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Part IV: contemporary challenges and emerging issues.


The official viewpoint is that South Africa does not face any direct military threat to its national security, compromising its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Such a threat, particularly of an external nature, is also not foreseen in the foreseeable future. This does not imply the absence of insecurity. Since security is not an absolute, various insecurities, vulnerabilities and risks impact on or may constitute threats to national security. Irrespective of whether their referent object is the region, state, regime, government, community or humanity at large, these insecurities are identified and dealt with by various government departments and agencies through proactive measures, policy programmes and plans of action.

No official, systematic threat analysis of South Africa's strategic environment is presented to the general public on a regular basis. Various techniques, including environment scanning, early warning, intelligence estimates, risk assessments and threat analyses, are nevertheless used within the defence and security communities. The findings thereof are seldom reported in public, mainly due to their classified nature but also to avoid an alarmist public response. Aspects thereof, however, find their way into speeches, statements, parliamentary debates, budget bills, annual reports, policy reviews and white papers, although seldom in an explicit and comprehensive manner.

Accordingly, within the South African public domain, perspectives of vulnerabilities, insecurities, adversarial relations and menacing intentions and capacities that constitute real, potential or perceived threats to security, more specifically national security threats, are expressed in a twofold manner. Firstly, as real threats to security and, secondly, as a range of interrelated and mutually dependent vulnerabilities that may constitute real or potential threats to security. The former includes three specific threats, namely the threat of terrorism, of nuclear proliferation and of transnational organised crime (although not necessarily crime in general). The latter phenomena are not officially designated 'threats' and various terms are used to denote them, amongst others, challenges (being the preferred concept), issues, emergencies, areas of concern, concerns, vulnerabilities, risks and impacts. These 'challenges', to use a common denominator, range from globalism, through the whole spectrum of human security issues, to the African diaspora.

In terms of 'new security thinking', the latter category of 'challenges' reflects the broadening and deepening of security and the inclusion of non-military dimensions and non-state subjects of security. Whether and to what extent these 'challenges' actually constitute threats to (national) security--or whether they are mere global, regional or national policy problems, or even sub-national service delivery issues that serve as a context for or a source of threats--remains contested and is not only a topic of academic debate, but also a matter of political choice. Furthermore, it is contended that contrary to the traditional security paradigm--with its emphasis on the prior existence of state and regime interests and identities as referent objects of security--the contemporary, official South African perspectives of security and security threats are partially embedded in a constructivist approach. Accordingly, security and security threats are changing social constructs, intersubjectively constituted through social interaction, that transcend pre-defined, empirically determined and objectively assessed security threats. Irrespective of the semantics involved and the indecisive outcome of this discourse, these 'challenges'--at the level of rhetoric--provide a basic indication of perceived or potential security 'threats' that, as causes for concern, elicit an official policy response from the South African government. Hence they are included in this section.

A further problem is the securitisation of issues that previously fell outside the domain of traditional security thinking. Apart from the fact that human security per definition securitises a range of related issues and vulnerabilities, securitisation has become more prominent in South Africa because various issues are designated in security terms, amongst others environmental, food, water and energy security. Presently these issues are neither militarised, nor significantly securitised as security threats, although their conflict-generating potential is recognised. The lack or limited securitisation of these issues is evidenced by the fact that government departments and agencies that do not form part of the South African defence and security communities manage them. Where relevant, these issues are drawn into intergovernmental structures and dealt with by the ministerial clusters.

There is also an apparent underemphasis or omission of certain contentious issues in the official perceptions represented by this selection. These include the issues of Zimbabwe, HIV/AIDS, and the movement of people. In the case of HIV/AIDS, similar to crime, more emphasis is placed on social context, statistical data, policy programmes and action plans, than on their direct and indirect safety and security impact. Furthermore, HIV/AIDS is incorporated into human security and viewed in a broader socio-economic context linked to poverty and development. The crisis in Zimbabwe and the consequences thereof are not officially regarded as security threats to South Africa, but as a foreign policy issue dealt with through multilateral diplomacy. The movement of people (for example displaced persons, refugees and migrants) is seen as either the result of conflict or as part of the human security spectrum, and thus also not as a security threat.

In considering the content of the selections that appear in this section, the security relevance thereof are, firstly, mostly implicit and indirect; and, secondly, issue and policy specific in a global, regional and/or national context. Accordingly, these contemporary challenges and emerging issues are articulated in various presidential, ministerial and departmental statements, reports, policy papers, white papers and speeches that--with some exceptions--do not originate from defence and security institutions or specifically pertain to defence policy and strategy. Rather, they emanate from the Presidency, the Department of Foreign Affairs and various other government departments. On occasion, although presented in the name of the President or the Minister and Department of Foreign Affairs, the official viewpoints endorse the collective perspective of certain intergovernmental organisations of which South Africa is a member, such as the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, the India-Brazil-South Africa Dialogue Forum, the Southern African Development Community and the Group of 77.

Against the background of the aforesaid, this section is divided into four subsections. Respectively these subsections cover, firstly, an inclusive list of global and regional challenges* ranging from 'high politics' to 'low politics', and from serious to trivial concerns; secondly, specific security threats such as terrorism, arms and nuclear proliferation, and crime;** thirdly, human security with specific emphasis on poverty, inequality and sustainable development; and, finally, emerging issues such as environmental security (including climate change), food security, water security and energy security.


