Portuguese colonial administrators and Inter-Asian maritime trade: Manuel de Souza de Menezes and the Fateh Moula affair.
Administration for the Portuguese nobility was equated to handling the economic and personnel requirements of their households or landed estates and the troops raised and levied for employment, the machines--primarily ships, weapons and guns--and resources--physical and financial logistics from horses to grain and food as well as money--on the Crown's behalf. Their training in the art of arms began at an early age and lasted a lifetime. Many had mentors. It was on-the-job training on sea and land that ranged over the globe. It was an ad hoc system of training and preparation that was contemporaneously observed and practiced throughout most of early modern Europe. Fortuitously for Portugal, this haphazard, ad hoc system produced some of the most brilliant and competent geopolitical and imperial strategists, naval and military commanders, and colonial administrators of early modern Europe. It was also a system that just as easily produced incompetence and venality.
The purpose of this article is to examine the activities of one Portuguese colonial administrator in the Estado da India (the complex of fortresses, cities and villages in a limited hinterland under Portuguese imperial administration, from East Africa to China, centered at Goa in India) in the inter-Asian maritime trade in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. It employs two approaches: the social biography of the protagonist--Captain of the city and fortress of Daman, in western India, Manuel de Sousa de Meneses--and an examination of his commercial and economic behavior. The first explores the advantages and limitations of the social biographical approach in the specific context of this article and its potential for inclusion in broader contextual and comparative historiographical issues dealing with other contemporary Portuguese and European colonial administrative experiences in Asia and globally. (3) The second--the examination of Sousa de Meneses' commercial activities and investments, as well as his close business relations with Asians and with other Europeans in the Bay of Bengal and on the Malabar Coast--is possible because copies of his accounts or livro de rezao and other correspondence were found and are utilized here. (4) It supports, enriches, and interconnects with the social biographical approach.
The article is organized into four sections: 1) The Estado da India, the Provincia do Norte and Surat c. 1680-1715; 2) Illegitimacy and Crown service: Manuel de Sousa de Meneses; 3) Sousa de Meneses' Livro de Rezao and the Fateh Moula affair; and 4) Conclusions. The aim of the first section is to briefly set the scene as to the general status of the Portuguese imperial project and the Crown's administration, including administrator activities in western India (and in particular in the Bay of Cambay region) over the time frame that coincides with Manuel de Sousa de Meneses' entire period of service to the Portuguese Crown in Asia. Section two advances a brief biographical sketch and adds some salient details of Sousa de Meneses' career. Section three discusses the nature and the extent of Sousa de Meneses' early commercial dealings and reconstructs a political incident caused by those activities. Section four concludes with an evaluation of the use of the social biographical approach and the importance of his papers in understanding and interpreting the role of personal commerce in the politics and execution of colonial administration.
The Estado da India, the Provincia do Norte and Surat c. 1680-1715
Several recent publications on early French efforts and on the renaissance of Portuguese imperial fortunes in Asia have argued that the Estado da India was resuscitated and rehabilitated through the efforts of Crown bureaucratic reform and a series of capable administrators in the late seventeenth century. (5) These administrators received support from metropolitan Portugal to the degree that resources from other areas of the Empire became available. They implemented policies that sought to maximize advantages from the celebration of a final peace agreement with the Dutch and the marriage of Catherine of Braganca with Charles II of England. While the degree of the recovery of Portuguese imperial fortunes in Asia may still be debated, it is clear that the Estado da India benefitted from peaceful relations with other competing European imperial powers in Asia.
By the 1680s, the recuperation of Portuguese imperial commercial and political fortunes centered on activities linked to the Provincia do Norte (a set of fortresses, cities and villages in limited hinterlands that spanned the Bay of Cambay from Diu to Daman and from Daman to Bassein) and the colonial and port cities of Bombay, which the Portuguese had ceded to the English as part of Catherine's dowry. A number of Portuguese viceroys re-invigorated naval, military and political efforts to secure the Estado da India from indigenous threats from the Muscat Arabs, the Marathas, the Mughal Empire and the Samorin of Calicut. Those efforts ranged geographically from Mombasa on the East African Coast, the Red Sea, over the Arabian Sea, in the Persian Gulf and down the coast of western India.
Located north of Goa and sandwiched between several port cities of the Provincia do Norte, Surat at the time, was "under the direct control of the Mughal Empire, a great entrepot of the Gulf of Cambay region and one of the most active trading centers in all of India." (6) It was an active and prosperous port city with many merchants from diverse backgrounds--Persians, Turks, Arabs, Jews, Armenians, Gujaratis, and Jains--profiting from maritime trade and commercial exchange. It derived its wealth not only from the city and its environs' production of Gujarati cotton textiles and indigo but also from its strategic geographic position. Surat was the "logical entrepot for the goods and demands of Aurangzeb's empire, the Muslim Deccan states, and the interior kingdoms of the south;" it was also the "logical place of exchange for Malabar pepper, 'up-country' products from Kashmir and Lahore" and Gujarat, and "served as the starting point for much of the pilgrim or hajj traffic to the Islamic holy places." (7) Goods from the Bay of Bengal, Africa, the Indonesian Archipelago and China were also available at this port city. (8) Surat was an alluring market that offered opportunities for a Portuguese colonial administrator interested in improving his personal fortune.
Illegitimacy and Crown service: Manuel de Sousa de Meneses
Manuel de Sousa de Meneses' personal and professional life as a soldier, administrator, and entrepreneur in the Estado da India may be summarized as follows. He was the illegitimate son of an experienced soldier and trusted administrator of the Crown, Goncalo de Sousa de Meneses, who was Capitaomor of Aveiro and Governor of the Comarca of Esgueira in Portugal in the early 1660s. (9) The fact that his father, as well as his paternal grandfather, held one of only a handful of crucial regional governorships while the Bragancas were still consolidating restoration of their rule supports the notion that his family and father were well considered and trusted by the Crown. Little, as yet, is known of his mother or her background. The exact date of his birth is not known but, it was probably after his father became Capitao-mor of Aveiro and Governor of the Comarca of Esgueira around 1660, since Manuel's birthplace was Sao Martinho de Salreu--a village near Aveiro.
Although illegitimate, Manuel was recognized by his father. There were two legacies that he inherited from the Sousa de Meneses family: the military traditions of serving and being rewarded for service by the Crown, and the connections with India. The family was from the Entre Douro and Minho region in the north of Portugal and was well known. While the positions held by Manuel's paternal great-grandfather (Sebastiao) are not specified, it is clear that he was active in military service in the Estado da India as he married a Portuguese woman, probably from Goa. (10) The service of Sebastiao as well as other family members was mentioned when his grandfather (Damiao) was rewarded with the habit and commandery of Sao Mamede de Canelas in the Order of Christ for his services to the Crown in Brazil (Pernambuco) and Portugal (Viana) in 1643. (11) He held the post of Capitao-mor of Aveiro and Governor of the Comarca of Esgueira for an unspecified period until his death in 1653. Damiao as well as the rest of the family were early and ardent supporters of the Braganca restoration. They all, apparently, benefitted opportunely from the reorganization and redistribution of Crown patronage by the Braganca, caused by the adherence to the Spanish claim of certain members of the Portuguese nobility and their absence from the country. (12)
Manuel's father (Goncalo) was one of Damiao de Sousa de Meneses' four children. (13) Goncalo and his two brothers accompanied their father to Pernambuco but their career paths separated shortly afterwards. As the elder, Goncalo's career mirrored Damiao's with service stints in Brazil (Pernambuco) and Portugal (Minho). He also served in India. At present, the actual position and duration of his service in India are unclear. For his services to the Crown, he was promised a pension and awarded a habit of the Order of Christ in 1649. (14) Upon Damiao's death in 1653, the Crown awarded Goncalo his father's commandery of Sao Mamede de Canelas in the Order of Christ in 1654. (15) Goncalo had two sons: the first was Manuel's elder and also illegitimate halfbrother, Francisco de Sousa de Tavora, and Manuel. Both received support from their father, who was able to get them knighthoods and the position as moco fidalgo in the King's household, respectively, in 1679 and 1681. (16)
The career of Manuel de Sousa de Meneses perhaps benefitted from contacts and relationships within nobility associated with his father and family. Because of his father's fame and reputation, Manuel was wellborn on his father's side, despite the impediment of illegitimacy. No particulars are available as to how and where Manuel was raised. It is not clear when and exactly how he obtained military training and developed skills as a soldier. His training should have initiated at a very early age. Most probably, he was in his late teens or very early twenties when his father lobbied and the Crown granted his petition for recognition as a moco fidalgo in March of 1681.
Shortly afterwards, Sousa de Meneses entered Crown service as an ordinary soldier. He literally embarked upon his career, upon boarding the nao almiranta, the Santo Antonio e Sao Francisco Xavier in Lisbon in early 1681 to transport the new Viceroy, Francisco de Tavora, the Conde de Alvor, to India. (17) The Santo Antonio e Sao Francisco Xavier made a fairly rapid passage and arrived in Goa in late 1681.
There is no personal statement to explain his motivation for choosing a military career. Prior to boarding the nao almiranta, he had offered his services to the Crown and petitioned the Concelho Ultramarino (Overseas Council) to recommend a grant on his behalf. He claimed the privileges of being a noble or of fidalguia and a moco fidalgo in the King's household. (18) In their resolution of 11 March 1681, the councilors not only replied favorably but also recommended to the Crown that Sousa de Meneses be granted privileged membership in the most prestigious military order in Portugal, the Order of Christ. (19) After the usual and detailed investigation of the candidate's background that revealed his illegitimacy, the Crown agreed with the recommendation to grant a dispensation on that issue in this case. The delay between his 1681 petition and the final favorable decision in 1690 to grant the petition and dispensation by the Crown and the Mesa da Consciencia e Ordens suggests that Sousa de Meneses made two requests for this recognition. The delay may have stemmed from the Mesa wanting evidence of more service from the solicitant.
On 26 January 1690 the Crown ordered by letter that he take up the habit of the Order of Christ in India and simultaneously issued two alvaras to that effect. (20) The order, presumably, ratified a grant of additional compensation for services that he should (but may or may not) have received. Sousa de Meneses' inclusion in the ranks of the Order of Christ conferred upon him Portuguese society's recognition of his social position and standing and removed or diminished the impediment of his birth.
Sousa de Meneses served the Portuguese Crown in the Estado da India for over thirty-four years, from 1681 to 1715. It is not entirely clear where he was posted in the early years of his service. The precise date and circumstances of his death in 1715 are also not clear. He rose from the ranks as a soldier, ensign (alferes), infantry captain, naval commander, admiral, captain general of Daman (twice) and of Bassein (once), political councilor, and, finally, as General of the North. It is probable that his early years in India paralleled the usual series of postings and participation in naval and military actions with distinct commanders over a geographical range that stretched from East Africa, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. It does not appear that he had much experience in the Bay of Bengal and/or the South China Sea, if any. Details from his service record indicate that his first-hand knowledge and experience centered on the western coast of India in the Provincia do Norte.
In the mid-1690s to the 1710s, both the Viceroy of the Estado da India and the Portuguese Crown recognized Sousa de Meneses' military prowess and administrative skills and/or political astuteness. He was appointed successively to command and administer key locations and resources in the Provincia do Norte that were vital to Portuguese imperial success and survival in India and to provide counsel to the Viceroy. The Viceroy from 1693 to 1698, D. Pedro Antonio de Noronha de Albuquerque, the Conde de Vila Verde, (21) described Sousa de Meneses as "a soldier of experience and valor" and appointed him admiral of a small fleet of three frigates ordered into the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea in early 1695. (22) After successfully returning from that mission late in the same year, Sousa de Meneses was considered for an appointment as Captain General of Mombasa. He was denied the appointment because of his relative youth and experience for such a sensitive post. Instead, the Conde de Vila Verde appointed Sousa de Meneses Captain General of the city and fortress of Daman in 1696. He held that position until early 1698. (23) It was during this appointment that his entrepreneurial commercial activities are first documented.
