried out. However, the students hardly had such interesting food for thought as we did in the form of the baffling data they produced.
Table 1

Place and time deixis

 I have a problem I have this problem


VISUAL

colour black; grey; dark white; pale colours;
 colours, darkness sterile colours



size bigger; big (block) -
AUDITIVE "I have to solve it" "embarrassing to explain
 but I will explain";
 "it has to be solved"

KINESTHETIC deep sigh; arms pressed hands moving; holding
 to sides; shoulders down; big block in my hand
 hands reaching out to
 hearer; problem in front;
 a big block in my arms;
 uphill; rainy; physical
 distress; heavy

SPEECH EVENT addressee (with pale talks to another person;
 blue shirt maybe a friend; open
 discussion; intimate
 context; boss's office

Interpretation
& associations

illocutions explanation or apology; --
 trying to find help;
 something that can be
 talked about

emotions serious; distressed; embarrassed; painful;
 grim; anxiety; desperate willingness (to say
 something)






attributes, cannot focus; time now hearer may be a friend;
qualities, states or eternal; related to problem easier to solve
of affairs homework (than with a problem);
 a concrete problem;
 problem like a
 mathematical equation;
 not very serious; this
 makes it milder; more
 precise (than a problem)

 I had a problem I had this problem


VISUAL

colour (still) dark; brighter; grey
 green blue; red; pale
 colours; yellow; orange;
 visually clear

size small small
AUDITIVE "thank God it's over"; "it's over, I can talk
 easier to say than "I about it"
 have a problem"

KINESTHETIC arms open; problem smiling
 behind me; chin up;
 lighter; problem
 further back




SPEECH EVENT speaker, with smiling social event wine
 face; open field with barcounter smile
 flowers; open space


Interpretation
& associations

illocutions -- --




emotions relief; confidence; indifference; feeling of
 pleasure; satisfaction; victory
 grateful






attributes, it is gone; everything --
qualities, states is clear; problem easier
of affairs (than with have)







 I had that problem


VISUAL

colour pink; not so dark




size -
AUDITIVE sounds strange



KINESTHETIC problem in front on
 the right






SPEECH EVENT addressee familiar;
 stands close; sharing
 with a friend;
 impersonal situation

Interpretation
& associations

illocutions --




emotions shame; emabarrassment;
 not willing to talk; no
 anxiety; old; has been
 a long time; not
 important; concrete;
 shared; more secrecy
 (than in other cases);
 solution not necessary

attributes, --
qualities, states
of affairs
Table 2

Modal auxiliaries

 You must go

VISUAL dark; orange; light; hard
 colours; unmoving visual
 images; gloomy; seeing
 oneself; starry sky;
 dark room

AUDITIVE home and tonight
 emphatic; music playing;
 emphatic voice; voices


KINESTHETIC movement; warmth;
 closeness; grounded;
 angular; sharp corners;
 wagging of fingers

SPEECH EVENT girls and mother; hearer
 leaving; spoken to son;
 parents and teenager;
 woman to husband;
 mother

Interpretation
& associations

illocutions begging; quarrelling; no
 response; order;
 disapproval





emotions angry; anxiety;
 disappointment


associated have to; stern; absolute;
qualities, oppressive; very strict;
states of affair; no misunderstanding; old
memories unpleasant memories






 You must not go

VISUAL black; dark; unmoving
 visual images at a
 greater distance than
 with must


AUDITIVE go out emphatic;
 "I need not
 go" (sic)


KINESTHETIC steep, fresh,
 cool air; cannot
 touch; cold


SPEECH EVENT said before the event
 referred to; mother to
 son; open door; school
 room; wall opposite;
 outdoors

Interpretation
& associations

illocutions threat; advice; order







emotions milder emotions than
 with must; irritation;
 anxiety; relief

associated protection; safety; threat;
qualities, sensation of danger; the
states of affair; girl might have important
memories reasons for going out;
 ill-boding; bad
 experiences in school's
 gym-class



 You may go

VISUAL pale; perhaps
 red; yellow




AUDITIVE "Is this true?"




KINESTHETIC may go out; feel
 the air; soft;
 round; movement


SPEECH EVENT mother to teenager;
 father to daughter;
 grandmother;
 parents; sunshine


Interpretation
& associations

illocutions forgiving; permission;
 showing trust; talking
 down





emotions irritation; surprise;
 good-will


associated choice; trust; mildness;
qualities, passive; prisoner in one's
states of affair; own room; frightened
memories pupil; less strict parent
 (than with must not);
 cloister for nuns;
 overprotective; someone
 you have to obey; old
 memories and irritation

 You need not stay

VISUAL yellow; red;
 darker than may




AUDITIVE loud voice; father's (?)
 voice; "Well, then, what
 is my function here?";
 "Am I not wanted?"

KINESTHETIC (willing) to move; faster
 movement (than with
 may)


SPEECH EVENT to mother; speaker an
 older person; guests in
 the house



Interpretation
& associations

illocutions permission to go if one
 feels like it; concession;
 middle of argument;
 permission (after
 punishment); showing
 more trust than may;
 encouragement

emotions uncertainty; relief;
 friendly; more indifferent
 than may; willingness

associated liberty; giving way; no
qualities, tasks at home; low
states of affair; self-esteem; alternative;
memories bad conscience; more
 neutral than may; boring
 guests at home; old stuff
 that has not been dealt
 with


(1.) NLP literature scldom gives references to sources of information except when thc source is another NLP writer. How the representational systems were originally arrived at in NLP is unknown at least to us, but the systems are now widely used in education, as part of learning systems (see e.g., R. Dunn -- K. Dunn 1993, and Prashing 1996).

REFERENCES

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Dunn, Rita -- Kenneth Dunn

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Greenbaum, Sidney (ed.)

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Author:Markkanen, Raija
Publication:Studia Anglica Posnaniensia: international review of English Studies
Date:Jan 1, 1998
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