South African Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, Statement of the Chair, at the opening of the Meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the Non-Aligned Movement in the Context of the General Debate of the 56th Session of the UN General Assembly, New York, 14 November 2001 (


Founded during the Cold War, the Non-Aligned Movement is operating in an irreversibly changed and changing environment. We must frankly and candidly admit that the NAM is at the crossroad and faced with the new geopolitical realities. Of importance therefore, is how to respond to this environment.


Where is the global agenda of the Movement in response to these global economic, political and security challenges? How do we intervene strategically ... in areas that deal with peace and security?


We all witnessed with horror the deplorable terrorist attacks against the United States recently. Let me once again reaffirm and associate South Africa with the statement of the Movement in condemning these callous acts of terrorism....

In the same vein, let me condemn the incidents of violence, racism and anti-Arab and Islamophobic sentiments that followed these incidents in the developed countries.


Equally, the fight against terrorism must further energise the international community to deal with conflicts all over the world. The long-standing conflict of the Middle East, which at its core is the question of Palestine, merits our collective attention.


In our determined position to eradicate terrorism, we must deal holistically with the problems of poverty, conflicts, and equal sharing of the benefits of globalisation. This will hopefully results in a better world with the equal stake for all of us.

It is abundantly clear that while living in the world of unprecedented material wealth and abundance, billions of our people continue to live in the miserable conditions of abject poverty.


The precarious and the perennial question of the indebtedness of most of the Members of our Movement must find a sustainable solution....

The World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance held in South Africa recently has taken far-reaching decisions on rolling back the frontiers of racism. The global struggle against racism must result in a world where no one would feel humiliated and his or her dignity undermined.

Africa too has taken the far-sighted and far-reaching decision to transform their continental organisation namely the Organisation of African Unity into the African Union in order to be better positioned to take advantage of the changing world. Additionally, the adoption recently of the New Partnership for African Development by Africans must be help uplift the continent of Africa from the saddening conditions of underdevelopment.


India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) Dialogue Forum: New Delhi Agenda for Co-operation, 5 March 2004 (


Peace and Security

7. The Ministers noted that primary focus on human development, the fight against poverty, and measures to promote a better quality of life, should underpin and provide for greater guarantees for international peace and stability. The three Ministers took stock of the global security situation--concerning disarmament and non-proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). They took note of avowed commitments of governments regarding the transfer of technology related to the manufacture of WMDs and expressed hope for observance of these commitments unequivocally. They also underlined that implementation of and compliance with non-proliferation and disarmament commitments suffered from serious inadequacies, which should be redressed through appropriate forward looking multilateral actions. They agreed to intensify their co-operation at the IAEA and other forums with a view to ensuring unimpeded growth and development of peaceful use of atomic energy through supply of technology, equipment and material under appropriate safeguards.

8. On the Israeli-Palestinian situation, the three countries urged an immediate resumption of dialogue on the basis of the relevant UNSC resolutions, the Arab League Peace Initiative and the Quartet roadmap so as to achieve a peaceful and lasting solution thereby ending the current cycle of violence....

9. The three countries noted the convergence of their views on Iraq. They stressed the maintenance of unity and integrity of Iraq as well as the restoration of security and stability in the country and called for transfer of full sovereignty to the Iraqi people as soon as possible....


10. The Ministers agreed that international terrorism was one of the most significant threats faced by the world today and that it can only be tackled collectively. They further agreed that terrorism should only be considered with reference to the terrorist act and its consequences. There can be no justification for terrorism--political, religious or any other....



12. Recalling their commitment to pursuing policies, programmes and initiatives in different international forums, to make the diverse processes of globalisation inclusive, integrative, humane, and equitable, the Ministers noted with concern that the current global economic structures and mechanisms continued to be marked by inequities....


Sustainable Development

14. India, Brazil and South Africa have similar concerns with regard to the protection of environment while they march ahead on the path of socioeconomic development in their respective countries. In this context the three sides agreed to work together to promote practical co-operation in ensuring sustainable development. The Ministers also agreed to co-ordinate positions on climate change, bio-diversity, and other related issues at the concerned multilateral fora.


Social Development

17. The Ministers, in the context of the approaching tenth anniversary of the World Summit for Social Development (WSSD), recalled that the Summit had sought to put people at the centre of development.


President of the Republic of South Africa, Mr Thabo Mbeki, Transcript of opening remarks at the Non-Aligned Movement Ministerial Conference, Durban, 19 August 2004 (


We are preparing for the 50th Anniversary of the Bandung Conference, next year. I believe that this anniversary gives us an opportunity to reflect once again on the challenges that face the developing world ...

Amongst others, we have three principal challenges:

-- One of them is the challenge of poverty and underdevelopment, which continues to afflict billions of our people across the globe.

-- The second is that we have the continued challenge of peace and stability. The issue of international terrorism to which our chairperson has referred to is part of the challenge to ensure the achievement of peace and stability, which we need.

-- The third challenge we face is the restructuring of the global exercise of power--of political power, of economic power, of military power and of social power.

Indeed as we strive to meet these challenges--of the eradication of poverty and underdevelopment, securing peace and stability, restructuring power--we can only do these things within that global context. And therefore the manner in which global power is exercised impacts very directly on the things that we have to do. Part of this direct impact is that in our own situations, in our own context, the debate and discussion about multilateralism versus unilateralism have been answered and is answered practically everyday.