The question may be posed as to what degree was Sousa de Meneses' advancement based upon merit as opposed to contacts? A categorical answer is not possible. There is interesting circumstantial and counter-factual evidence. For example, Sousa de Meneses' birthplace was one of the villages that belonged to the Conde de Vila Verde. And certainly the Conde de Vila Verde would have had reason to have contact with Sousa de Meneses' father, while the latter was Capitao-mor and Governor of the Comarca of Esgueira. Prior to his arrival in India, the Conde de Vila Verde was already a prominent member of the Order of Santiago. (24) And it is possible that their memberships in these two prominent military orders aided them in establishing a relationship. Yet, at present, there is no conclusive evidence to make the connection. In general, Sousa de Meneses continued to receive important appointments and to fulfill and complete them with success and approval from the Crown.
While in Goa in 1699, Sousa de Meneses' burgeoning business acumen was recognized by local elites. After learning of the loss of Mombasa, he was one of several representatives of ecclesiastical commercial interests that prepared and signed a statement in favor of the cessation of the Companhia Geral do Comercio da India's commercial activities in East Africa for a Council of State deliberation held 30 July 1699. (25) He also participated in public meetings held by the Senado da Camara of Goa and signed an assento that was remitted to the Council of State, which supported the position that he espoused for the Companhia Geral do Comercio da India. (26) Sousa de Meneses was appointed Captain General of the city and fortress of Bassein by a different Viceroy at an undetermined date, and served in that capacity for an unspecified period of time. He was in that position in 1701. He was reappointed Captain General of the city and fortress of Daman by yet another Viceroy at an undetermined date, and served in that capacity for an unspecificed period of time. He was in that position in 1705.
The Crown recognized Sousa de Meneses' long years of successful and important service in Asia by appointing him as one of councilors to the Council of State or Conselho de Estado at Goa on 23 March 1708. (27) The Conselho de Estado was a key consultative body, composed of a group of experienced, senior-level officials organized to provide advice on governance issues to the Viceroy. Sousa de Meneses became a councilor either before or on the day of the first meeting of the Conselho in which he participated on 18 February 1710. The last meeting of the Conselho in which he participated and signed the resulting deliberations of the Council, was 21 February 1713. (28) He did not cease to be a councilor with his appointment to another key position in the Estado da India but his absence from Goa from March of 1713 onwards until his apparent death in 1715 did not permit his participation in the Conselho's meetings.
The culmination of Souza de Meneses' career came with his appointment by the Viceroy of India, Vasco Fernandes Cesar de Meneses, (29) as General of the North from 1713 to 1715. This position had been created earlier to coordinate control of reforms and overall performance by naval and military forces in the Provincia do Norte to face the rise in resistance and threats by indigenous groups--the Angria and others--to Portuguese shipping and territorial positions. It was the most important military posting in the Estado da India and as such, after the Viceroy, the General of the North was the second most important military-administrative position at the time in the Portuguese Empire in Asia. During his appointment and until his death, although with difficulties in his relations with the Viceroy, Sousa de Meneses contributed to the defeat of the Angria by a Portuguese fleet commanded by Antonio Cardim de Frois. (30)
Sousa de Meneses' Livro de Rezao and the Fateh Moula Affair
The exact dates when Sousa de Meneses initiated his incursions into the trading world of Asia are not available. It was during his first period of service from 1696 to 1698, as the Captain General of the city and fortress of Daman, however, that Manuel de Sousa de Meneses commercial activities are evident. An incident--the Fateh Moula affair--derives its tag from a ship bearing that name that was commanded by a Portuguese captain, flew the Portuguese flag and carried cargo owned by Sousa de Meneses from Bengal to Surat. An "affair" occurred, since a VOC naval commander, Paulus Huntum, temporarily impounded the Fateh Moula near Cananoor on the west coast of India in 1697 and confiscated the Captain General of Daman's goods and documents. With a pilot and three French-Christian sailors on board, Huntum alleged that these Portuguese commercial activities violated peace treaty agreements with the Company. (31)
Sousa de Meneses' documents, as well as the Estado da India's response to Dutch allegations, were saved and sent to the Netherlands to inform Company directors and support its position in the incident. A VOC employee's note stating each date (collated in Batavia) accompanied every document. The result is a confusing organization of the documents. Sousa de Meneses' papers consist of copies of thirteen documents, which are all in Portuguese. I have transcribed and re-organized them in chronological and subject order (correspondence, cartazes, and accounts) in an Appendix to this article. (32)
Of the thirteen total documents, five are pieces of correspondence. They are organized chronologically by date and ordered by author. The first two were by Sousa de Meneses to the employee and captain of his vessel, Fernao Manuel Telo. The next two were written by Sousa de Meneses' associates and directors in the French Compagnie Royale des Indes Orientales, Francois Martin at Surat to Fernao Manuel Telo and Andre Boureau Des Landes at Hougli, Bengal to Sousa de Meneses. (33) The Viceroy of the Estado da India, the Conde de Vila Verde, authored the final piece of correspondence written to the VOC.
The first cartaz was included with instructions to the captain of the Fateh Moula for presentation to Portuguese and other European vessels in 1696. The second cartaz was a typical Portuguese passport for indigenous shipping--in this instance emitted by Sousa de Meneses on behalf and for the use of the Fateh Moula and its real owner, the affluent Surat-based Hindu Bania ship-owning merchant, Vallabh Nagardas. (34) It is clear that this second cartaz was prepared and registered by Sousa de Meneses' secretary in Daman in early 1697 and sent to Fernao Manuel Telo in Bengal. It was included in the ship's papers and, apparently, upon the completion of the voyage, it was to be delivered at Surat and used by the vessel's real owner for another voyage that was distinct from this venture.
There is a one short freight receipt in the accounts, prepared by the ship's captain at Hugli and, in what is the true heart of a livro de rezao or a commercial account book, there are five documents: 1) the general statement of accounts of the investment; 2) a commercial invoice or bill of lading of goods embarked on this vessel; 3) details of the ship's expenses, while at port at Hugli in Bengal, including victuals, handling, material and repair costs; 4) a list of ship's personnel and wages; and, 5) a statement of outstanding income and liabilities for the voyage.
Portuguese merchant and administrator records of their personal commercial accounts or livros de rezao in general and in particular in Asia are extraordinarily difficult to find for the seventeenth century or earlier. The earliest surviving record of this type for Portuguese Asia is the brief, almost elliptical, set of investment annotations and accounts of Francisco da Gama, a casado (married settler) involved in inter-Asian and Asia to Europe ventures. These records survive because the Dutch captured them. (35)
The livro de rezao of Antonio Coelho Guerreiro was the exclusive example of such records for a Portuguese colonial administrator in the seventeenth century, prior to the discovery of Sousa de Meneses papers. Virginia Rau pioneered the historiographical introduction of the livro de rezao of Coelho Guerreiro and Frederic Mauro discussed its accounting practices and general use in commerce in the Atlantic world. (36)
C. R. Boxer wrote a number of biographical sketches that deal, primarily with the fascinating particulars of Coelho Guerreiro's political, military, and personal career. (37) Coelho Guerreiro and Sousa de Meneses were contemporaries and may have known of each other's reputation. While both were based at Goa and held important administrative positions, a comparison of the dates of their postings, however, suggests that they were not personally acquainted.
Coelho Guerreiro's livro de rezao is larger and more extensive than that of Sousa de Meneses. Guerreiro's is forty-six folios or ninety-two pages in length, compared with Sousa de Meneses' twenty-one folios or forty-two pages. But that of Sousa de Meneses is richer in information that recreates the daily and operational lives of the participants. The discrepancy in length is because Coelho Guerreiro deals with commercial activities that occurred over a longer time frame than those of Sousa de Meneses--a twelve versus one-year period. A second fundamental difference between the two sources is geographical treatment. Coelho Guerreiro's published livro de rezao deals with his ventures from 1684 to 1696 in the Atlantic world, Brazil, Angola and Portugal. He was posted to Asia in the early 1700s, where he was the secretary of the Estado da India, the Governor and Captain General of Solor and Timor, and of Macao. Coelho Guerreiro's last will and testament demonstrates that he was active commercially in Asia, but those papers are not an account book. At present, the Sousa Meneses papers represent the only known surviving example of a Portuguese colonial administrator's livro de rezao in Asia in the seventeenth century.
Although Sousa de Meneses professed in one of his letters that trading was new to him, it is clear from the same evidence that, prior to 1696, he had been actively involved as an investor either in taking position, transacting on commodities, and/or in freighting and operating indigenous ships (the Mamedy or Allanohaiy and Issalam Raca) and trading in goods purchased at Surat to Bengal and return via the Malabar Coast. By early 1696, Sousa de Meneses had made a decision to expand his involvement and made arrangements to freight a ship at Surat. Whether the arrangements were handled directly, which is unlikely, or via an agent is subject to conjecture. As an administrator of the Portuguese Crown, he would have access and could have requested help from indigenous agents at Surat, such as the Parsi merchant, Rustmanji Manocki. (38) Since he had established a high degree of trust in one of the directors of the French Company, Francois Martin, it is also possible that Martin made arrangements for him.
Sousa de Meneses freighted a vessel for his commercial purposes from a merchant and ship owner at Surat known as Vallabh Nagardas. Some of the documentary evidence that the Dutch found on board this vessel stated that the Portuguese administrator owned the ship, which raises the question whether the ship was freighted or purchased. This was a ruse. Sousa de Meneses' modus operandi was to freight the Surati vessel for this voyage, in league, if not in partnership, officially or unofficially, with the directors of the French East India Company.
The ship he freighted was named the Fateh Moula. (39) She was relatively small, with a cargo capacity of 300 Surat candy or 90 English tons, (40) and carried eight pieces of undescribed caliber ordnance. Her size was apparently normal and appropriate for indigenous vessels active at Surat, since this port city "was not located on the gulf proper but was situated on the Tapti River, some four miles upriver from its mouth. The bar of the Tapti prevented ships over eighty tons from proceeding to Surat; large ships were, therefore, forced to anchor at Swally Roads or Hole, an anchorage outside the bar, where their cargoes would be transshipped via smaller native craft to the city." (41) Normally, the Fateh Moula's nakhuda or captain was a man named Vaxaidas. The ship usually operated with a factor, Karan Purushotttamdas, and a pilot, Tandel Hagi. (42) Based on the personnel accounts for the voyage, both the indigenous factor and pilot were on board the Fateh Moula, although a Frenchman was placed on board as pilot at Hugli for the return voyage. Prior to and after being freighted to Souza de Menzes, the vessel had been and was scheduled for employment in Surat's trade with Bengal, Basra in the Persian Gulf and Mecca in the Red Sea.
Sousa de Meneses placed a Portuguese captain on board, Fernao Manuel Telo. The Fateh Moula's total complement, including officers and sailors, was thirty-six. Based on the accounts of payments to the crew, the composition was just under one-third Christians and slightly more than two-thirds indigenous Indian crewmembers. Christians held most of the key and sensitive positions, such as the captain, artillerymen or gunners. The rest of the Christians, around one-fifth of the entire complement, were ordinary sailors. A few of indigenous Indian crewmembers, however, did hold important responsible positions, such as the pilot, carpenter, mechanic, and barber, but the nineteen were ordinary seamen. Their total cost to Sousa de Meneses for the voyage was scheduled at 1,294 rupees, based on an estimate that the voyage would last five to six months. There was a graduated pay scale that ranged from 50 to 20, 12, 10, 8, 7, 6, and 5 rupees per month. The 50 rupees per month was for the captain (plus space and permission for his and his officers' personal investments in a limited amount of trade goods), 20 for the factor, 12 each for the pilot and carpenter, 8 for the chief artilleryman and 5 for ordinary seamen. There was no discrimination between Christians and Indians in pay rate for ordinary seamen.
