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Pentecostal Dynamics of African Initiated Churches: Transnationalization of the Cherubim and Seraphim Church in London.

On Sunday mornings, vigilant Londoners will see a group of churchgoers who wear white sutanas (gowns) attending church. Some of them do not wear shoes during worship, while others do. Churches known as African Initiated Churches (AICs) predate the founding of African Neo-Pentecostal Churches (ANPCs) both in Africa and Britain. But can they be regarded as Pentecostal? This question will be explored in this essay, using the Cherubim and Seraphim Church movement as an example. While AIC scholarship appears to have shifted in categorizing AICs as Pentecostals, the 21 African pastors interviewed for this research think otherwise. The essay also reflects theologically on the transnadonalism of the Cherubim and Seraphim Church through an international conference that they held in London in 2017.

Research Methodology

I am approaching this subject as an insider who was born and raised within the Cherubim and Seraphim Church in Nigeria for about 17 years. My mother was an Aladura (people who love to pray), being a member of the Church of the Lord Aladura and later of Cherubim and Seraphim Church.

I am also an outsider, as I am a Baptist minister. This insider/outsider perspective is important in reflecting critically on the subject. This insider/outsider positioning has affected my research, and it is important that it is stated here--as Michael Bergunder has noted the necessity of stating the relationship between the researcher and the researched in the cultural studies approach. (1) One of the drawbacks of being an insider is overfamiliarity with the group one is researching, which, as noted by Cameron and Duce, can blind an observer. (2) However, Swinton and Mowat, commentating on qualitative research, argue that reflexivity, as a process of critical self-reflection carried out by the researcher, helps to monitor one's contributions to the proceeding (3)

The empirical data of my research has been undertaken in two stages and in the two countries of Nigeria and Britain. First, from 2000 to 2004, I conducted research in Nigeria by interviewing church leaders within the Nigerian Pentecostal movement. As part of my field research, I also attended and participated in conferences related to the subject of African Pentecostalism. Part of my field research included participant observation in different Nigerian Pentecostal churches in the cities of Ibadan, Oyo Sate, Ilesha in Ogun Sate, Benin City, and Lagos.

The second part of my research began when I relocated to Britain in 2004. This was an ethnographic approach involving living and ministering in two London boroughs in southeast London (Lewisham and Greenwich). These two London boroughs have a high representation and concentration of African churches and Christians. My research involved observing African Christianity and visiting different African and Caribbean churches in these two London boroughs, as well as other London boroughs such as Lambeth, Southwark, Hackney, and Waltham Forest. From 2017 to 2018, I interviewed 21 African pastors and leaders from a range of church backgrounds, the majority drawn from African Pentecostal churches. One of the people interviewed is an important leader within the Cherubim and Seraphim Church movement in Britain: Apostle John Adegoke. This provided an eye-witness account of the development of the church in Britain. I also observed one of the international ecumenical conferences organized by the church in London in 2017.

What are African Initiated Churches?

African Initiated Churches, as the name implies, were churches founded by Africans for Africans and were theologically, financially, and organizationally independent from mission churches. African Independent Churches, as they were initially termed, (4) were later called African Indigenous Churches, and more recently African Instituted Churches, or African Initiated Churches. (5) Pobee and Ositelu (Ositelu being one of the AIC leaders) advocated for African Initiatives in Christianity. (6) In this paper I am using African Initiated Churches (AICs hereafter) because it captures the efforts and genius of Africans in initiating their own churches, which are indigenous and independent of Western mission movement as they seek to inculturate the gospel among Africans. AICs were churches founded by Africans in reaction to the largely lethargic Christianity introduced by the mission churches in Africa. Many of these churches began as prayer groups; as revival played a dominant role in their birth and growth, they later metamorphosed into church denominations. (7)

These churches have different names in different parts of Africa: for example, in Ghana they are known as Sumsum sore (Spirit churches), in Nigeria they are best known as Aladura churches (Aladura meaning "the praying people"), in East Africa they are termed Roho churches (Churches of the Spirit) and Arathi (Prophets), and in South Africa they are called Zion or Apostolic churches. (8) Characteristics of these churches include prophetism, healing, emphasis on the Holy Spirit, praying aloud, wearing of white or coloured robes, emphasis on Old Testament practices, and charismatic leadership. (9) Many of these churches indigenized Christianity among their own people. For example, polygamy was a respected form of marriage institution in the majority of African states before colonial rule started. This was condemned by the Europeans and colonial Christianity to the extent that when someone with two wives became a Christian and wanted to be baptized, he was asked to leave one of his wives before he could be accepted for baptism. This often caused family and societal disruption. The practice of polygamy was accommodated by some AICs, which accepted people with two or more wives into their assembly and leadership. This is one clear example of how AICs contextualize the gospel for the African people.