President of the Republic of South Africa, Mr Thabo Mbeki, Address at the 59th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, New York, 22 September 2004 (


I am equally convinced that, depending on where we stand relative to the power equation, we will hold radically different views about what constitutes humanity's most serious threats and challenges, and therefore what must be changed to respond to that perceived reality.

Both the powerful and the disempowered will undoubtedly agree that terrorism and war represent a serious threat to all humanity....

Many of those who have already addressed the Assembly have correctly drawn our attention to many instances of terrorism and war to which we are all opposed....

They have correctly drawn our attention to the violent conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, the Sudan, Palestine, Israel, Iraq, Afghanistan, Chechnya, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and elsewhere, and other unsolved problems such as self-determination for the people of Western Sahara, that cry out for a solution.

Both the powerful and the disempowered agree and will agree that the international community must act together, successfully to confront these situations, and therefore the threat and challenge of terrorism and war.

However, the powerful will also make the additional determination that terrorism and war constitute central and principal threat and challenge that human civilisation faces....

Both the powerful and the disempowered will undoubtedly also agree that poverty, want and underdevelopment constitute serious problems that all humanity must confront....

Among other things, they have correctly reminded us of the fact that some countries are poorer today than they were a decade ago. They have pointed to the virtual certainty that we will fail to meet the Millennium Development Goals we set ourselves four years ago.

Both the powerful and the disempowered agree and will agree that the international community must act together, successfully to confront this situation, and therefore the threat and challenge of poverty and underdevelopment.

However, the disempowered, who are also the poor of the world, will also make the additional determination that poverty and underdevelopment constitute the central and principal threat and challenge that human civilisation faces.

They will make the determination that because they are the daily victims of deprivation and want, which claim lives of millions every year, translating into cold statistics about shortened life expectancy, deprivation and want are central and principal threat and challenge that humanity faces, necessitating changes in the global system of governance effectively to respond to this reality.


The wealthy and powerful feel mortally threatened by the fanatical rage of the terrorists, correctly. And they have the power both to respond to this present and immediate danger with all the might of which they dispose, and, because they are mighty, the possibility to determine for all humanity that what they decide is the principal threat they confront is the principal threat that all humanity faces.

The poor and powerless feel threatened by a permanent hurricane of poverty, which is devastating their communities as horrendously as Hurricane Ivan destroyed the Caribbean island state of Grenada.

But, tragically, precisely because they are poor, they do not have the means to respond to this present and immediate danger. Neither do they have the power to determine for all humanity that what they decide is the principal threat they confront, is also the principal threat that all humanity faces, including the rich and powerful.


President of the Republic of South Africa, Mr Thabo Mbeki, Address at the 60th Session of the United Nations General Assembly: New York, 17 September 2005 (


Sixty years after the UN was formed, the indecencies of wars and violent conflict continue to consume the lives of innocent people ...

As Africans, who have been exposed to many violent conflicts since the UN was formed, we are particularly keen that this Organisation must live up to its obligation to save succeeding African generations from the scourge of war....

A similar challenge faces this Organisation with regard to the restoration of lasting peace in Darfur in Sudan, building on the historic conclusion and implementation of the Sudanese Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in Nairobi, Kenya, earlier this year.

Only 11 years ago, we experienced a terrible genocide in Rwanda as well as thousands killed in the internecine conflict that took place in the Balkans. Those who were exposed to the savagery would be fully justified to conclude that the UN had betrayed its commitment to the peoples of the world.

I am certain that all of us are impatient to see an end to the conflicts in the Middle East, including Iraq, and in particular the restoration of the rights of the people of Palestine, within the context of the successful implementation of the Road Map.


We have all recognised the serious and urgent threat posed by international terrorism to all our nations. We have all accepted the reality that we need a multilateral response to this common threat. And yet we have still not succeeded to arrive at a common definition of this threat as well as an identification of its fundamental causes.

The issues of non-proliferation and disarmament of weapons of mass destruction are matters of critical concern to all nations, both large and small. And yet we failed to address these matters in the Outcome Document adopted by the Millennium Review Summit last night, even as the issue of nuclear weapons and their non-proliferation is among the most prominent items in world news and the international agenda. None of us can justly claim that our failure as the UN to take specific decisions on these matters served to enhance global security from the threat of weapons of mass destruction.

With regard to the issue of Iran, we firmly believe that negotiations should resume, and the matter settled within the context of the provisions of the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and with the full participation of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

The gap between the rich and the poor is becoming worse within and between countries as observed by the UN Development Programme Human Development Report 2005, which says that: "... the gap between the average citizen in the richest and in the poorest countries is wide and getting wider. In 1990 the average American was 38 times richer than the average Tanzanian. Today the average American is 61 times richer".


Accordingly, if we pause and scan the road traversed to judge whether we have succeeded to save the world from the scourge of war; whether we have built a world that has reaffirmed faith in fundamental human rights; whether we have created a world that has restored the dignity and worth of the human person; a world that has entrenched equal rights of men and women and of nations, large and small, the answer from the majority of the people of the world may very well be a resounding no!


Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Aziz Pahad, Speech at the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), Western Cape Branch, 20 February 2007 (


South Africa's role in the Security Council has to be seen in the context of our overall foreign policy objectives....

As the world, including SA, sought to grapple with the impact of these developments on international relations we were confronted by the terrorist attack against targets in the United States of America (USA) on 9/11, 2001. These attacks had a further profound impact on international relations:

In the wake of 9/11, the USA national strategic document (2003) gave warning that the USA will use its political, economic and military strength to fight any challenge to its hegemony. Also that it will act unilaterally against any terrorist organisation, against any state that harbours terrorist organisations and against any individuals that they declare to be assisting terrorism.