Following a very traditional Portuguese Crown administrative practice, Sousa de Meneses prepared a regimento or instructions for his employee, the captain of the Fateh Moula. He stipulated and outlined seven orders Fernao Manuel Telo was to follow. Two orders dealt with payments to the crew and liberties or permission for the captain and other officials to carry limited quantities of trade goods on board the vessel. The third indicated that Sousa de Meneses delivered one of the two cartazes found on board, which he had specifically written to be shown in case the vessel was stopped at sea by Portuguese Crown or European shipping. The fourth through sixth orders dealt with the ports of call that the captain was to follow after sailing from Hugli, Bengal and on return to Surat. Sousa de Meneses authorized calling at Dutch--held Cochin on the Malabar Coast for news and, slightly further to the north, the ship was to call at Mangalore to trade its opium for pepper. At that port, the captain was to contact the Portuguese Crown factor, Diogo Pinto da Fonseca, for his correspondence. Sousa de Meneses clearly indicated that he would inform and obtain de facto support for his activities from the Viceroy. Specifically, because of the potential danger to the venture from piracy on the western coast of India, he ordered the captain of the Fateh Moula to incorporate the vessel in the Portuguese Crown's naval patrol and convoy system at Mangalore to return to Surat. The final, seventh, instruction was Sousa de Meneses' authorization to his captain to provide passage for Francois Martin's family. Apparently, other arrangements were made at Hugli, however, as Martin's family did not travel on the Fateh Moula.
Sousa de Menezes' investment in this venture was around 26,000 rupees--a relatively modest but not insignificant figure--equivalent to over 28,000 guilders that would be used to purchase commodities that might return double or more on his investment. The papers do not document that he had made investments in goods and commodities at Surat for the voyage to Hugli, Bengal. Rather, they indicate that he had remitted 6,000 rupees in cash on two ships from Surat, the Allanohaiy and Issalam Raca, which had arrived at Hugli earlier in 1696. For the remaining 20,000 rupees, he used two letras de cambio or hundi, (bills or letters of exchange). (43) The first in the amount of 11,000 rupees and the second for 9,000 rupees were funds for his agents, employees of the French Company, and were provided by sarrafs (money changers who occasionally acted as bankers) (44) at Patna and Kasimbazar, respectively. His agents were to arrange purchase and shipment of the opium and silk to Hugli for the return voyage of the Fateh Moula from Bengal via the Malabar Coast to Surat. The sugar that sailed on the vessel was acquired at Hugli. Sousa de Meneses' agent informed him that, because of wartime and disrupted market conditions at Kasimbazar, not all of the silk goods that he had arranged to purchase via letter of exchange were available when the Fateh Moula sailed from Bengal.
Funds were employed in purchasing three commodities--silk, opium, and sugar--at Bengal. Two of these commodities, silk and sugar, were clearly to be sold at Surat for local consumption or for re-export to more lucrative markets in the Red Sea or Persian Gulf markets. The opium, some thirty-one chests, was to be sold at Mangalore, where the proceeds of its sale were to be employed in the purchase of pepper and a small quantity of rice, which, again, was destined for Surat and/or sale for re-export.
Earlier, the VOC had established a primary factory at Hugli and a factory at Patna as part of their overall commercial strategy in Bengal in order to obtain opium grown in Bihar. Although the VOC's primary market for Bengal opium was in Batavia for the Indonesian Archipelago, as Om Prakash has shown, the Malabar Coast was an important secondary market for Bengal opium for the VOC in the last quarter of the seventeenth century. (45)
The company estimated in 1688 that "the annual output of opium in Bihar in a normal year at 8,700 maunds [595,950 ponden or 4,350 chests]." (46) At this time, 11 to 13 per cent of Bihar opium production was consumed locally and in Bengal, another 34 to 46 per cent was exported and consumed at Agra and Allahabad, with the remaining 41 to 55 per cent exported to other Indian markets and internationally. The VOC's participation "around this time was approximately 1,000 maunds [500 chests], accounting for about 11.5 percent of the total output." (47) Bengal opium also had to compete with supplies from Malwa (Central India) on the Malabar Coast. The VOC encountered and managed a variety of political and economic difficulties in their activities in Bengal and on the Malabar Coast. One of their foremost problems was the competition they faced from indigenous merchants, other European companies and private merchants, including Portuguese, Danes, and, especially the English and French in procuring opium in Bihar and Bengal and selling it in Asia.
Returning to Sousa de Meneses' transactions, the composition of commodities that he had selected had a commercial and practical logic for the early modern ship owner and operator. A little more than half of Sousa de Meneses' investment was Bengal sugar. His agents purchased it in quantity, over 3,459 maunds or 235,212 Dutch ponden, and had it sacked for shipment. It was relatively low priced, ranging from 8 rupees 8 anas to 6 rupees 10 anas, approximately, 8 to 6 guilders per maund or 2.5 to 1.9 stuivers per pond. The sugar possessed sufficient weight and density to be loaded as ballast in the holds of the Fateh Moula. After using the sugar, as bulk and weight, Sousa de Meneses agents bought and loaded 62 maunds of Patna opium and 6 3/4 maunds of Bengal silk. The opium cost 120 rupees the maund and over one third of Sousa de Meneses investment was in this commodity. There were 720 pieces of Bengal silk. Its cost price ranged from 3 rupees 9 anas to 3 rupees 1 ana. His investment in silk comprised less than fifteen per cent of the total.
On 16 March 1697, the VOC commander on the Malabar Coast wrote and informed the Viceroy of the Estado da India, the Conde de Vila Verde, that he had impounded the Fateh Moula and had confiscated its cargo, alleging that Sousa de Meneses' commercial activities, specifically his involvement with the French Company and the trafficking in Bengal opium on the Malabar Coast was in violation of the Portuguese-Dutch peace agreement. This incident provoked a political confrontation between the VOC and the Estado da India.
This exchange--in particular the fifth and final piece of correspondence in the Sousa de Meneses papers, the Conde de Vila Verde's letter to the VOC--highlights the official Portuguese position in Asia with regard to political and commercial relationships with other European powers and the defense of commercial activities by its colonial administrators. The Conde de Vila Verde indicated in his letter from Goa on 7 April 1697, contained in the Sousa de Meneses collection, (48) that he was intimately and personally cognizant of the peace treaty, since his father-in-law, the Conde de Miranda [de Corvo], e Marquez de Arronches, had negotiated the agreement. (49) The Conde de Vila Verde possessed a copy of the treaty and had instructions from the Crown to scrupulously follow it to the letter in order to avoid providing an excuse for the renewal of armed conflict with the VOC. Armed with this information, Vila Verde wrote a detailed, point-by-point rebuttal of the alleged Portuguese violations of the treaty to the VOC.
The Portuguese position may be condensed and summarized as based on the rights of neutrals, which the Portuguese were, in the transit and nonmolestation of their shipping, during hostilities between other powers, in this case, France and the Netherlands. As to Portuguese trafficking in Bengal opium, the Viceroy feigned ignorance that this commodity was in demand on the Malabar Coast. He indicated that the Portuguese Crown shipping that sailed to Bengal returned only with cargoes of saltpeter to manufacture gunpowder. He would investigate the private activities of Sousa de Meneses and determine if they were improper, but the exclusion of trafficking in opium was not mentioned at any point in the Dutch-Portuguese agreement. Finally, since the ship had been allowed to sail, he requested the restitution of Sousa de Meneses' property.
Within the Estado da India and in correspondence with the Crown, the affair did not end with this exchange between Huntum and the Conde de Vila Verde. The Viceroy had raised the issue in the Conselho do Estado the day before writing his reply and several more times as he proceeded to defend the commercial activities of Manuel de Sousa de Meneses before the VOC. (50) In early 1698, the Viceroy wrote to the Crown providing an overview of the affair, mentioning that he found it embarrassing and was in consultation with the Conselho do Estado on the issue. (51) Ultimately, in 1698, the VOC informed the Viceroy that they would restitute the Portuguese colonial administrator's property and the Conde de Vila Verde arranged for a Crown ship with Sousa de Meneses' agent, Fernao Manuel Telo, on board to collect the Portuguese colonial administrator's property. The Fateh Moula affair was concluded with VOC restitution of some or all Sousa de Meneses' cargo and available documentation for his commercial and entrepreneurial activities recede from the historical record.
This article presents highlights on the career and activities of one key Portuguese colonial administrator in Asia in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. To do so, the details of Sousa de Meneses activities were examined based upon a unique new source. Certain conclusions can be made on the efficacy and importance of its use. It permits an in-depth examination and analysis of one colonial administrator's commercial activities and investments, as well as his close business relations with Asians and other Europeans in the Bay of Bengal on the Malabar Coast. It reveals exciting new details on the instruments of trade--for example, the freighting of jointly manned indigenous ships and the use of indigenous methods and merchants in the transfer of funds--and attempts at Portuguese control over passage--for example, the cartazes--that Europeans in general and the Portuguese in particular were aware of or benefitted by in Asia. It permits a rare documented glimpse and comparison of commercial practices employed by the Portuguese, transactions in different regional markets, and relations developed with indigenous and other European commercial groups. It is a rich source that provides great detail but reinforces, rather than contests or challenges, the paradigm of early modern European relations in and with Asians, described as an age of partnership. (52)
Coupled with difficult-to-locate biographical and service record data, the Sousa de Meneses' correspondence with his captain confirms the close interaction and communication between Crown authorities--the Conde de Vila Verde and Sousa de Meneses--and the inter-connectedness of personal and Crown objectives, activities, and resources. Sousa de Meneses was totally confident of support that he could request and would receive from the Crown's highest representative in the Estado da India, the Conde de Vila Verde. Both administrators were members of the same social group--the nobility. They were from the same geographical location in Portugal and members of prominent military orders. Sousa de Meneses' advancement in colonial service was recognized during the Conde de Vila Verde's viceroyalty. Fulsome expressions of confidence in the advice and support of French Company officials in Sousa de Meneses activities and his offering passage to Francois Martin's family are reminders that personal, as well as political motivations drove the interrelationships among European powers--a truism so often devoid of epistemological expression since the documentary sources are so difficult to find or interpret.
A subordinate purpose of this article is to identify whether the social biographical approach as a methodology aids in framing broader questions that were not discussed--the nature of power, authority and performance within the Portuguese imperial framework over differing locations in America, Africa and Asia and with other European imperial administrations and administrators, in the first half of the long eighteenth century (roughly the 1680s to 1750s). This article suggests that when such sources exist and fundamental incremental (including prosopographic) data are available, sources such as the Sousa de Meneses papers and the social biographical approach can contribute positively toward formulating, contributing and answering new lines of comparative inquiry concerning Portuguese and European colonial administration.
This article has not and does not advocate a historiographical regression to exclusive use of the social biographical approach. When unique and important sources, such as the Sousa de Meneses papers, are found, however, the social biographical approach uniquely highlights aspects of Portuguese and European colonial administration and governance that cannot otherwise be examined or understood.
Manoel de Souza de Menezes Collection, VOC 1588, fols. 705r to 721r.
1. Manoel de Souza de Menezes [to Fernao Manoel Tello], Damao, 15/v/1696 [fol. 708r]
Manoel de Souza de Menezes fidalgo da casa de sua Magestade cavalleiro profeco da Ordem de Christo, Capitao e Gobernador da fortaleza e cidade de Damao: Por este dou ordem e regimento a o Senhor Fernao Manoel Tello que vai por Capitao do meu barco chamado Fatemurad que parte deste porto de Damao pera o de Ugolim.
Primeiramente dee nosso Senhor VM. muiy boa viagem e o traga a salvamento com os bens que lhe dezejo. Tenho entregue a VM. dito barco com todo aviamento que contem as listas, e vai a gente paga por maos de VM. por tempo de tres mezes comessados em 15 de Mayo, e cabado este tempo lhes pagara VM. conforme couber a cada hum e o tempo que lhe parecer licito. Dara VM. as liberdades a os Officiaes da forma de seus concertos.
Tenho entregue a VM. a carta de crenca em nome de sua Magestade, pera que sendo em cazo necessario apresentala assi a nossos Capitaens como a outros Nacoins de Europa VM. o faca.
Chegando VM. como em Deus confio a barra de Balacor, tomara hum Piloto pera meter dentro no Ugolim aonde VM. cranar a barco, e alimpalo e pollo prestes pera o mez de Dezembro comessar tomar sua carga que fara VM. com o feitor que avie em tempo que possa sahir em dias do dito mez pera fora da volta peza este porto, tomara VM. o de Cochim pera Alli saber as noticias desta Costa, tomara VM. o porto de Mangalor aonde achara carta minha nas maos de nosso feitor de sua Magestade Diogo Pinto da Fonseca.
Tambem hei de pedir a o Senhor Conde Vico Rei ordene a o Capitao mor da armada do Sul que sendo necessario VM. de Mangalor para esta algum Comboio lho dee e em tudo mais que se offerecer obrara VM. com a diligencia que de sua pessoa espero.