AICs and Pentecostalism

I will now engage the debate over whether AICs can be regarded as Pentecostals. A key question in this debate, posed by Kalu, is whether adherents of AICs will define themselves as Pentecostals or whether this terminology is imposed by outsiders, such as AIC scholars. (10) In order to understand whether AICs can be classified as Pentecostals, we must first define what we mean by Pentecostal or Pentecostalism? Again, this is not an easy question to answer; Allan Anderson, a Pentecostal theologian, observed that the term "Pentecostal" refers to a wide variety of movements scattered around the world. (11) In essence, any definition of modern Pentecostalism has to be cognizant of the fact that Pentecostalism is not just a North American or European phenomenon, but a worldwide movement of people of the Spirit. It is a truly global phenomenon, with the characteristic of God's Spirit shaping local narrative and contexts.

This is why Asamoah-Gyadu, in his seminal work on African Charismatics, adopts a Pentecostal history from an intercultural perspective. (12) From this approach, he views the history of modern Pentecostalism not only from the North American Azusa event in 1906, but the Spirit outpouring in other places, such as India, Chile, and Haiti. In a similar fashion, Roswith Gerloff articulates how, long before the outpourings in Azusa, Charismatic renewals were happening in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. (13) She cites the Jamaican Revival of 1860--61 as an example of a renewal with African and Christian elements combined in the Caribbean with large-scale religious, social, and political implications. (14) The combination of Christian elements with African culture bringing about renewal is a powerful insight and one that fits well with how we view AICs.

Walter Hollenweger, the Dean of Pentecostal Studies, was one of the first to opt for a more inclusive definition of Pentecostalism, taking into account the global nature of its modern movement. In his ground-breaking book The Pentecostals, he included Independent African Churches as Pentecostals. (15) From these discussions, it appears that a narrow Western understanding of Pentecostalism that dates back to the ministry of Charles Parham (1873-1929) in Topeka, Kansas, with his formulation of the Pentecostal theology of speaking in tongues as the initial evidence of the baptism of the Holy Spirit is not sufficient. We have to add the African American William J. Seymour's (1870-1922) understanding that the Spirit breaks down racial barriers in the place of worship and missionary endeavours.

With this understanding in the background, perhaps it is best to start our definition of Pentecostals by grounding it in its biblical roots in the Acts of the Apostles. Such an approach will allow for flexibility and an overview. I define Pentecostals as an expression of Christianity that has its origin in the Pentecost event of Acts 2:1-13, when the disciples of our Lord were filled with the Holy Spirit on the Day of Pentecost. In addition, it is a modern church movement that is characterized by glossolalia (speaking in tongues), use of the gifts of the Spirit, emphasis on the Holy Spirit, belief in miracles, healing, and free and ecstatic worship. The danger with this definition is that it opens up a blank canvas for any church movement to be classified as Pentecostals. Perhaps a narrower understanding of Pentecostals, distinguishing them from other church movements, is their emphasis on the experience of the Holy Spirit, usually referred to as baptism of the Spirit, as a second work of grace after being born again. (16)

Scholars such as Anderson (17) and Asamoah- Gyadu (18) argue that the emphasis on the pneumatic experiences of these churches makes them Pentecostal. As an insider who has experienced the Holy Spirit within this church movement and seen how the Holy Spirit works within these churches, I agree with them to some extent. But I am equally aware of the scholarly debate that questioned whether some of the AICs can be regarded as Pentecostals due to their syncretistic nature, which makes some of them appear more as a cult than a church. (19) As an African who was born and raised within the Cherubim and Seraphim Church, from my experience, I will define some of the AICs as Pentecostals because of their emphasis on the Holy Spirit. Kalu also argued that their emphasis on the pneumatic makes them Pentecostal. (20)