We have entered the period of preventative action, and conceptions such as:

-- "axis of evil"

-- "clash of civilisations"

-- "rogue states"

-- Islamic fascism drives the foreign policy perspectives of many powerful countries.

Some characteristics of the international environment today are:

-- weakening of multilateralism

-- no common vision of global security

-- disregard of the United Nations (UN) Charter and international law

-- unilateral rejection of international protocols

-- unparalleled anti-americanism and the consequent rise of terrorism and a militaristic approach to fighting terrorism.

It is in this very volatile, dangerous and unpredictable environment that democratic SA has sought to carry out our foreign policy objectives.

We have identified three main challenges:

1. Eradicating poverty and achieving sustainable economic growth and improving the quality of lives of peoples in SA, Africa and the world. In this context we have to deal with:

1.1 Globalisation and the marginalisation and growing impoverisation of many countries of the south, especially sub-Saharan Africa and the growing reality that many of these countries will not achieve the UN's Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) target for 2015.


2. The second major challenge we have identified is peace and security. We believe that there can be no development without security, no security without development and any democracy, human rights, good governance without security and development.

In this context, inter alia, we deal with conflicts in:

Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC); Burundi; Somalia; Sudan; Cote d'lvoire; Ethiopia and Western Sahara

Middle East-Palestine-Israel-Lebanon

West Africa-Afghanistan-Iran-Iraq


We also have to deal with the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction:

-- North Korea

-- Iran.

Other priority issues are:

-- terrorism

-- international criminal and drug syndicates

-- climate change.

3. The third challenge we have identified is the fundamental transformation of global governance, political and economical:


We are serving in the Security Council during challenging times in global politics, a time of extraordinary problems and challenges. The need to improve global governance is therefore paramount. Extreme poverty, global warming, the protection of basic human rights and the resolution of conflicts through effective peacekeeping, the need to protect the environment, to deal effectively with terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction--are some of the urgent challenges. Lately, there has been an in creasing tendency on the part of some powerful and dominant countries to have determined that the fight against terrorism should be the global agenda's priority. While South Africa supports the fight against terrorism and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, we are concerned at the unilateralist and militarist tendencies in the name of the global war on terror.

We are also concerned that the fight against terrorism must not be at the expense of the respect for international law and the protection of human rights and civil liberties.



As you will recall, these are some of the key issues we identified in the context of our second challenge and are issues that we have been seized with since 1994. Given these challenges, the importance of maintaining multilateralism, has never been so pertinent....


Many people in the world today still live in abject poverty even at the time when there are enough resources in the world to eliminate it....

Many people are still denied the basic human rights. Some live under the constant threat of random acts of terrorism. The proliferation of small arms and other weapons continues to undermine peace efforts around the world. There is also concern about the proliferation of nuclear weapons.

We therefore need a renewed commitment to the strengthening of a rules-based multilateral system of global governance based on the democratic ideal. Multilateralism remains the most effective and efficient system for addressing global problems. In history no other form of inter-State cooperation has delivered the same results as multilateralism. Coalitions of the willing on issues that require collective action have also proved to be short-term solutions that also lack credibility.

South Africa as part of a group of the majority of countries will continue to strive inside and outside the Security Council, to ensure that the UN lives up to its name and has a future as a strong and effective multilateral organisation, enjoying the confidence of the peoples of the world, and capable of addressing the matters that are of concern to all humanity. I believe that failure to achieve these objectives will make our world a very dangerous place indeed.


Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of South Africa, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, Keynote Address at the African Union Caribbean Diaspora Conference, London, 24 April 2007 (


Challenges of the 21st century

Of course, having declared the 21st century, as the African century, it is clear that we have to mobilise all people on the continent and the Diaspora because we have to wage a titanic battle. A titanic battle of ideas, battle against poverty and underdevelopment, a battle for the emancipation of women and empowerment of our youth.

It has to be a battle for ending the marginalisation of lots of Africans in the Diaspora.

It has to be a titanic battle to reclaim our cultural heritage. The fact that it is easier to buy CDs of an African artist in Europe and America than in Africa must come to an end.

The implementation of the programme of action of the World Conference Against Racism (WCAR) will need to marshal all our forces in Africa and in the Diaspora. The question of reparations which should be measures aimed at reversing the devastating consequences of racism and slavery in history must necessarily extend beyond the narrow understanding of reparations as individual financial compensation of victims.

"There is no doubt that slavery; colonialism and apartheid were crimes against humanity. The nature of the damage caused by slavery and colonialism is complex and manifold: it involves the wholesale destruction of peoples and groups, the erosion and in some cases theft of social, economic and human capital and the destruction of the social fabric of entire people." (WCAR Document 2001)

A further challenge for us is the closure of the digital divide. Africa and the Diaspora has to come together to share their scientific advances from biotechnology, nanotechnology to space technology for peaceful use.

Mobilisation of the great battle against HIV and AIDS and other infectious diseases. The battle for the development of Africa and the Diaspora has to be seen to be as inclusive as possible.

Human Trafficking

The scourge of human trafficking should more accurately be described as a modern form of slavery.

The term human trafficking obscures the evil practice that involves the buying and selling of human beings in order to exploit them economically, and force them into domestic and sexual servitude. We also have to address the continued skills drain of Africa's best talent to the West; is a new and insidious form of an old practice--the practice of taking the skills of the best from Africa for the advancement of Western economies


Thus, to answer again the question posed at the beginning, this conference is necessary to revive and strengthen the spirit of Pan Africanism and to strengthen and profile the African Diaspora wherever they are.