Se ouver alguns mercadores, e passageiros pera esta VM. junto com o feitor se concertara com elles, e no particular que tenho fallado a VM. sobre a familia do monsieur Martin querendo pacar no barco VM. lhe dee toda a boa passagem, e huma camara para virem: nao tenho que encomendar a VM. este particular pois he de hum amigo nosso, e sobre tudo devemos sempre dar boa passagem a os estranheiros tudo fio do cuidado de VM. e fico rogando a Deus o leve e traga a salvamento. Damao, 15. de Maio de 1696.
Manoel de Souza de Menezes
Gecollationeert accordeert. Batavia den 8 Novemb: 1697 Jacobus op den Alkker Eccls
2. Manoel de Souza de Menezes to Fernao Manoel Tello, Damao, 15/xi/1696 [fol. 706r]
Snor. Fernao Manoel Tello
Com muita particular alegria recebi a de VM. de 24 de Julho pellas noticias que me da de sua chegada a salvamento a esse porto de Ugolim e com saude que he o que muito estimo: e me tenho compadecido dos trabalhos que VM. exprementou nossa viagem pello mao aparelho do barco; apreca com que lhe aparelhou nao deu lugar a melhor gornicao della; como se chega a lograr o bem fim da viagem tudo esquece.
Estimo tambem o avizo que VM. me da do que obrarao os Senhores Francezes, que por amigos nao duvidava me assisticem essa diligencia e vontade e a mesma correspondencia que tiverao comigo, e com couzas minhas, lhe ordeno a VM. se aja com a Snora Directris sendo servido querer vir nesse barco, que VM. lhe offerecera de minha parte e lhe assisteza: com particular cuidado como se viesse nelle minha propia pessoa e asim o debe VM. ter entendido.
A o Snor. Director Monsieur Des Landes, e ao Senhor General Monsieur Martin rendo as gracas hua e muitas vezes pellos favores que VM. tem delles recebido; e quando aja tambem nesta cidade ou desta banda ocazioes em que lhes possa asistir lhe nao hei de faltar com a mesma vontade que VM. nelles tem exprementado, e assim lho deve de relatar porque me prezo de agradedido; e do bem correspondente em primores. Nao tenho recebido pouco sentimento com as novas que VM. me relata de que esta essa terra com guerras e perturbada suposto me nao diz com quem com tudo espero da boa diligencia de VM. e de seu muito descargo nao serao ellas bastantes para que por via de VM. e dos mais amigos se poderem conducir as fazendas que lhe tenho ordenado.
He trabalho nao ser mercador nem entender de mercancia; e visto o que esses Senhores la tem obrado em meus particulares me motivou confianca pera pedir a Monsieur Director General de Surratte dispuzece no particular das fazendas como se fosse em couza sua propria, elle me promete por sua carta; e asim lhe ordeno a VM. siga nesta materia as que elle lhe der, porque me averei por bem servido, e do contrario me dara conta da rezao que tive para o nao fazer; e em quanto posso dizerlhe nesta materia, e pedir a Deus que o traga a bom salvamento elle guarde a VM. como dezejo.
Damao, 15. de Novembro de 1696.
De VM. Muiyto serto, Manoel de Souza de Menezes
Gecollationeert accordeert. Batavia der 8 Novemb: 1697 Jacobus op den Alkker Eccls
3. M. Martin to Fernao Manoel Tello, Suratte, 16/xii/1696 [fol. 705r]
Snor. Fernao Manoel Tello
Como se me offereceo esta occaziao, nao quis perder com essas limitadas regras precurando a sua boa saude; Permita nosso Senhor condeder lhe com aquella dispozicao, qual me dezejo propio; asegurando me com a que possuo muito a seu querer destas bandas.
Tive ordem de Capitao e Gobernador de Damao, a que me relatava para o fazer a VM. essa, pera que de sua volta, para esta, tendo VM., ou achando, assas tempo, tomando a Costa de Malavar, que he o milhor porto, conforme VM. ja sabe o relatado em regimento, e la desfazer do afiao que VM. trouxer em dito navio, e de seu emprego em pimenta, ou em troca della a cazo leva o tempo para este negocio com o conselho de Carane do dito navio, fazer todos os seus possiveis; para da milhor sahida em dito afiao; a cazo se for pello contrario, deixara VM. em poder do Carane a Du o dito afiao, e tomar o seu recibo para o consto; e conseguir a sua derrota a esta. Neste particular me da ordem o dito Capitao e Gobernador que disponha em tudo como propio, e que sigua a minha ordem, como tambem no particular de minha familia o que ja tenho manifestado a VM. que tera cuidado como espero, e o mesmo pede o Capitao e Gobernador na inclusa de VM. que acompanha com esta, e a carta do Carane em leitra dos Gentios que escrevem Narandas e Bovanidas. Advertindo a VM. se a minha familia nao esteja embarcado nesse barco, e que tera passado no outro barco, peco a VM. deixara ella cartinha que escreveo para minha molher em maos do Carane, que as tendo occaziao para lhe remeter com toda a seguranca a minha molher, sabendo as novas, no qual porto seja chegada a dita minha familia nisso espero do seu affecto; a quem nosso Senhor recolha com bem a salvamento e o guarde como pode.
Suratte 16. de Decembro de 1696.
De VM. Amigo e serto Servo, Martin
Gecollationeert accordeert. Batavia den 8 November, 1697 Jacobus op den Alkker Eccls
Tambem advirto a VM. que sempre seja acautelado com boa vigia no barco de dia e de noite pera que VM. afirmou o Capitao e Gobernador, que andao os Malavares nessa Costa muitos de que VM. o tera o cuidado que lhe na replico; Tambem peco a VM. que em chegando na Costa de Mangalor, comprara VM. seis ou sete fardos de arros bem cheirozo e fino como mais tendo lugar bastante no navio, sem embarrecar a outra fazenda pode VM. tomar mais alguns fardos de arros doutra sorte para a esta feitoria, porque este anno ouve muita falta do mantimento, visto nao chover de que espero de sua diligencia de VM., nao sendo embaracar no que digo acima, tambem trara VM. alguns boiyoes de sardainha da dito Costa, no mesmo dia e hora & a tudo isso tenho licenca eu, do dito Gouvernador de Damao, que lhe pagareiy as fretes, que for.
4. M. Des Landes to Manoel de Souza de Menezes, Ugolim, 30/xii/1696 [fols. 707r-707v]
Senhor Manoel de Souza de Menezes
Com a partida do barco Fatemurad faco esta a VM. para por ella conhecer quanto desejo servir, juntamente lho dar noticia das couzas pertencentes a o dito barco que no particular da letra de Cambio que me enviou por via de Patena nao hei recebido mais que Rupias 11000 e as Rupias 9000 que restao sao conteudas em huma letra de Cambio sobre hum Xarafo de Mussedabar a qual Monsieur de Fonvielle retirandose de Cassunbazar na entrada do exercito do Raja a tomar aquella terra, levou consigo. Creio ser seguro o Xarafo e asi nao avera difficuldade no cobranca do dinheiro sobre as Rupias 6000 que me forao remitidas pellos barcos Allanohaiy e Issalameraca paguei Rupias 2000 conforme seu ordem a Deurage as avencas que hei feito por despachar o barco Fatemurad, pode VM. bem ver porque o nao suprir com meu dinheiro nao sei quando seria o dito barco negociado mas tudo o que he feito foiy obridado da grande vontade que tenho de o servir para outra occaziao que a VM. pareca com bem mandar barco a esta sera melhor enviar o cabedal, em dito barco porque as letras sempre chegao muito tarde e tem dilacao nos pagamentos como VM. ve neste prezente occaziao a esta acompanha huas facturas das fazendas que he carregado em dito barco e pella conta corrente vera ser eu devedor de Rupias 2863 e 8 anas, mas tem que reparar conforme explico em dita conta que a tal contia fica em Cassimbazar empregada em seda da qual alguma esta na feitoria e outra na mao dos mercadores e he muito dificultoso vir tao sedo por couza desta guerra da qual o Capitao dara relecao a VM. e asi ditas Rupias 2863 e 8 anas sao a risco de VM. no dito lugar que com tudo espero de se nao perder nada e tenho mandado ordem para vir a esta toda a que for prompta com esta vaiy tambem a conta dos gastos feitos com o dito barco conforme VM. me escreveo a os quaes emportao Rupias 2480 e 6 anas sobre a qual contia lhe heiy pedido de pagar Rupias 1333 e 5 anas a os Padres da Companhia de Jesus que assistem em Surratte, com que por soldada conta me he VM. devedor de Rupias 1147 e 1 anas as quaes sera servido mandarme a seu risco na primeira occaziao como he de rezao se nao puder na moncao prezente mandar a seda que digo ficou em Cassimbazar ordene VM. o que della devo fazer vaiy tambem a conta da paga dos Oficiaes e marinheiros do barco pella qual vera VM. em nova da a paga de hum mestre a qual mandeiy fazer por me parecer ser coveniente e pello grande descuido do Tandel, e tambem porque verdadeiramente nao pode passar hum barco sem mestre pareceome tambem mandar tomar mais alguns Christaos pello risco dos Malavares e tambem fuiy de parecer de se lancarem dous artilheiros Mouros fora porque os taes nunca ja mais os pode e Capitao fazer servir e tiverao outras demazias tambem deiy a praca de piloto a Monsieur de Bassemaison pellas partes que conheco nelle para tal occupacao, ja tenho escrito a VM. que o Capitao a feito o que estava de sua obrigacao con grande ponctualidade e zelo de suas couzas e servico creiyo eu avera VM. muita consideracao em seu bom proceder e lhe agradecera da forma que merece e eu o estimareiy juntamente de aver muitas occazioes de servir a pessoa de VM. que Deus Guarde &. Ugolim 30. de Dezembro de 1696
De VM. Muiyto serto Servidor, Des Landes
Gecollationeert accordeert. Batavia de 8 Novemb: 1697. Jacobus op den Alkker Eccls
Com esta vaiy digo na mao De VM. do Capitao vaiy o papel dalfandiga do assucar que vaiy carregado no barco VM. se lembrara na primeira occasiao de mandar o consto de como em Surratte se pagou os direitos delle advertindo a VM. que avendo falta de me mandar o tal papel sereiy obrigado a pagar a qui os direitos pello que toca a seda pagou a qui por ter vindo de Cassimbazar em nome da Companhia e o affiao foiy comprado livre dos direitos com que da seda e affiao nao heiy necessidade de VM. mandar consto.
5. Conde de Villa Verde to VOC, Goa, 7/iv/1697 [fols. 711r-712r]
Recebi a carta de VS.a escrita em Cananor a 16. de Marco, e chegada a este porto de Goa a 4. de Abril, e como para a traduccao delle se nao achar em Goa interprete que a traduzisse com toda a individuacao o seu contexto como for prezente a o inviado por VS.a nao poderei responder a todos os capitullos della com aquella clareza que dezejava a demostracao de satisfacao que VS.a me da do descarga que fez do barco Fatti Moura das fazendas que entendeo pertencerem a os Franceses suposto vinhao de baixo do nome de Capitao de Damao, e em barco que se cobria com a bandeira Portuguesa cujo Capitao hera tambem Portugues, vi tambem todos os papeis que VS.a me remeteo: Passaporte do Capitao de Damao, Instruccao, e carregacoins feitas em seu nome administradas por dous Directores da Companhia Francesa remetido de Bengalla para Surratte, e que na dita embarcao vina piloto Francez, e mais tres marinheiros da mesma Nacao sendo este o indicio que VS.a diz teve para entender serem as fazendas pertencentes a os ditos Francezes, e que obrigou a tomar as carregacoes pertencentes a os ditos Francezes isto suposto he o que podia entender da carta de VS.a e como VS.a me pede faca juizo da pertenca da dita fazenda me nao he possivel por hora sem primeiro me informar do Capitao da praca de Damao; porque ainda que da parte de VS.a se mostre alguns indicios para se presumir nao ter o Capitao de Damao nenhua parte nessa fazenda, com tudo tambem pella parte do dito Capitao se ve as instuccoens, e carregacoins todos em seu nome, e em barco que se diz ser seu, e sendo assi fica VS.a obrigado entregar as fazendas como he premetido nas Capitulacoins feitas com El Rey meu Senhor e os Estados Geraes, nas quaes o Capitulo 24. que he o que falla neste particular vaiy copeado com esta para ser presente a VS.a e posto que o barco seja de Surratte, e nao tenha o Capitao nelle mais que algua parte, ou o tenha tomado a fretes, como o porto de Surratte os Senhores Olandeses nao tenhao guerra, sempre as fazendas devem restetuidas, quando pertencao a o Capitao de Damao, o que visto o barco ser do dito porto nelle se examinara mais claramente a verdade e pertenca do dito barco e fazendas protestando a VS.a de sempre ficar dereito a o Capitao da praca de Damao de requerer as suas fazendas, e a miy de me queixar da dita preza quando seja injusta pedindo a satisfacao na forma do dito Capitulo 24. e Capitulo 17. das Capitulacois das pazes, sem que dilacao dos ditos requerimentos nos prejudique, pois so se dirige a melhor exame e a que se apure a verdade.