But perhaps a further question is: How do the adherents or leaders of AICs define themselves? Ositelu, one of the sons of the founder of the Church of the Lord Aladura, (21) stated, "Generally, a Pentecostal church or a spiritual church, as they are sometimes called, is a spirit-filled and spirit-led church. Most AICs fit into this category." (22) Ositelu further suggests that "most AICs can be described as Pentecostal, Charismatic and Evangelical in nature." (23) Ositelu's position should not be surprising, as Bergunder noted that scholarly classification of AICs as Pentecostals has in turn influenced how AICs, and in particular their ecumenical instruments such as the Organization of AICs, now self-define as Pentecostals. (24) This does not, however, mean that all AIC leaders and followers refer to themselves as Pentecostals, because Father Olu Abiola, one of the founders of AICs in the UK, refers to them as spiritual churches and not Pentecostal. (25)

There is a split of opinion among church leaders in the UK on how to categorize AICs. They are generally accepted as Pentecostals within the ecumenical movement in the UK, as they are members and have representations at Pentecostal gatherings of Churches Together in England. This is very different within evangelical circles. AICs are not members of the Evangelical Alliance because they are not considered Christians, let alone regarded as Pentecostals.

A further question is how African church leaders, including Pentecostals, define AICs. Data collected and analyzed through questions sent to 21 African pastors who are informed observers reveals that the majority do not classify AICs as Pentecostals. Their reasons differ: some do not view AICs as Christians, let alone Pentecostals, while others consider they have a form of Pentecostalism because they share certain pneumatic characteristics with Pentecostals. Yet a minority asked questions about why we try to fit AICs into Western categories of Pentecostalism. What they mean is that AICs are already a unique African church movement, and so do not need to be defined as Pentecostals to make them special.

From the discussion in this section, it appears that there is some scholarly consensus that AICs are an African expression of Pentecostalism. This notion is different from the majority voice put forward by African church leaders in this research; therefore, it seems there is a gap. As someone who has ministered within the church context of African neo-Pentecostals for about nine years, I can understand the reservation of some of my respondents in categorizing AICs as Pentecostals. Probably the way to conclude is to understand that while some AICs share certain pneumatic emphasis with Pentecostals, they are best regarded as charismatics, that is, a transdenominational movement of Christians who emphasize a life in the Spirit. One significant point is that AICs are a church movement that still has some theological distinctions from Pentecostals. One of these is their appeal and use of African rituals and symbols that many African Pentecostals still deem unbiblical.

History of the Cherubim and Seraphim Church, Nigeria

In this section and the next, I will briefly examine the historical development of the Cherubim and Seraphim Church (hereafter C&S) in Nigeria and England and then analyze the transnational nature of their recent conference in London. The history of the C&S Church starts with the remarkable story of its founder, Mose Orimolade Tunolase.

The birth and growth of Mose Orimolade is shrouded in African mythology and cosmology that will sound like a fairy tale to educated minds. For example, it is recorded that on one occasion, while his mother, Odijoroto, was pregnant with him, he spoke from the womb in order to help her with some domestic chores. (26) These sorts of stories have circulated among C&S faithful since the period of Orimolade until now, traditions that were handed down from one generation to another. This reflects one of the processes of African historiography, whereby history takes the form of oral tradition. Whether or not one subscribes to these stories, one thing is clear from the conception and birth of Orimolade in southwestern Nigeria in 1879 (27): he was born and sent for a special purpose. His father was an Ifa Priest and consulted the Ifa Oracle to understand the destiny of his son. He was told twice that his son was very peculiar and was sent to serve God. (28)

It is recorded that the day Orimolade was born, he decided to walk but was assaulted by the midwife; therefore, he grew up as a person with disabilities. Omoyajowo opined that this story serves to explain his prolonged paralysis by C&S faithful, (29) but I also think it serves to explain why his formal education was considerably hindered.