-- To act in unison in order to deal with the challenges of globalisation.

-- To challenge the imbalance of power.

-- To ensure the rebirth of the continent.


Minister of Defence, Mosiuoa Lekota, at the occasion of the Southern African Development Community's (SADC) 2007 Maritime Conference entitled "Emerging Maritime Concepts in Southern Africa", convened at the Maritime Warfare School, Simon's Town, 12 June 2007 (


Our territory in Africa is blessed with abundance of natural resources above and under our soil and beneath our bordering seas. In Southern Africa we are also the bastions of one of the four major choke points in the world, ours being the Cape Sea Route together with the Suez Canal, Babal-Mandab and the Straits of Gibraltar....

However, history has demonstrated that this blessing was not always to the advantage of our people and still today there are unscrupulous elements operating in our surrounding seas that are involved in poaching, smuggling, human trafficking, piracy and other forms of organised crime that undermine the human security of our people.

It is this together with the recognition that the fruits of democracy are to be enjoyed by all who live in the region and on the continent which underpin the commitment of African leaders to the vision of the SADC and its subordinate structures. This vision delineated in the declaration and treaty of the SADC, indicates the obligation to "take the region out of an era of conflict and confrontation to one of co-operation, in a climate of peace, security and stability.... It is this vision together with the implementation of the New Partnership for African Development (Nepad), which seeks to create an environment of stability and security to stimulate economic growth and social upliftment of SADC.

In this regard, our plan of action makes clear the necessity for post-conflict reconstruction objectives which highlight the necessity for longer engagements in theatres of conflict.

Maritime and naval powers have become increasingly important, both in the region and on the continent. Influencing factors include our dependence upon sea borne trade, the importance of our offshore oil and gas and the fact that much of the world's trade and cargo moves along our coast. A further emergent feature is the escalation in piracy and the poaching of marine resources.

We need to direct special attention to the sea for history has demonstrated that most large conflicts which have occupied landward forces have come by way of the sea. It is essential that we regard maritime cooperation and security as being of significant strategic importance and that we allocate the appropriate resources to ensuring effective maritime capabilities....

President Thabo Mbeki to lead South African delegation to Commonwealth, Kampala, Uganda, 20 November 2007 (

South African President Thabo Mbeki supported by Deputy Foreign Minister Sue van der Merwe, will on 23 to 25 November 2007 lead a senior South African government delegation to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) ...


It is expected that the foreign ministers will have substantive discussions on issues such as democracy, good office, terrorism, international trade and economic co-operation, financing for development, environmental issues and international disasters.


Heads of Government are also expected to focus their discussions on:

-- global challenges including terrorism, conflict prevention and resolution, peace and consensus building

-- ...

-- economic liberalisation and global economic stability including debt relief, aid architecture, poverty eradication, trade justice, climate change, role of the State as a facilitator of economic reform and opportunities, and assessment of progress to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), in particular education, gender equality, health and


-- ...

-- climate change which is an issue that has gained considerable international importance since the Malta CHOGM and needs an international response that is relevant to many Commonwealth members, especially small states.



3.1 Terrorism

President of South Africa, Mr Thabo Mbeki, on Terror Attacks in Cities of the USA, 11 September 2001 (

President Thabo Mbeki has learnt with shock and dismay of today's terror attacks in cities of the United States of America.

On behalf of the people and Government of South Africa, the President condemns these dastardly actions.

The South African Government joins the world in unreservedly denouncing these senseless and horrific attacks.

The Government further calls on the international community to unite against global terrorism.


Republic of South Africa, Statement on Cabinet Meeting, 19 September 2001 (


Cabinet examined the implications of the recent terrorist attacks in the USA and set out our principled approach as well as course of action on this issue (see Annexure to this statement).





1. South Africa condemns terrorism without any equivocation. Attacks against civilians cannot be justified. This approach is integral to the humanitarian values that inspired our struggle and governed its conduct. These principles inform the core values of our constitution.

2. South Africa will co-operate with all efforts to apprehend the culprits and bring them to book. Justice must be done and it must be seen to be done.

3. South Africa therefore recognises the right of the US government to track down the culprits and bring them to justice. Any action taken should be informed by thorough investigations and incontrovertible evidence.

4. Acts of vengeance or mobilisation directed against individuals, communities or nations, simply because of their faith, language or colour cannot be justified. They go against the humanitarian and civilised norms that the terrorists seek to undermine and destroy. They can in fact play into the hands of these wicked forces. Whatever the pain the world may be going through, we should avoid temptations of racism, Islamophobia, anti-Semitism and any other forms of prejudice and discrimination that the recent World Conference Against Racism so eloquently warned against.

5. The world should unite in the fight against terrorism. In this effort, the immediate task is to ensure that the perpetrators meet their just desserts. In the medium-term, the challenge is to understand the root causes of these despicable acts and to eradicate them world-wide.

6. In the least, the terrorists should be isolated through international cooperation to build an equitable world order. This medium-term challenge includes concerted efforts to resolve conflicts in all parts of the globe, including the search for lasting peace in the Middle East. It includes a joint commitment throughout the world to eradicate poverty and underdevelopment.