Passando a responder a os mais Capitulos da carta de VS.a quanto a o em que se espanta do Capitao de Damao se meter em comercio com os Francezses se o fez de baixo de capa ou com supercharia obrou mal, e sera castigado por mim, porem se o fez clara e listimamente, comprandole ou vendendolhe as fazendas o pode fazer, e lhe he licito; pois esse he o beneficio do neutralidade de poder comerciar com huas e outras Nacoins, e ainda levar as suas fazendas nos barcos neutrais, o que alem de ser do dereito das Gentes, se mostra tambem pello dito artigo das Capitulacoins, sem que as taes Nacoins, posto que andem em guerra entre siy se offendao disso, antes sao obrigadas pello dito dereito das Gentes, e Capitulacoens a deixar passar seus barcos livres, e ainda as fazendas da mesma Nacao com quem estar em guerra por hir em embarcacoins do Princepe natural, e so lhe prohibe o mesmo dereito das gentes levarem, polvara, ballas, e outras municoins de guerra, como fazendas do contrabando que dereitamente sao para offender ou defender algua das partes, e neste cazo ainda os barcos sempre ficao livres, e so as fazendas como prejudiciaes a hua das partes sao confiscadas, o que se nao entende no prezente, porque nem as fazendas erao de semelhante natureza nem hiao pera o porto do inimigo que estivesse citiado pera ter a rezao de poderem ser retendas, mas nunca podiao ser confiscasdas, e asi so nestes dous ultimos cazos de levar petrechos e monicoins de guerra, ou de hir entrar em barra citiada se podem reter as fazendas e em nenhum outro sem que se falte a fe publica, Capitulacoins das pazes e a boa correspondencia da neutralidade, a qual he livre a fazer seus comercios e transportos pellos lugares e portos com quem tem amizaded e para onde costuma navegar, e na mesma forma estamos hoje fazendo com os Senhores Olandeses, pois assi em Goa como em outras pracas nossas tem os ditos correpondentes a quem mandao suas fazendas na mesma forma que podia ter o Capitao de Damao com os Francezes.
No que tocca a pedirme VS.a ordene a os barcos de Bengalla nao vendao afiao na Costa do Malavar, sei tao poco de negocio mercantil que he a primeira vez que ouco fallar em que elles facao tal comercio, e tragao semelhante genero, mas como VS.a me dizia ser esta prohibido na dita Costa vendo as Capitulacoins das pazes que entre El Rey meu Senhor e os Estados Geraes se fizerao nao acho Capitulo que em tal materia falle; e so vi muiytos em que se retifica a liberdade do comercio entre hua e outra Nacao para os portos de Portugal e Olanda, e dos Dominios de ambas as Nacoins, mas desta questao posso librar a VS.a porque o que mando venha sempre de Bengalla para as Armazes Reas he so salitre, e como deste genero necessito sempre grande abundancia nao ficar lugar a os barcos para trazerem outros por virem a borrotados com o dito salitre.
Alli como da parte dos Senhores Olandeses que asistem na India se tem observado as Capitulacoins das pazes feitas com El Rey meu Senhor tambem he certo que da nossa parte se nao tem faltado ate agora na observancia dellas, e se os meus antecesores continuavao na dita observancia em miy se nao tem tambem achado falta nella, pois na obediencia e execucao das ordens tao tao expressivas que tenho do El Rey meu Senhor sobre este particular em que me ordena nao falte em tudo o que for para augmento da amizade que ha entre Portugal, e os Estados Geraes, e Provincias unidas de Olanda, nao so os hei de igualar, mas mostrar ainda que os excedo pella affeicao que tenho a dita Nacao, e por me occorrer de mais ser em as Capitulacoins das pazes feitas pello Excellentissimo Senhor Conde de Miranda, e Marquez de Arronches meu sogro, e de como assi o tenho mostrado hei de tomar a VS.a por testemunha, e as mais cabos da Nacao Olandesa que neste porto se achavao despois que Governo este Estado, e nestes proximos dous annos, em que mais frequentavao esta Costa as duas Nacoins inimigos de Olanda, e Franca, com ambas tenho uzado tao igual neutralidade que nao recebeu hua favor que a outra o nao exprementace igual, e sendo lhe a VS.a isso tao prezente nao parece que igualmente corresponde em pretender ser de boa preza hua fazenda que por tantos titullos se deixava presumir pertencer a vassallo de Portugal.
Tindo consegurar a VS.a que neste particular hei de obrar com tanta exaccao e lizura que se achar certo o que VS.a presume de ser a carga dos Francezes sendo o barco dos Mouros de Surratte nao tendo o Capitao de Damao assi na ditas fazendas, como no barco parte e sendo tudo affeitado como VS.a presume para capear a fazenda dos seus inimigos me nao quexarei da reprezaria das ditas fazendas, e pello contrario pertencendo estas a o Capitao de Damao hei de pedir a VS.a a restetuicao dellas a qual se deve fazer sem controversia, nem duvida pellas Capitulacoins das pazes pella liberdade da neutralidade, he publica do comercio, e dereito das Gentes.
Tenho respondido a VS.a com toda a individuacao e clareza a os pontos e Cappitulos de sua carta, segundo a traduccao que della se fez, e so me resta agora agradecer lhe a satisfacao que me deo em mandar esta fragatinha so a fazerme prezente as rezoes de sua pretencao sobre as fazendas represadas com a presumpcao de serem dos Francezes, e asi como nesta satisfacao mostra VS.a dezejo e tencao de boa correspondencia, e amizade, espero eu que asi o continue na restetuicao das fazendas quando pertencao a o dito Capitao de Damao ou por qual quer titullo ou via que seja por onde se entenda serem livres, e mal reprezadas de cujo dereito nao cedo antes protexto de nao perjudicar a reparacao da dita reprezaria, qual quer acto que se haja feito econtrario e ainda a dillacao que haja no requerer: Deus guarde a VS.a &. Goa 7. de Abril de 1697.
Muito afeicoado de VS.a Conde de Villa Verde
Gecollationeert accordeert. Batavia den 8 Novemb: 1697 Jacobus op den Alkker Eccls
6. Cartaz, Damao, 1/v/1696 [fol. 710r]
Manoel de Souza de Menezes Fidalgo da casa de sua Magestade, cavalleiro profeco da Ordem de Christo, Capitao e Gobernador da fortaleza e cidade de Damao por sua Magestade eVa [etc.] Faco saber a todos os Capitaes, e cabos dos navios das Nacoes de Europa que navegao nestes mares da India, e nos mais da Azia, e a os dos naturaes della amigos desta Coroa em como mando este barquinho para Bengalla e porto de Ugullim com varias drogas para comduzir outras para esta cidade de Damao, e para constar a os ditos cabos e Capitaes desta verdade paceiy esta carta de crenca para que encontrando o dito barquinho lhe facao toda a boa pacagem como amigos no que farao o que devem; e sao obrigados em comprimento das pazes selebradas entre as ditas Nacoes e a Coroa de Portugal e a mesma boa correspondencia terao os Capitains e cabos das embarcacoes da dita Coroa com as mais das outras e se dara inteira fe e credito a esta carta em qual quer parte onde for mostrada, a qual vaiy por mi assinada, e sellada com o sello das armas reais da Coroa de Portugal. Dada em Damao a o primeiro de Mayo de mil seis centos noventa e seis annos.
Manoel de Souza de Menezes Gecollationeert accordeert.
Batavia, den 8 Novemb: 1697. Jacobus op den Alkker Eccls
7. Cartaz, Damao, 9/ii/1697 [fol. 709r]
Manoel de Souza de Menezes, Fidalgo da casa de sua Magestade, Cavalleiro profeco da Ordem de Christo, e Governador da fortaleza e cidade de Damao e sua jurisdicao pelo dito Senhor eVa [etc.] faco saber a os que este virem tendo respeito a antiga amizade que o estado da India tem com El Rey Mogor Horongaxaha, e por esta cauza esta em cust.e pacar se lhe cada anno huns cartas polos Senhores Vico Reiys e Gouvernador da India para hua nao sua poder partir do porto de Surratte para o estreito de Meca, e os mais nesta fortaleza de Damao e por o Conde de Sao Vicente Vico Reiy ordenar se nao passasse nesta fortaleza nem em outras cartas algum, e que todos fossem a cidade de Goa a requerelos como faziao nos quatro annos prox.os e agora por justas consideracoes do servico de sua Magestade e por pedir Mirza Rosane Jamve Gouvernador de Surratte, Exabandar Hagiy Mahamede alli pelo P.e F.r Gaspar Bauptista Capucho se tornace a pacar nesta fortaleza, e se me ordenar pacasse remetendo para este effeito copia do assento do conselho do estado e anotta do cartas que he esta; heiy por bem de dar licenca e seguro a este Botte por nome Fateiy Langa de porte de trezentos candis de que he Senhorio Valabodas Nagardas, e vaiy por Nacoda Vaxaidas, e por pilouto Bauasa Carrane Porsatamadas, e Tandel Hagiy, e leva para sua defensa oito pessas, dez trassados, quinze espingardas, polvara, e pilouros bastantes para as ditas armas, para que nesta moncao possa partir do porto do Malavar onde esta para os portos de Bengala, Congo, Bacora e Meca, nao levando nem trazendo Arabios de Mascate e de outros portos seus, nem podera levar Portugueses sem serem reg.os por miy e das fazendas que leva pagou os direitos da sahida e entrada pello estillo de cinco Rupias e cento dos cadis do barco tanto dahida como da vinda; e nao da fazenda como esta asentado, com declaracao que nao hira por nenhum cazo, e percija que seja a necessidade a Mascate, Calicutt, portos de Samoriym e mais portos de Malavar inimigos do estado nem em outros com que o mesmo estado em guerra e fazendo o contrario lhe nao valera esta cartas, como tambem sendo os portos asima nomeados do dito Samoriym e Malavar e o dito Botte por nom Fateiy Langa de maiyor porte do que asima se declara, e levando mais armas das asima ditas tambem lhe nao valera este dito cartas e requerimento da pessoa de sua Magestade e do Senhor Conde Vico Reiy da India a os Capitains Mores das armadas deste estado mais Capitains Officiaes e pessoas a que pertencer que deixe fazer sua viagem livremente a este Botte, da hida e vinda sem impedimento algum, e guarde como neste se contem, o que vaiy sellado com o senete das armas Reais da Coroa de Portugal, Senangiy Peramo Escrevente da feitoria o fez a deza digo o fez a nove de Fevreiro de mil seis centos noventa e sete annos; Eu Henrique de Souza Coutinho Escrivao desta feitoria o fez escrever e sob escrevi.
Manoel de Souza de Menezes
Gecollationeert accordeert. Batavia den 8 Novemb: 1697. Jacobus op den Alkker Eccls
Registrado no L. 56. dos registros dos cartazes que serve neste feitoria ou fl. 192 por miy Escrivao abx.o assinado. Damao 9. de Fevreiro de 1697. @o Henrique de Souza Coutinho.