One night as he was praying, he claimed that an angel appeared to him in a dream and gave him three objects: a rod, a royal insignia, and a crown. The rod symbolizes victory; the insignia, the power of prayer and speaking; and the crown, respect. He woke up convinced that he was called to preach the gospel. This dream formally marked his commissioning into ministry as he started preaching the gospel. (30) Shortly after ministering for a while, Orimolade became ill for seven years and was in confinement for that period. He began to recover steadily, although he remained lame for the rest of his life, needing a staff for support. (31)

Throughout his missionary journeys and itinerant ministry, Orimolade worked with the Church Missionary Society (CMS) and other church denominations. His initial intention was not to start a church but to continue his missionary work. However, when he settled in Lagos in 1924, lodging at one of the CMS churches and later with the United Native African Church, an incident occurred that led to the formation of the C&S. On 18 June 1925, a teenage girl by the name Christianah Abiodun Akinsowon went with some of her friends to the Campus Square to witness that year's Catholic Corpus Christi procession. While at the event, Abiodun claimed to have seen a strange spectacle: an angel of the Lord was under the canopy of Corpus Christi. As a result of this vision, she became feverish and was rushed home. She fell into a trance that lasted seven days. When she came back to herself she recounted her mysterious experience to a crowd already gathering. While she was in the trance, her guardian sent for Orimolade, who refused to come because of a downpour of rain. He was sent for the third time, and this time around he honoured their invitation. Orimolade prayed and read the scriptures to Abiodun, after which the whole gathering sang some hymns. (32)

This eventually led to a regular prayer meeting at Orimolade's residence. As the prayer group progressed, Orimolade declared three days of prayer and fasting so that God would reveal the name the prayer group would be called. On 9 September 1925, after the three days of prayer and fasting, one member of the group declared that she saw two letters, "S" and "E," written in fire in the sky. This was explained as the letters beginning the word Serafu (Seraph). The group adopted the name Egbe Serafu (The Seraphim Society). Later, another woman mentioned it was revealed to her that it is wrong to separate the twin angels: Kerubu and Serafu (Cherubim and Seraphim); therefore Kerubu was added to the name and the church became the Cherubim and Seraphim Society.

C&S's belief that they were a unique gift from God motivated them to engage in evangelistic activities, so that by 1928, C&S churches were established in Lagos, Ogun, Ondo, and Ibadan towns. They spread rapidly in the southwestern part of the country. (33) But in less than four years after its inception, the church started to experience conflicts that led to schisms in the C&S. The first split occurred between Orimolade and Abiodun in 1929. A youth group of the church, called "the valiant twelve," sided with Abiodun, convincing her that she was more popular than Orimolade. All attempts to reconcile the two groups were futile, leading the two groups to adopt different names. Orimolade's group adopted the name the Eternal Sacred Order of the Cherubim and Seraphim Society, while Abiodun's group was designated the Cherubim and Seraphim Society.

Several attempts have been made to unite the different factions of the church, with little success. Despite schism and division, the church continues to be influential in Nigeria and outside today. The C&S was one of the earliest AICs to be planted in Europe.

Reverse Mission: The Founding of the C&S in the UK

The independence of African countries, starting with Ghana in 1957, led to African diplomats and students coming to Britain. They discovered, like the Caribbean migrants before them, that they were rejected by the British churches and society at large. Combined with a missionary intent, this rejection led to the formation of AICs in London. Adogame and other commentators on African Christianity have identified two types of AICs in the diaspora. The first are branch churches planted in Britain and other European cities with their headquarter churches in Africa, and the second are those that started in Britain either by severing from already existing denomination or by starting independently. (34) Examples of the former are the Church of the Lord Aladura, planted in London in 1964, and C&S in 1965. Examples of the latter are Aladura International Church, founded in London by the Rev. Father Olu Abiola in 1970, and Born Again Christ Healing Church, founded in London by Bishop Fidelia Onyuku-Opukiri in 1979. (35)

On 4 June 1965, inspired by a previous prayer meeting among friends of about 25 people, the spirit descended on one of the elders and spoke, saying that "on that day was established the C&S in the UK." (36) John Adegoke, one of the senior leaders of the church in England, commented that the founding of the C&S in Britain was the fulfilment of a prophecy given at the founding of the church in Nigeria that the church would extend beyond the shores of Africa. (37) This prophecy and the way it has been utilized for the expansion of the church beyond Nigeria points to the transnational networking of C&S. An executive committee was formed that decided to advertise in the weekly magazine West Africa. Shortly after that, the group started renting King's Weigh House Church in Binney Street in central London. A year later, about 500 people attended the anniversary of the church.