Concrete Actions

7. South Africa has, like many other countries, offered such support and assistance as may be required and within the limits of our capacity. Morally and spiritually, we are with the victims as well as the people and government of the US and other nations that lost their citizens in these events.

8. Government, through its Mission in the US, and working with relevant US authorities, is continuing the search for South Africans who have as yet not been traced, who may have been in the hijacked planes or in the vicinity of the affected areas.

9. To the extent that the current investigations into these acts of terror may require concrete intelligence information that South Africa may have at its disposal, our security agencies will continue to co-operate with their US counterparts.

10. South Africa has not considered any military involvement in the operations envisaged by the US administration. The matter has not been raised; and, within the context of our approach to both the immediate and longer-term challenges in dealing with the scourge of terrorism, the issue does not arise.

11. South Africa will take part in discussions on the course of world action on this issue, within the context of regional and other multilateral organisations to which we belong, including the United Nations. Further, working together with other countries within the UN system, we will continue to make our contribution to the development of relevant international conventions on the fight against terrorism.

Our approach to this matter is informed by our values as a nation; and government is of the full conviction that it is in the national interest.


Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, Comments in Parliament on the US Bombings, 20 September 2001 (


Last week, on the fateful Tuesday, 11 September 2001, the whole world watched with horror, disbelief and shock at the deplorable acts of terror perpetrated against the United States of America and its people. These carefully calibrated murderous acts of terror, which maimed and killed thousands of innocent people, deserves our strong and unequivocal condemnation....


As the ANC, we have always opposed any indiscriminate wanton acts of terror against the civilians....

... Even as our enemy and its friends denounced and vilified our movement as terrorist, we adhered to strict measures to avoid the use of terror against the people.


The two Presidents (President Thabo Mbeki and President George Bush) also agreed that this fight against terrorism should not be seen as a fight against any religion, culture and race as well as an act of collective punishment and collective guilt. They agreed that they should make every effort that whatever is done is directed at the perpetrators of these heinous acts. They also agreed that the world should unite in a coalition against terrorism and this coalition requires serious discussion and input from all countries.

In this regard we unreservedly condemn acts of violence, perpetrated against the Muslim communities in South Africa as well as elsewhere in the world. Coming from a successful World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, any acts that are directed against any particular people on the basis of their religion, colour and faith should be opposed as this will play into the hands of the wicked forces that committed these dastardly acts. Acts that encourages and perpetuates Islamophobia, anti-Arab and anti-Semitism and any other form of prejudice and discrimination must be eliminated.

The South African Government has not been approached to participate in any military activities. We will continue to co-operate with the American authorities and others with regards to information sharing, monitoring the activities of the terrorist organisations. We will continue to work collectively within the ambit of the United Nations with all member states to deal with terrorism.

This is informed by our values as a nation and as government we are convinced that this will be in our national interest.


President of the Republic of South Africa, Mr Thabo Mbeki, Statement on the Occasion of the Debate of the 56th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, New York, 10 November 2001 (


We speak here about the terrible tragedy of September 11 on behalf of our government and the people of South Africa. We speak also on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Commonwealth.

There can be no doubt but that the peoples of the world have to unite in action to defeat terrorism....

This is so not only because many nations lost their citizens on that terrible day, important as this is. It is so because terrorism has demonstrated that it has no respect for borders....

Where we might have used the concept of a global village loosely in the past, on September 11 terrorism taught us the abiding lesson that we do indeed belong to a global village....

Accordingly, we have no choice but to get together in the village square to agree on the threat that confronts us all....

To guarantee world peace and security in the light of the threat posed by terrorism requires that this organisation, the United Nations, must discharge its responsibility to unite the peoples of the world to adopt an International Convention against Terrorism.


Clearly, there must be a response. But what should that response be?

Immediately, it is correct that we must achieve global security cooperation so that the perpetrators of the September 11 acts of terrorism are apprehended and punished.

Correctly, the Government of the United States has emphasised that all action that is carried out must be clearly targeted against the terrorists.

It has stated that such actions, including military actions, should not degenerate into collective punishment against any people on any grounds whatsoever, including those of religion, race or ethnicity. Accordingly, it is necessary that humanitarian assistance should be extended to the people of Afghanistan. We fully agree with the approach.

The US Government has also said that these actions should be of the shortest duration possible, consistent with the objective that must be achieved. Again, we agree with this without reservation.

The call has gone out that all governments and countries should contribute whatever they can to ensure that the common effort to find and punish the terrorists responsible for September 11 meet their just deserts. We have responded positively to this call because it is timely, correct and just.

All these are important elements of what has to be done to respond to those who committed the mass murders of September 11.

But they also indicate the way forward as we consider the rules that should guide us as we confront the threat of terrorism over the longer term and beyond the critically important operations and activities focused on the events of September 11.

They put the matter firmly on our common agenda that we must also achieve global cooperation for the speedy resolution of conflict situations everywhere in the world.

In this regard, it is clear that the situation in the Middle East cries out for an urgent and lasting solution ...

The sacrifice of the Palestinian people should not be allowed to drag on any longer....

Beyond this, we must act together to determine the issues that drive people to resort to force and agree on what we should do to eliminate these. At the same time, we must make the point patently clear that such determination does not in any way constitute an attempt to justify terrorism. Together we must take the firm position that no circumstances whatsoever can ever justify resort to terrorism.


It would seem obvious that the fundamental source of conflict in the world today is the socio-economic deprivation of billions of people across the globe, coexisting side-by-side with islands of enormous wealth and prosperity within and among countries. This necessarily breeds a deep sense of injustice, social alienation, despair and a willingness to sacrifice their lives among those who feel they have nothing to loose and everything to gain, regardless of the form of action to which they resort.