8. Fernao Manoel Tello, Ugolim, 29/xii/1696 [fol. 716r]
[in extreme left margin: azucar de Guragatte: G Dito de Vasentry: [??] Afiao e seda: MD]
Por este por mi assinado digo eu Fernao Manoel Tello Capitao do barco Fatimura, ser verdade aver embarcado o Senor Andre Boureau Deslandes mil e sinco sacos de azucar de Vasanturiy, setecentos sacos azucar de Guragatte trinta e hum caoes de afiao e oito fardos de seda, tudo com as marcas da margem, e vai embarcado no dito barco por conta e risco do Snor Manoel de Souza de Menezes Capitao e Gouvernador de Damao. Levandome Ds. A salvam.to a o porto de Surratte serei obrigado a entregar ditas fazendas a quem suas ordems tiver e por verdade de que firmei trez deste teor hum cumprido os outros nao vallem. Ugulim em vinte e nove de Decembro de mil seis centos noventa e seis annos.
Fernao Manoel Tello
Gecollationeert accordeert. Bat. d. 26 Oct. 1697 Jacobus op den Aller Eccls
9. General Account [fols. 713v -714r] [fol.713v] O Snor. M.d de Souza de Menezes Gov.r de Damao Deve por quanto se pagou a Diverage em Rupias de Surratte Rs. 2,000.-.- pello frete das 6000 Rupias direito do Escrivao e differencia das Rupias pellas dez rupias pagadas a dous patamares vindo os de Surratte a conta de suas paga e 2 rupias pella tardanca 65.13.- pello montante das mercancias embarcadas no navio fatemoura conforme a factura 21,198.11.- Rs. 23,276. 9.- P. rupias 2800 athe 3000 em seda taniy que se encomendou e donde as adientacoes se fizerao em Cassimbazar e das quaes huma partida esta na feitoria e o de mais ficou nas maos dos Mercadores que farei em modo de arrecadar, mas como o Raja se Senhoriou do dito Cassimbazar e que os Caminhos estao impedidos, vejo pouca aparencia de poder mandar vir esta partida de seda, de modo que se levara a solda desta prezente conta, a conta nova 2,863. 8.- Rs. 26,140.-.- [subscript folio 713 v and 714r ] Gecollationeert accordeert. Batavia d. 26 Octob. 1697 Jacobus op den Aller Eccls [foi. 714r] Haver Ha de aver porquanto o ditto Snor enviou em rupias de Surratte Pellos navios Mamedy e " Issalam Raca Rs. 6,000.-.- Pello proveito sobre 4000 rupias a 3% por % humas por outras 140.-.- Pellas remessas que fez por via de Patena montandoas a Rs. 20000 a conta do qual contia se nao tem recebido athe o prezente que 11000 rupias e o restante, que fazem 9000 rupias sendo passado por letra de Cambio que nao foiy satisfeita e que Monsieur Fonvielle levou comsigo quando se retirou de Cassimbazar, na chegada que fizerao as tropas do Raja porem como o Sarafe que devia satisfacer a dita contia parece ser seguro. Espero que nao ter difiiculd.' pello pagam.to de modo que acredito o dito Snor Manoel de Souza de Menezes do Montante das remessas que fez 20,000.-.- Se ha de notar que se nao sabe ainda se avera perda ou proveito sobre a Contia assima em respeito do Cambio que se pagou em Patena p.a fazela passar a Ugolim, no seguinte acreditarei ou farei devedor a o dito Snor Governador de que ouver de mais ou de menos Rs. 26,140.-.- 10. Invoice [fols. 715r-715v] [fol. [715r] Factura das mercancias embarcadas no navio Fatemoura, pella conta e risco do Snor Manoel de Souza de Menezes, Gobernador de Damao, a saber No. Seda Taniy 4.s. 2. fardos contendo cada hum 90 seras ou 2% maos de seda Rs. 641. 4.- taniy fazem 180 seras a 3 Rupias e nove anas cada sera 5.s. 4. fardos contendo cada hum 90 MD seras ou 2% maos de seda taniy fazem 360 seras a 3 Rupias e cinco anas cada sera 1,192.8.- 6.s. 2. fardos contendo cada hum 90 seras ou 2% maos de seda taniy fazem 180 seras a 3 Rupias e 1 ana cada sera 8. fardos 551.4.- Pello R 2,385.-.- diminuicao 74.8. 1/2 R 2,310.7. 1/2 Se ha de notar que se nao tern ainda ajustado a preco da seda em respeito da precipitacao com que se recebeo. Se fara o possivel pera tirala de alguma couza a melhor barateza Se ha de tambem notar que se tem escrito de Cassimbazar que duvidavao de ter mercado hum fardo de huma sorte por outra P enfardelagem a R 4. 32.-.- cada fardo Pella alfandiga de 2200 Rupias 88.-.- que foiy necesario de Paear Por carreto de Cassimbazar a 12.-.- Ugolim por via das Guerras Pello cambio de diferencia 61.4.- das Rupias de Cassimbazar a as de Ugolim que se montarao mais alto que os annos antecedentes a 2 1/2 por Cento Em outra parte 2,503.11.6 Rupias [fol. 7I5v] Pello montante em outra parte 2,503.11.6 Sucre de Gouragatte 700 sacos de assucre de Gouragatte 6,024.6.- pezando cada saco limpo de tara 2 maos e I sera de bazar a rezao de duas maos por cada saco fazem 708% saco a G Rupias 8. e 8. anas cada saco Por enfardeleiros, os que 21. 1.- pezavao, a os bigarins e batteis para levar a bordo -- 6,099.4.6 Afiao de Patena 31 Caixoes de afiao contendo 7,440.-.- cada hum duas maos de arrate, fazem 62 maos a R. 120 a mao rendida a bordo do navio. P gonis, cordas e efardeleiros 11.8.3 MD P porto a bordo do navio & 2.11.- 7,454.3.3 Sucre de Vasentriy 1,005 sacos de assucre que pezavao 885 3/4 limpo 2059 maos e 31 sera de bazar a rezao de 2 maos 13 seras em cada saco fazem 885 3/4 sacos Na qual dita partida tem 106 36 sacos p.a Monsieur Grangemont 30 sacos p.a Snor. Fernao Manoel e 40 sacos para o Snor de Bassemaison fazem em tudo sacos Restao 779 3/4 sacos Pello Senhorio do navio os Rs. 5,141. 7.9 quaes forao comprados Nos 21,198.11.- lugares a varios precos tendo em a partida de Duas ou tres sortes que vierao rendidas a bordo, contando os sacos os bateis os pioes e o que se tern pagado a o Correitor que foiy comprar a rezao de 6 Rupias 9 1/2 anas cada saco [in subscript] Gecollationeert accordeert. Bat. d. 26 Oct. 1697 Jacobus op den Alker Eccls 11. 1696 Expense Accounts [fols. 717r-718r] 1696 Conta, que deu Deurage, dos gastos, que fez com o barco de que he Senhorio o Snor. Manoel de Souza de Menezes, Capitao e Governador da Cidade e Fortaleza de Damao Por dar a os marinheiros que forao no battel a balacor Por dar hum Bengala que ensinou a -.8.- barra a gente de battel Por comer do piloto do rio 4.10.- Por huma vlaca em que foiy o Capitao a Chandernagor e a o barco e nelle servio dia e m em dar reboque e p o amarrar 1.12.- Por hum palaquin em que foi o Capitao a Chandernagor e veiyo a o barco 1.-.- Por huma vlaca em que foiy o Capitao -.12.- a Chandernagor Por hum marinheiro que se tomou em Balacor em lugar de Lal que estava ferido 1.-.- Por vezes que foiy o Capitao a bordo 1. 2.- Por morrao por pecas 1.-.- Por mais comer p.a o piloto do rio 1.-.- Por gunes p.a fazer 4. sacos p.a encher 1.9.- pedras p.a as ancoras de pao Por cordas p.a amarrar as ancoras 2.8.- de pao 2 maos e 30 seras Por 21 paos p.a as ancoras 3.4.- Por agulhas e fios e Cules p.a o servico -.5.- das ancoras Por 15 Curuas e 10. paos 7.-.- Por m.a mao de cebo 2.2.- Por trez panellas p.a Cabeca dos mastros -.4.- Por gentes da alfandiga que veio 2.10.- dar busca a o barco Por fio de vella e ceira 2. seras e m.a -.12.- Por estanharas panellas da cuzinha -.6.- dos marinheiros Por hum pao p.a concertar as -.2.- gamellas das gavias Por culle p'a o acorretar -.4- Por algudao p.a a calefate 2.8.- Por concertar a panella grande de cuzer breo 1.9.- Por chunambo maos 1 1/2 3.2.- Por 100 bambus p.a biga 3.-.- Por darmas 90 2.2.- Por 8 murtoes grandes 2.11.- Por 30 murtoes 4.11.- Por 20 murtoes 2.8.- Por mais 20 murtoes 1.8.- Por calafates 2.3.- Por lenha 16.2.- Por polvara 11.8.- Por 13. maos de breo compradas a R.1.e5. 17.1.- anas a mao fazem Vaiy somma adiante Rs. 111.5.- [fol. 717v] Val. somma a traz Rs. 111.5.- Por huma Corja dc cutinias 27.8.- Por fio seras 11 1/4 1.2.- Por cordas 4 pecas pezavao 5 maos e 27 1/2 14.3.- seras compradas a R. 2 1/2 a mao Por estopa de Europa seras 12 -.9- Por cordas p'a forrar os cabos e Inxarces 3.2.- mao e m.a R. 2 1/2 a mao Por nabos da bomba 1.-.- Por pregos argolas e chapas de 19.15.- Inxarces e cavilhas Por breu 5 maos a R. 1. a 5 anas a mao 6.9.- Por pano pa grimpas 1.2.- Por esteiras 1.-.- Por cordas hua mao 33. seras 4.5.- Por 10 1/4 seras de fios 1.5. 1/2 Por pao de sundurin 1.10.- Por lenha por cuzer breu -.15.- Por fio grosso hua mao -.15.- Por cordas 12.10.- Por vlaca p.a hir 0 feitor a Chandernagor -.8.- Por piaos de Dorbar 1.3.- Por panellas p.ac uzer breu, e mcher polvara 3.1.- Por taboas pa as gavias -.2.- Por taboas 1.12.- Por algudao -.8.- Por serrador -.8.- Por hum calafatte -.2.- Por culher p.a cuzer breu -.4- Por ferreiro das obras de pregos e mais 21.1.- Por polvara 4. maos a R. 5% a mao 22.-.- Por temdis p.a as vellas 2. 20.12.- corjas e 18 pedacos Por paos de sunderim 8.2.- Por cumer do feitor quando foi pezar assucre 1.-.- Por tinta vermelha p'a por marcas 1.-.- Por azeite 8.12.- Por carpinteiros 2.8.- Por quern cuzeo as grimpas -.3- Por hum dingue que servio no barco o tempo -.5- que se concertou o battel Por baloes 3.-.- Por hum cesto -.4.- Por 30. pattis a 15. sacos 4.-.- Por 10. agulhas de vella -.4- Por 4. lb. de ceira 1.8.- Por hua corda do tape 1.-.- Vaiy somma adiante Rs. 316.15. 1/2 [fol. 7l8r] Vaiy a somma a traz Rs. 316.15. 1/2 Por morroes de linha p.a as panellas 1.4.- Por linhas pa candeas 4 seras 2.2.- Por papel pa cartuxes -.4.- Por chumbo p.a a bonba seras 5 1.-.- Por alimpar panellas de cobre -.12.- p.a os marinheiros Por lenha 4.-.- Por 2. bores 75.-.- Por duas taboas -.12.- Por piao de Dorbar 1.-.- Por quern alimpou as espadas e clavinas 1.-.- Por alugueis das cazas dos marinheiros 27.-.- de 6 meses Por cazas do feitor por cada mez 6-.- 2 rupias por 2 mezes Por servidor da feitor por 5 mezes 7.8.- Por culles de carreto do assucar 8.2.- Por pregos da bonba 2.-.- Por vlacas para o feitor 3.-.- Por alugueis das cazas de 3 mezes e 30.-.- 23 dias a rupias 8 por mez Por manteiga maos 18. e 30 seras 87.10.- a rupias 4.10. anas a mao Por arros 90. maos comprado a rezao 47.3.- de hua mao e 35. seras Por azeite maos 21 compradas 36.2.- a Rupias 1. anas 2 a mao Por mais arros 45.-.- Por lentilhas 31.-.- Por culles de carreto 2.8.- Somma Rupias Rs. 737.2. 1/2 Gecollationeert accordeert. Bat. d. 26 Oct. 1697 Jacobus op den Akker Eccls 12. 1696 Personnel Payments [fol. 719r] 1696 Lista da paga os Officiaes e marinheiros do barco; de que he Snor Manoel de Souza de Menezes; feita em o P.o de Dezembro Por paga do Cap. Fernao M.el Tello de 5. Rs. 250.-.- mezes a rupias 50. por mes Por paga do Feitor de 4. mezes; por haver em Suratte recebido 5 mezes pagos ditos 4. mezes 80.-.- a rupias 20. por mes Por paga do SN.a de 6. mezes; avantegada em 60.-.- Bengala a rupias 10. por mes e se lhe pagam ditos 6. mezes; visto que nao recebeo em Surratte mais que 3. mezes, e pellos 6. mezes Por paga do Condestavel Francisco Pimenta de 6. meses visto que em Surratte nao mais que 3. mezes; e pellos 48.-.- ditos 6. mezes a 8. rupias por mes Por paga de hum marinheiro Christao, 30.-.- que veiyo de Suratte, pago por 3. mezes, e se lhe pagou 6. mezes a rupias 5. por mes Por pagar a Dozto 6. mezes 30.-.- a rupias 5. por mes Por pagar a hum marinheiro Christao, que se 25.-.- tomou em lugar de hum artilheiro Mouro 5. mezes a rupias 5. por mes Por 5. marinheiros Christaos, pagos 75.-.- por 3. mezes a rupias 5. por mes Por pagar a o Tendel 5. mezes 60.-.- a rupias 12. por mes Por pagar ao sarange 5. mezes 35.-.- a rupias 7. por mes Por pagar a o Pangellim 5. mezes 30.-.- a rupias 6. por mes Por pagar a 19. marinheiros mouros 5. mezes 475.-.- a rupias 5. por mes Por pagar a o Callafatte 5. mezes 30.-.- a rupias 6. por mes Por pagar a o Carpinteiro 5. mezes 60.-.- a rupias 12. por mes Por pagar a o barbeiro por viagem 6-.- Rs. 1,294.-.- Gecollationeert accordeert. Bat. d. 26 Oct. 1697 Jacobus op den Aller Eccls 13. Manoel de Souza de Menezes' Accounts [fols. 720v-721r] [fol. 720 v] O Snor. M.d de Souza de Menezes conta particular Deve por entrada de seu navio no Gange Rs. 125.-.- por os gastos que fez em o tempo que 740.6.- ficou em Ugolim por o pagam.to que se fez a os 1,294.-.- Officiaes e marinheiros por saidado navio do Gange 125.-.- por 3 mezes de pagas que se tern pagado a o 180.-.- Snor de Bassemaison por 8 pecas de pano de vella que se tomarao 16.-.- depois da conta feita Rs. 2,480.6- [subscript folio 720v and 721v] Gecollationeert accordeert. Batavia d. 26 Octob: 1697. Jacobus op den Aller Eccls [fol. 721r] Haver Ha de aver por 0 que lhe peco de pagar a Rs. 1,333-5- osR.R.P.P por solda que me fica 1,147.1.- devendo Rs. 2,480.6-