In 1967, the church moved to Oaklands Congregational Church in Uxbridge Road in Shepherd's Bush. By 1970, the congregation had about 350 adults and around 200 children, with 133 ordained members. In the same year, the church introduced its open annual general meeting. In 1971, the church finally bought its first property in Earlham Grove, Forest Gate. In addition was the establishment of the various factions of the C&S. (38) However, with the purchase of their own building, the C&S was established and continued with its spiritual practices of prayers and watch night services. In 1978, the church was accepted into full membership of what used to be called the British Council of Churches, now Churches Together in Britain and Ireland. (39) The C&S is now a fully established church in Britain, with over 100 church congregations in England.

Growth and Mission of the Church

The C&S has grown in the UK primarily through church planting and secession, as Adegoke notes:
There are two possible ways open to especially AIC churches to develop
and both have been applicable to the C&S in the UK. One is development
or growth through "church planting" and the other is through "split and
grow." The former was applicable to C&S in the 1960s when a branch was
formally inaugurated in Birmingham under a united church, ignoring the
factions in Nigeria. The latter became more rampant from the 1970s,
when different factions of the church in Nigeria sought to establish
branches in the UK. From then onward, church planting became out of
fashion and split and grow became the preference for growth. (40)


This comment highlights the problem of schism that the church has had to face in its development in Nigeria and how this has been carried over to Britain. Adogame, writing about the transnationalization of African churches, suggests that these churches often do not cut links with the homeland after integrating into new cultures and context. (41) This is definitely played out within the C&S in Britain, as each faction from Nigeria has tried to plant their own branch churches. This then raises the question of why schism seems to be a major problem within AICs. Adegoke sheds some light on this with regard to the growth and development of the C&S in Britain:
Among the factors leading to the preference of split and grow is the
taste for self-actualization; self-esteem; economic reasons like
generating income to feed the Nigerian founders; differences in
doctrinal beliefs; conflicts arising from personality clashes; petty
racial prejudices; lack of uniformity among home (Nigerian) bases, etc.
These reasons can be controversial, as some factions of the church can
claim central control and organizational skills that can restore
credibility in their factions. (42)


Highlighted here is the idea of generating income in Britain to feed the Nigerian founders. Perhaps this explains the transnational constraints and ties that some African Pentecostal churches with mother churches in Africa face, compared with independent churches founded in Britain or other parts of Europe. Nevertheless, the C&S is growing and appeals to Africans who want to reaffirm their sense of African identity in a postmodern society such as Britain. This is why some Africans have a dual church membership. From my own observation and field research, some African Christians attend mainstream churches but still keep their membership with Aladura churches.

Celebrating the Comforter: C&S's Transnational Conference in London

Transnational processes are an essential component of globalization. As our world continues to be viewed as a global village, with the local affecting the global and vice versa, multinational corporations engage in transborder transactions that allow for a multiplicity of involvements in more than one society. Adogame, following the works of sociologists and anthropologists, describes this type of transnationalism as transnationalism from above. (43) He also identifies another type of transnationalism, transnationalism from below: that is, grassroots initiatives by migrants and their home country. (44) This second type is my concern in this section, especially as it applies to religious networking of the C&S. Religious transnationalism is one of the new defining features of African Christianity. Matthew Ojo goes further to assert that it is an important strategy in the missionary expansion of African Pentecostal Christianity. (45)

There are different transnational activities and strategies used by AICs and African New Pentecostal churches in their missionary expansion outside Africa, but the one I want to explore in this section is the international conferences of these churches. For example, Kingsway International Christian Centre (KICC) organizes an annual international conference called the International Gathering of Champions. This conference features renowned speakers drawn from the US, Africa, and Europe, and utilizes multi-media such as satellite television and cable networks. In addition, KICC now has its own television station called KICC TV, which is viewed in Africa, Europe, the US, and Asia.

On 29 July 2017, the C&S in Britain, in partnership with the Celestial Church of Christ (CCC) in the UK, organized a joint international revival conference on the theme of the Holy Spirit. The conference, themed "Celebrate the Comforter," was held at the Excel Centre in London, with well-known gospel singers and secular artists from Nigeria and Britain. In addition were renowned speakers from Britain, the US, and Nigeria.

In attendance were politicians and royal personages from Nigeria, including former presidents.