As the Durban World Conference concluded, racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance remain a critical part of the practices that serve to alienate billions of people and contribute to mutual antagonisms among human beings. The international community should spare no effort to ensure that this affront to human dignity is totally eradicated.

Last year, we convened in this very hall in the historic Millennium Summit. Solemnly, and with serious intent, we adopted the Millennium Declaration. The heavy and urgent obligation we now face is to implement the programme of action spelt out in that Declaration.

This constitutes and must constitute the decisive front of struggle against terrorism.

Africa for its part has developed a New Partnership for Africa's Development, which is a product of the consciousness among the African people that they, themselves, hold the key to the continent's development, security and stability.


Minister for Safety and Security, Mr Charles Nqakula, Speech on the Protection of Constitutional Democracy Against Terrorist and Related Activities Bill, 2003, National Council of Provinces, 24 February 2004 (


This Bill has come a long way, from the South African Law Reform Commission processes to 14 November 2002, when it was tabled in the National Assembly. Part of its history includes the extensive consultation process and public hearings that the Portfolio Committee conducted, during which many people and organisations made important submissions....


Chairperson, over a period of more than a year, Parliament has adopted instruments to comply with our international obligations....

The Bill refers also to all offences regarding international terrorism in keeping with the relevant Conventions, as well as the general offence of terrorism. It provides for criminal and civil asset forfeiture, in respect of specified offences, the extraterritorial jurisdiction required specifically by the Terrorist Bombings Convention, the African Union Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism, and the Terrorist Financing Convention.

It also provides for offences relating to the financing of terrorist activities, a wider provision allowing search and seizure and cordoning off, to prevent and investigate terrorist activities....

Chairperson and Honourable Members, it should be noted that the Bill is omnibus in that it also effects amendments to legislation such as the Financial Intelligence Centre Act which prescribes the reporting of transactions relating to terrorist activities, the Prevention of Organised Crime Act, which provides for civil forfeiture in respect of property relating to terrorist activities, the Extradition Act, which does away with the political exception in respect of terrorist activities, the Nuclear Energy Act, which creates the offence of the criminal use of nuclear materials, the Non-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction Act, to provide for an offence relating to weapons of mass destruction, the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1997, for prescribed sentences, and the Interception Legislation to provide for interception of communications relating to the most serious offences in the Bill.

Furthermore the Bill criminalizes hoaxes and provides for an order by the court for the payment of fruitless expenses for relevant operational action.

Allow me to emphasise, Chairperson, that no prosecution may be instituted in terms of the Bill without the written authorisation of the National Director of Public Prosecutions....

Republic of South Africa, Protection of Constitutional Democracy Against Terrorist and Related Activities Act, 2004 (Act No 33 of 2004), assented to by the President on 4 February 2005 (


To provide for measures to prevent and combat terrorist and related activities; to provide for an offence of terrorism and other offences associated or connected with terrorist activities; to provide for Convention offences; to give effect to international instruments dealing with terrorist and related activities; to provide for a mechanism to comply with United Nations Security Council Resolutions, which are binding on member States, in respect of terrorist and related activities; to provide for measures to prevent and combat the financing of terrorist and related activities; to provide for investigative measures in respect of terrorist and related activities; and to provide for matters connected therewith.


WHEREAS the Republic of South Africa is a constitutional democracy where fundamental human rights, such as the right to life and free political activity, are constitutionally enshrined;

AND WHEREAS terrorist and related activities, in whichever form, are intended to achieve political and other aims in a violent or otherwise unconstitutional manner, and thereby undermine democratic rights and values and the Constitution;

AND WHEREAS terrorist and related activities are an international problem, which can only be effectively addressed by means of international cooperation;

AND WHEREAS the Government of the Republic of South Africa has committed itself in international fora such as the United Nations, the African Union and the Non-Aligned Movement, to the prevention and combating of terrorist and related activities;

AND WHEREAS the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373/2001, which is binding on all Member States of the United Nations, as well as the Convention for the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism, adopted by the Organisation of African Unity, requires Member States to become Party to instruments, dealing with terrorist and related activities, as soon as possible;

AND WHEREAS the Republic of South Africa has already become Party to the following instruments of the United Nations:

(a) The Convention on Offences and Certain Other Acts Committed on Board Aircraft, signed at Tokyo on 14 September 1963. The Republic became a Party thereto, by accession on 26 May 1972;

(b) the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft, signed at The Hague on 16 December 1970. The Republic became a Party thereto by ratification on 30 May 1972;

(c) the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation, concluded at Montreal on 23 September 1971. The Republic became a Party thereto by ratification on 30 May 1972;

(d) the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against Internationally Protected Persons including Diplomatic Agents, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 14 December 1973. The Republic became a Party thereto by accession on 23 September 2003;

(e) the International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 17 December 1979. The Republic became a Party thereto by accession on 23 September 2003:

(f) the Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts of Violence at Airports Serving International Civil Aviation, adopted at Montreal on 24 February 1988. The Republic became a Party thereto by accession on 21 September 1998;

(g) the Convention on the Marking of Plastic Explosives for the Purpose of Detection, signed at Montreal on 1 March 1991. The Republic became a Party thereto by accession on 1 December 1999;

(h) the International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 15 December 1997. The Republic became a Party thereto by ratification on 1 May 2003; and