George Bryan Souza
University of Texas, San Antonio
(1) G. B. Souza is an adjunct Associate Professor in the Department of History at the University of Texas, San Antonio and the author of The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea, 1630-1754 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). An earlier version of this article was presented at the Forum on European and Global Interaction (F.E.E.G.I.) Conference, The John Carter Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island, February 20-21, 2004. Support for this research over the past few years from the following institutions: IIAS, affiliated fellow, Leiden University, the Netherlands; IANTT/FLAD research grant, Lisbon, Portugal; and Bernardo Mendel fellowship, at the Lilly Library, Indiana University is gratefully acknowledged. I also wish to acknowledge and thank Professors Francis A. Dutra, Dennis O. Flynn, and Lakshmi Subramanian for their useful comments. Following accepted practice, the spelling of Portuguese of terms, names and surnames has been modernized in the text. The spelling in the transcriptions of original documentation in the Appendix is not modernized.
(2) See Virginia Rau, Fortunas ultramarinas e a nobreza portuguesa no seculo XVII, (Coimbra: Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra, 1961); for a prominent example of colonial administrators as entrepreneurs in Asia, see Anthony R. Disney, "The Viceroy as Entrepreneur: The Count of Linhares at Goa in the 1630s," in R. Ptak and D. Rothermund, eds., Emporia, Commodities, and Entreprenrs inAsian Maritime Trade, c. 1400-1750 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1991), 427-444.
(3) For the prosopographical approach and its possible contribution to these issues, see two excellent articles by Mafalda Soares da Cunha and Nuno G. F. Monteiro, "Vice-Reis e Governadores da India: 1505-1834. Uma abordagem prosopografica," in Encontro sobre Portugal e a India (Lisbon: Livros Horizonte and Fundacao Oriente, 2000), 175-185 and Mafalda Soares da Cunha e Nuno G. F. Monteiro, "Governadores e capitaes-mores do imperio Atlantico portugues nos seculos XVII e XVIII," in Nuno G. F. Monteiro, Mafalda Soares da Cunha and Pedro Cardim, eds., Optima Pars. Elites Ibero-Americanas do Antigo Regime (Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciencias Sociais, 2005), 191-252.
(4) The Sousa de Meneses papers are located in the Koloniale Archieven Oost-Indie: Archieven van de Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC), VOC 1588, fols. 705r to 721r, in the General State Archives, [Algemeen Rijksarchief (ARA)] in The Hague, the Netherlands. There are thirteen documents in this collection, covering 21 fols. or 42 pages in length. These are certified copies of originals that, apparently, no longer exist. The complete transcriptions of these documents are "as is" in the archive and are numbered and attached as an appendix to this article.
(5) Glenn J. Ames, Colbert, Mercantilism, and the French Quest for Asian Trade (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1996), 9-10, 84-85, and 172-174; and Glenn J. Ames, Renascent Empire? The House of Braganza and the Quest for Stability in Portuguese Monsoon Asia, c. 1640-1683 (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2000).
(6) Ames, Colbert, 37.
(7) Ames, Colbert, 38.
(8) For an excellent discussion of indigenous finance of Surat in support of imperial projects, see Lakshmi Subramanian, Indigenous Capital and Imperial Expansion: Bombay, Surat and the West Coast (Delhi and Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1996); and for discussions of the structure and decline of Surat's commerce, see O. P. Singh, Surat and its Trade in the Last Half of the 17th Century (Delhi: University of Delhi, 1977); and Ashin Das Gupta, Indian Merchants and the Decline of Surat, c. 1700-1750 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1979).
(9) The most reliable biographical data for Manuel Sousa de Menses comes from a collection of documents that all deal with his efforts to obtain the Habit of the Order of Christ before the Mesa da Consciencia e Ordens, See IAN/TT [Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais, Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, Portugal] Habilitacoes da Ordem de Cristo, Letra M, Maco 46, Numero 32: 12/x/1689, [abbreviated hereafter as HOC], especially, the Mesa's letter to the Crown of 4 June 1682 informing of the results of their inquiries into Sousa de Meneses' personal qualities and purity of blood, which were favorable, and his illegitimacy, which was an impediment; a copy of the portaria regarding his biographical particulars dated 12 October 1689; and notes 11 and 18 below. I also wish to thank Professora Fernanda de Olival of the University of Evora for her time and expert guidance on archival sources dealing with the Order of Christ.
(10) See IAN/TT, HOC, Letra D, Maco 12, Numero 7: 5/vi/1642; and Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon, Portugal, BNL, codice 156, fol. 52v. Sebastiao's parents were natives of Portugal but his wife was born in India.
(11) See Inventario dos livros das portarias do reino, 2 vols. (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1909-1912), 1: 54 and 64; Damiao was also awarded the post of capitao-mor das naus da India for his son in 1643. But, at present, there is no evidence that the voyage was actually undertaken.
(12) Inventario dos livros das portarias do reino, 1: 64 suggests that Damiao de Sousa de Meneses' commandery was vacated by D. Diogo Lobo. From 1643 to 1653, he had to frequently renew the administration of the commandery, see IAN/TT, Chancelaria da Ordem de Christo, Livro 24, fol. 40r; Livro 25, fols. 25r, 119r, 146r, and 146v; Livro 31, fol. 98r; Livro 35, fol. 82v; Livro 40, fols. 81v, 83r, and 459v; and Livro 41, fol. 221r. In the case of Goncalo de Sousa de Meneses, the Inventario dos livros das portarias do reino, 1: 312 states that his pension was to provided from the property of D. Joao de Meneses, proprietor of the village of Alconchel and absent in Spain.
(13) Four progeny of Damiao de Sousa de Meneses can be documented: three sons and one daughter. Two (Goncalo and Sebastiao) of the three sons can be reliably identified; the third was possibly Luis de Sousa de Meneses, who was the mestre de campo of the Portuguese army and died as a result of wounds received in fighting around the lines of Elvas in 1658 (see Luis de Meneses, 3rd Conde de Ericeira, Historia de Portugal Restaurado, 4 vols. (Porto: Livraria Civilizacao Editora, 1945-6), 3: 224)). The daughter was D. Joana de Noronha who was married to Francisco Pereira da Silva (see Diogo Barbosa Machado, Bibliotheca lusitana, historica, critica, cronologica, 3rd ed., 4 vols. (Coimbra: Atlantida Editora, 1965-1967), 1: 349. Barbosa Machado also states that Damiao de Sousa de Meneses was the proprietor of the village of Francemil, a claim that requires verification.
(14) See Inventario dos livros das portarias do reino, 1: 312.
(15) See Inventario dos livros das portarias do reino, 2: 22 and 23.
(16) See Inventario dos livros de matricula dos moradores da Casa Real, 2 vols. (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1911-1917), 2: 9. I wish to acknowledge and thank Professor Dutra for his time and generosity in sharing these references and particulars in notes 9 to 16 that deal with the Sousa de Meneses family.
(17) Francisco de Tavora, the Conde de Alvor, was Viceroy from 1681 to 1686; see Jose F. Ferreira Martins, Os Vice-Reis da India (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1935), 163-164; and Afonso Eduardo Martins Zuquete, ed., Nobreza de Portugal e do Brasil, 3 vols. (Lisbon: Edicoes Zairol, 2000), 2: 271-273.
(18) For an outline of what those privileges consisted of, see for example the facsimile reprint of the 1806 work by Luiz da Silva Pereira Oliveira, Privilegios da nobreza e fidalguia de Portugal (Lisbon: Associacao da Nobreza Historica de Portugal, 2002), 211-288.
(19) See IAN/TT, HOC, Letra M, Maco 46, Numero 32: 12/x/1689, There are four documents in this collection, which deal with the Sousa de Meneses case and process that was handled by the Mesa da Consciencia e Ordens: 1) a portaria including the resolution of the Concelho Ultramarino of March 11, 1681 that recommended the granting of the habit, with a tenca and help with the cost of expenses of 40,000 reis (this being the document in reference in this citation); 2) the Mesa's letter to the Crown of 4 June 1682 informing the Crown of the results of their inquires into Sousa de Meneses' personal qualities and purity of blood, which were favorable, and his illegitimacy, which was an impediment; 3) and 4) from the Mesa to the Crown both dated 12 October 1689, being 3) the summary of his biographical particulars and 4) the Mesa's recommendation to the Crown that they accepted and agreed with Souza de Menezes' agent's arguments, dispensation in this case on account of his illegitimacy and that the process be allowed to advance. For the significance of membership in the socially important military order, the Order of Christ, see Francis A. Dutra, "Membership in the Order of Christ in the Seventeenth Century: Its Rights, Privileges, and Obligations," The Americas 27 (1970): 3-25. For the general significance of membership in an analogous military order--the Order of Santiago--in the Estado da India, see Francis A. Dutra, "The Order of Santiago and the Estado da India, 1498-1750," in Francis A. Dutra and Joao Camilo dos Santos, eds., The Portuguese and the Pacific (Santa Barbara, CA: Center for Portuguese Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1995), 287-304.