While the conference was organized by the UK branches of both churches, they were supported and encouraged by their parent churches in Nigeria. Another crucial aspect of the conference was how the guest speakers and musicians were welcomed at Heathrow airport. C&S and CCC worship bands sang praise and worship songs at the terminal as guest speakers and musicians arrived. This act of welcome alone, a first of its kind, got the attention of bystanders at Heathrow airport on that day. The planners of the conference saw this not only as an act of African hospitality and welcome but as an evangelistic tool in engaging people at the airport.

Three implications can be drawn from this international conference. First, it represents a new ecumenical project with transnational dynamics. From my observation in Nigeria, I have not come across two Aladura churches working together on this scale. Usually they are competing with each other; therefore, the fact that we can have CCC working together with the C&S is of significance. Possibly the inhibition of such a project in Nigeria was overcome in a diaspora context. Transborder realities and experience could have made this possible, since what was restricted in Nigeria is not necessarily restricted in Britain.

Returning to the theme of considering whether AICs are Pentecostals, the second implication of this conference is its Pentecostal features. The theme of "Celebrating the Comforter" clearly points to the conference's pneumatic emphasis. This theme shaped the sermons, with the praise and worship sessions drawing heavily on songs on emi mimo (Holy Spirit). Part of the service also allowed for glossolalia and eulogizing emi mimo. The welcome at Heathrow airport also featured praise and worship sessions on welcoming emi mimo. Another Pentecostal dynamic of the event was the style of the conference, which resembled that of Pentecostal conventions and conferences. The choice of the venue, the appearance of well-known speakers, and the use of a mass choir all reflect a Pentecostal style of conference. The conference was very similar to the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) Festival of Life, which is held annually at the same venue. The only major difference was the wearing of white robes by the attendees.

The last implication of this international conference was the reverse mission angle. This was a mission conference with the aim to bring revival to secular Britain. Part of the reason for having secular artists such as Shina Peters from Nigeria was to attract non-Christians to the conference. The conference also included Muyiwa from Premier Christian Radio, who is recognized in Britain. In addition, the conference included many evangelists from Britain, Nigeria, and the US. One of these was Dorien Jacobs, called Oyinbo Jesu (A white person that follows Jesus). Dorien Jacobs is a well-known white evangelist among the AICs in the diaspora. The reverse mission agenda of this conference also adds to its transnational nature, and this was perhaps best expressed through the welcome at Heathrow airport.

Both churches in Nigeria and Britain were involved in organizing this conference, and the expectation is that it was the first of many. My concluding observation is that such an international ecumenical conference signals the fact that AICs are transnational in their mission strategy to re-evangelize Britain. Only time will tell whether this new religious networking will lead to Britain being evangelized.

Israel Oluwole Olofinjana

Israel Oluwole Olofinjana is the founding director of the Centre for Missionaries from the Majority World and Honorary Research Fellow at Queens Foundation, Birmingham, as well as senior pastor of Woolwich Central Baptist Church in London.

(1) Michael Bergunder, "The Cultural Turn," in Studying Global Pentecostalism: Theories and Methods, ed. Allan Anderson, Michael Bergunder, Andre Droogers, and Cornells Van Der Laan (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2010), 65-66.

(2) Helen Cameron and Catherine Duce, Researching Practice in Ministry and Mission (London: SCM Press, 2013), 52.

(3) John Swinton and Harriet Mowat, Practical Theology and Qualitative Research (London: SCM Press, 2006), 59.

(4) See Victor Hayward, African Independent Church Movements (London: SCM Press Ltd, 1963); Harold Turner, History of an Independent Church: The Church of the Lord Aladura, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967).

(5) Allan Anderson, African Reformation: African Initiated Christianity in the 20th Century (Trenton, N.J.: African World Press, 2001), 10-11.

(6) John Pobee and Gabriel Ositelu, African Initiatives in Christianity: The Growth, Gifts and Diversities of Indigenous African Churches (Geneva: WCC Publications, 1998), 3-4.

(7) Israel Olofinjana, Reverse in Ministry and Missions: Africans in the Dark Continent of Europe (Milton Keynes, UK: Author House, 2010), 21.

(8) Ogbu Kalu, African Pentecostalism: An Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 66.

(9) Deji Ayegboyin and Ademola Ishola, African Indigenous Churches: An Historical Perspective (Lagos, Nigeria: Greater Heights Publications, 1997), 25-33.

(10) Kalu, African Pentecostalism, 65.

(11) Allan Anderson, "Introduction: World Pentecostalism at a Crossroads," in Pentecostals after a Century: Global Perspectives on a Movement, ed. Allan Anderson and Walter Hollenweger (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999), 19.

(12) Asamoah-Gyadu and J. Kwabena, African Charismatics: Current Developments within Independent Indigenous Pentecostalism in Ghana (Boston: Brill, 2005), 11.

(13) Roswith Gerloff, "Churches of the Spirit: The Pentecostal/Charismatic Movement and Africa's Contribution to the Renewal of Christianity," in Christianity in Africa and the African Diaspora: The Appropriation of a Scattered Heritage, ed. Afe Adogame, Roswith Gerloff, and Klaus Hock (London: Continuum, 2008), 208-21.

(14) Ibid., 209.

(15) Walter Hollenweger, The Pentecostals (London: SCM Press, 1972), 149.

(16) Ibid., Introduction.

(17) Anderson, African Reformation, 10-20.

(18) Asamoah-Gyadu, African Charismatics, 19-21.

(19) Kalu, African Pentecostalism, 68-69.

(20) Ibid., 69.

(21) The Church of the Lord Aladura (CLA) was founded by josiah Ositelu (1902-66) in Nigeria around 1930.

(22) R. O. Ositelu, African Instituted Churches: Diversities, Growth, Gifts, Spirituality and Ecumenical Understanding of African Initiated Churches (London: LIT, 2002), 37.

(23) Ibid.

(24) Michael Bergunder, "The Cultural Turn," in Studying Global Pentecostalism: Theories and Methods, ed. Allan Anderson, Michael Bergunder, Andre Droogers, and Cornells Van Der Laan (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2010), 64-68.

(25) This is from a telephone conversation on the subject of how to categorize AICs on 1 November 2018.

(26) J. A. Omoyajowo, Cherubim and Seraphim: The History of an African Independent Church (New York: Nok Publishers, 1982), 26.

(27) This date is supposedly ascribed as his birthdate, as there were no birth registers in those days. Ibid., 26.

(28) Ibid.

(29) Ibid, 27.

(30) J. A. Omoyajowo, Makers of the Church in Nigeria 1842-1947 (Lagos: CSS Bookshop, 1995), 120.

(31) J. D. Y. Peel, Aladura: A Religious Movement among the Yorubas (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), 59.

(32) Ibid, 7.

(33) Omoyajowo, Makers of the Church, 130.

(34) Afe Adogame, The African Christian Diaspora: New Currents and Emerging Trends in World Christianity (London: Bloomsbury, 2013), 67-68.

(35) Israel Olofinjana, Partnership in Mission: A Black Majority Church Perspective on Mission and Church Unity (London: Instant Apostle, 2015), 26-27.

(36) Hermione Harris, Yoruba in Diaspora: An African Church in London (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 45.

(37) Interview with Aposde John Adegoke, 28 January 2017.

(38) Harris, Yoruba in Diaspora, 45-47.

(39) Ibid, 46; Olofinjana, Pentecostal, 34.

(40) Adegoke, Interview, 28 January 2017.

(41) Afe Adogame, "Traversing the United Kingdom of God: The Transnationalisation of African New Religious Diaspora," in African Christian Presence in the West: New Immigrant Congregations and Transnational Networks in North America and Europe, ed. Frieder Ludwig and J. Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu (London: African World Press, 2011), 73.

(42) Adegoke, Interview, 28 January 2017.

(43) Adogame, Traversing the United Kingdom, 69-70.

(44) Ibid.

(45) Matthew Ojo, "Transnational Religious Networks and Indigenous Pentecostal Missionary Enterprises in the West African Coastal Region," in Christianity in Africa and the African Diaspora: The Appropriation of a Scattered Heritage, ed. Afe Adogame, Roswith Gerloff, and Klaus Hock (London: Continuum, 2008), 167-79.

DOI:10.1111/irom.12291
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Author:Olofinjana, Israel Oluwole
Publication:International Review of Mission
Geographic Code:6NIGR
Date:Nov 1, 2019
Words:5590
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