(20) IAN/TT, Chancelaria da Ordem de Christo, Livro 49, fols. 295v-297r, 26/i/1690, consisting of the mentioned letter and the two alvaras authorizing the ceremonies of the reception of the habit and knighthood and the profession of vows, which was to be publicly recognized.
(21) D. Pedro Antonio de Noronha de Albuquerque, the second Conde de Vila Verde and first Marques de Angeja (granted January 1714), was Viceroy from 1693 to 1698. He was married to D. Isabel Maria Antonia de Mendonca, a daughter of the third Conde de Miranda and first Marques of Arronches. Among the series of villages and lands that he possessed was Sao Martinho de Salreu, Sousa e Meneses' birthplace. For highlights of his time as Viceroy, see Jose Ferreira Martins, Os Vice-Reis, 163-164 and for biographical details, see Zuquete, Nobreza, 3 [Vila Verde]: 533-534 and 2 [Angeja]: 281-282.
(22) For an overview of the Conde de Vila Verde's time as Viceroy, based on archival material at Goa that is not cited, see Joaquim Heliodore da Cunha Rivara, ed., "A India no governo do Vice-Rei Conde de Vila Verde 1693-1698," in O Chronista de Tissuary, 14 to 24 (1867): 27-32, 51-6, 75-83, 99-104, 123-131, 147-155, 171-183, 199-204, 223-226, 247-253; 25 to 27 (1868), 3-10, 25-31, 49-52; quote is from 22 (1867), 223-224.
(23) Antonio Francisco Moniz, Noticias e Documentos para a Historia de Damao--Antiga Provincia do Norte (Bastora Goa: Tipografia Rangel, 1923; repr. Lisbon: Associacao Fraternidade Damao-Diu e Simpatizantes, 2000), 32.
(24) After the death of his father and because of his age, Vila Verde received a dispensation to occupy the vacated commandery of Aljezur, since he was only 13 at the time. It was granted on 2 May 1675, See IAN/TT, Habilitacoes da Ordem de Santiago, Letter P, Maco 1, Numero 20: 2/v/1675. His carta de habito was issued on 8 May 1675, see IAN/TT, Chancelaria da Ordem de Santiago [COS], livro 18, fol. 366r. The alvara to armar cavaleiro was on the same date, livro 18, fol. 366v. He was issued authorization to make profession of vows in the Order on 3 March 1682 (IAN/TT, COS, livro 20, fos. 391v-392). I wish to acknowledge and thank Professor Dutra for these references and particulars on the Conde de Vila Verde's membership in the order of Santiago.
(25) See Panduronga S. S. Pissurlencar, ed., Assentos do Conselho do Estado, 5 vols. (Bastora Goa: Tipografia Rangel, 1953-7), 5: 62 (58-96). Document 13 in the appendix also demonstrates that he had commercial dealings with the Jesuits, who owed him over 1,300 rupees in 1696. Unfortunately, there is no concept or explanation offered as to why they owed him that sum.
(26) Pissurlencar, Assentos, 65.
(27) For Sousa de Meneses' appointment as conselheiro of the Estado da India on 23/iii/1708, see IAN/TT, D. Joao V, Livro 2, fol. 139r. This document also provides useful biographical data on his early career.
(28) For the Council's deliberations, Sousa de Meneses' participation, and voting results during the three years that he was active in that body at Goa, see Pissurlencar, Assentos, 5: 254-283.
(29) Vasco Fernandes Cesar de Meneses was the recipient of the commandery of Sao Joao de Rio Frio and of Sao Pedro de Lomar in the Order of Christ and was Viceroy of India from 1712 to 1717, see Martins, Os Vice-Reis, 181-182. For his biography and series of Portuguese successes in India against the Angria and others, see Zuquete, Nobreza, 3 [Sabugosa]: 246-247. He was appointed Viceroy of Brazil in 1720 and named the Conde de Sabugosa. He was Viceroy of Brazil from 1720 to 1735, see Conde de Campo Bello, Governadores Gerais e Vice Reis do Brasil (Porto: Delegacao Executiva do Brasil as Comemoracoes Centenarias de Portugal, 1940), 110-111.
(30) For documentation of the Viceroy's decision to appoint Manuel Sousa de Meneses as General of the North and his actions in this position, see Historical Archive of Goa (HAG), Goa, India, Livro dos Segredos, 2, fols. 31v-91v. These documents were particularly well catalogued in Boletim da Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa 6 (1956): 342-343, 346, 348-358, 360-362, 364-366, 368-370, 372-379, 381-3, 385-393, 397-398, 400-408, 410-420, and 422-424; and in Ophir: Boletim da Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa, CD-Rom 3 of Ophir: Biblioteca Virtual dos Descobrimentos Portugueses (Lisbon: Comissao Nacional para as Comemoracoes dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 2000). My acknowledgement and thanks to the present director of the Center and the Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa, Dra. Maria Emilia Madeira Santos, and her staff for digitized copies of these documents. For six certificates of service, signed by Sousa de Meneses, while General of the North on behalf of Joseph de Mello de Attayde, see "Papeis de Joseph de Mello de Attayde na India, 1703-1728," in Boxer Manuscripts II, at the Lilly Library, Indiana University. For the Boxer manuscript collection, see George Bryan Souza, "Boxer Manuscripts II, Lilly Library, Indiana University: The Collector, the Collection, Opportunities and Their Legacy," unpublished paper presented at the 36th annual Society for Spanish and Portuguese Historical Studies Conference at Charleston, South Carolina, March 10-13, 2005. My acknowledgment and thanks to Breon Mitchell and his staff at the Lilly Library for their help and support during my stay at the Lilly Library as a Bernardo Mendel fellow.
(31) For the VOC's naval activities against the French and other adversaries and the particular actions in the last segment of this article, which deals with Paulus Huntum and includes information concerning the Fateh Moula affair, see N. Mac Leod, "De machtsuitbreiding Oost-Indische Compagnie op het vasteland van Azie van 1683-1697," De Indische Gids 23 (1901): 1149-1168, 1271-1286; and 24 (1902): 254-272, 584-599. For brief references to the affair in the VOC's records, see W. P. Coolhaas, et al., eds., Generale Missiven van Gouverneurs-General en Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, 11 vols., (The Hague: Martinus Nijhof, 1960-2001), 5 (1975): 853; and Hugo K. s'Jacob, ed., De Nederlanders in Kerala, 1663-1701. De Memories en Instructies Betreffende het Commamdement Malabar van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1976), 283-361, especially 336 for Huntum and 354 for the affair.
(32) These documents are reproduced in the Appendix to this article and follow this division: Documents 1-5 (correspondence); documents 6-7 (the cartazes); and documents 8-13 (the accounts).
(33) For the activities of the French East India Company see Paul Kaeppelin, La Compagnie des Indes Orientales et Francois Martin (Paris: A. Challamel, 1908); Lotika Varadarajan, ed. and tr., India in the 17th Century (Social, Economic and Political) Memoirs of Francois Martin (1670-1694), 4 vols. (New Delhi: Munchiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1981-5); Indrani Ray, "The French Company and the Merchants of Bengal," in Lakshmi Subramanian, ed., The French East India Company and the Trade of the Indian Ocean (New Delhi: Munchiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1999), 77-89.
(34) According to information provided and a suggestion made by Professor Lakshmi Subramanian in personal communication with the author, the rendition of Valaboda Nagardas or Narandas Bovanidas in the documents is most probably Vallabh Nagardas. I wish to acknowledge and thank Professor Subramanian for her time and generosity in sharing her expertise on the rendering and meaning of these names in this note and notes 39 and 42.
(35) Francisco da Gama's accounts are found in the Leiden University Library, BPL 876. These accounts were discussed in George Bryan Souza, The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea, 1630-1754 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 35-6; and Sanjay Subrahmanyam's essay, "Commerce and Conflict: Two Views of Portuguese Melaka in the 1620s," in Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Improvising Empire: Portuguese Trade and Settlement in the Bay of Bengal 1500-1700 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990), 161--187, especially 171-174.
(36) See Virginia Rau, O 'Livro de Rezao' de Antonio Coelho Guerreiro (Lisbon: Companhia de Diamantes de Angola, 1956) and the translated reprint of Mauro's article, "O Livro de Razao de Coelho Guerreiro," in Frederic Mauro, Nova historia e Novo Mundo (Sao Paulo: Editora Perspectiva, 1969), 149-176.
(37) For one example, see Charles R. Boxer, Antonio Coelho Guerreiro e as relacoes entre Macau e Timor no comeco do seculo XVIII (Macau: Escola Tipografica do Orfanato da Imaculada Conceicao de Macau, 1940).
(38) For a brief outline of Rustmanji Manocki's long career and service as agent, broker, and representative at Surat to the Portuguese Crown, see Panduronga S.S. Pissurlencar, ed., Agentes da diplomacia portuguesa na India (Hindues, muculmanos, judeus e parses) (Bastora Goa: Tipografia Rangel, 1952), 564-574. For transcriptions of contemporary correspondence and instructions over this period between Manocki and different Viceroys, which mention, inter alia, the remote possibility that the owner of the Fateh Moula, Valaboda Nagardas, is the same Baga Vandas (p. 38) who was known to Manocki and the Conde de Vila Verde, and that Sousa de Meneses' captain of the Fateh Moula, Fernao Manuel Telo (p. 44), was entrusted by the Conde de Vila Verde and recommended by him to Manocki to arrange and execute transactions in diamonds in Surat in late 1697 (Panduronga S. S. Pissurlencar, Portuguese Records on Rustmanji Manocki, the Parsi Broker of Surat (Nova-Goa: Sandanand Press, 1933)).
(39) The Portuguese and Dutch renditions of this name were Fate Moura and Fate Murad. According to a suggestion by Professor Lakshmi Subramanian, since most of Surat's ships were owned by Muslim merchants, these transliterations are almost certainly a very common appellation, Fateh Moula, meaning "Victory to God". In one instance, the name is rendered inexplicably as Fattei Langa.
(40) Conversion: 1 Surat cand = 672 lbs. or 305.088 kg; 1 English ton = 2,240 lbs or 1016.96 kg.
(41) Ames, Colbert, 38.
(42) Again, according to Professor Lakshmi Subramanian, the name Vaxaidas is a Hindu Bania sounding name and the rendition of Bacuam Carrane Porsatamodas becomes Karan Purushottamdas, clearly a Hindu Bania merchant.
(43) See Om Prakash, The Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Bengal, 1630-1720 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985), 267.
(44) Prakash, The Dutch East India Company, 268.
(45) Prakash, The Dutch East India Company, 57-8, 145-156 and 169-172; for contemporary VOC documentation concerning opium, both from Bengal and Malwa, and trading conditions for this commodity on the Malabar Coast, which help to explain why the Company was anxious to exclude Portuguese competition, see s'Jacob, De Nederlanders, 306-7 and 335-6.
(46) Prakash, The Dutch East India Company, 57.
(47) Prakash, The Dutch East India Company, 58.
(48) Document 5 in the Appendix.
(49) Henrique de Sousa Tavares, the third Conde de Miranda [de Corvo] and the first Marques of Arronches, was the Conde de Vila Verde's father-in-law, because of his marriage to one of the Marques' daughters, D. Isabel Maria Antonia de Mendonca, in 1673. For Henrique de Sousa Tavares' biographical details, see Zuquete, Nobreza, 2 [Miranda de Corvo]: 747-8 and 2 [Arronches]: 322-4.
(50) For the four proceedings of the Council of State dealing with the Fateh Moula affair, see Pissurlencar, Assentos, 5: 42-43, 46-47, 48-49 and 54-55.
(51) See IAN/TT, HAG, MR, 61, fol. 289r, for the Viceroy's letter (Conde de Vila Verde to the Crown, 8/i/1698), in the Moncoes do Reino collection in the Historical Archive of Goa (HAG), Goa, India. This document is transcribed and found in Pissurlencar, Assentos, 5: 46.
(52) See B. B. Kling and M. N. Pearson, eds., The Age of Partnership: Europeans in Asia Before Dominion (Honolulu: The University of Hawaii Press, 1979).
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|Author:||Souza, George Bryan|
|Publication:||Portuguese Studies Review|
|Date:||Jul 1, 2004|
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