(i) the International Convention on the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 9 December 1999. The Republic became a Party thereto by ratification on 1 May 2003;

AND WHEREAS the Republic of South Africa desires to become a Party to the following remaining instruments of the United Nations, not yet ratified or acceded to by the Republic:

(a) The Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Maritime Navigation, adopted at Rome on 10 March 1988;

(b the Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Fixed Platforms on the Continental Shelf, adopted at Rome on 10 March 1988; and

(c) the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material, adopted at Vienna on 26 October 1979, and signed on behalf of the Republic on 18 May 1981;

AND WHEREAS the Republic of South Africa has become a Party by ratification, on 7 November 2002, to the Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism, adopted by the Organisation of African Unity at Algiers on 14 July 1999;

AND WHEREAS the United Nations Security Council from time to time passes resolutions under Chapter VI1 of the United Nations Charter, requiring Member States to combat terrorist and related activities, including taking effective measures to prevent and combat the financing of terrorist and related activities, and the freezing of funds, assets or economic resources of persons who commit terrorist and related activities;

AND WHEREAS our national laws do not meet all the international requirements relating to the prevention and combating of terrorist and related activities;

AND WHEREAS international law, and in particular international humanitarian law, including the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the said Charter recognizes acts committed in accordance with such international law during a struggle waged by peoples, including any action during an armed struggle, in the exercise or furtherance of their legitimate right to national liberation, self-determination and independence against colonialism, or occupation or aggression or domination by alien or foreign forces, as being excluded from terrorist activities;

AND REALISING the importance to enact appropriate domestic legislation necessary to implement the provisions of relevant international instruments dealing with terrorist and related activities, to ensure that the jurisdiction of the courts of the Republic of South Africa enables them to bring to trial the perpetrators of terrorist and related activities; and to co-operate with and provide support and assistance to other States and relevant international and regional organisations to that end;

AND MINDFUL that the Republic, has since 1994, become a legitimate member of the community of nations and is committed to bringing to justice persons who commit such terrorist and related activities; and to carrying out its obligations in terms of the international instruments dealing with terrorist and related activities,


Minister for Intelligence Services, Ronnie Kasrils, MP, Dialogue Hosted by the Brenthurst Foundation: Southern Africa and International Terrorism, Tswalu, 25 January 2007 (


... While terrorism is not a new phenomenon--a term whose origins commentators have attributed to the 'regime de la terrear' of the French Revolution--in its contemporary form, it knows no borders and it will certainly remain a collective security issue for some time to come.

Today there are few instances where domestic terrorism occurs in isolation from international linkages. Clearly in the interconnected world of the 21st Century, no country, region, or continent can claim to be immune from the threat posed by terrorism, irrespective of whether we have faced the horror, fear and devastation confronted by the victims living at the frontline.


Terrorism in Africa

We on the African Continent are certainly no strangers to the threat of terrorism. We have suffered from prolonged sectarian, colonial, apartheid and state-sponsored violence, which has claimed countless lives....

While our experience has primarily been concerned with the ravages of domestic or intra-national terrorism, Africa has witnessed the ferocity of international terrorism. The bombings in Dar es Salaam, Nairobi, Mombassa, Morocco and Egypt for example are indicative of this. Indeed, the South African Institute for Security Studies estimated that prior to the September 11 catastrophe, between 1996 and 2001, 8% of the 2483 incidents of international terrorism were committed on African soil, resulting in 5932 casualties, the second highest causality rate after Asia. (1)

African concern with the threat of terrorism has therefore been a longstanding one, which our security agencies have been dealing with for sometime. In fact it has been argued that the genesis of a formalised multinational, anti-terrorism campaign on our continent began as far back as the early 90's with the former Organisation of African Unity's (OAU) resolutions unreservedly condemning terrorist acts and calling on member states to co-operate in fighting against the threat of extremism of whatever description. These initiatives were taken further in the OAU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism in 1999, which was subsequently adopted by the African Union (AU).

This concern with the threat of terrorism is similarly mirrored at the level of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). In this regard, we recognise the critical role that regional organisations can and must play in advancing a continental counter-terrorism agenda and have reconstituted ourselves, within the framework provided by the AU, so as to enable us to effectively deal with the threat within the context of our broader peace and stability initiatives.

Terrorism and Radical Islam in the Region

Southern Africa, from the early 1960's to 1990, witnessed armed liberation struggles in five of some ten former colonially ruled countries--namely Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa in sequence of their freedom. The other five states were all granted independence by the former colonial power, Britain, by peaceful process (Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Swaziland and Zambia).

The recourse to arms against colonial or racist domination was almost universally accepted as just wars, as in the case for example of America's own War of Independence....

Few incidents of terrorism were carried out by these movements where such acts are understood to represent indiscriminate, violent attacks on the civilian population. It is with this background that I would suggest that the states of this sub-region would view the phenomenon of terrorism plaguing the world today. Whatever the claims of injustice the leaders, foot soldiers and sympathisers of the amorphous Jihadi movement of today might refer to, we do not see their cause fitting into the liberation paradigm I have referred to.

Where foreign intervention or military occupation occurs--as with the Palestinian territories, Iraq or Afghanistan--factors such as domestic tyranny and threats against neighbouring states need careful consideration through the United Nations multi-lateral system and international law.

Certainly the use of terrorism against civilian populations within the state itself or anywhere in the world can never be condoned. For such reasons I would argue that the governments of this sub-region, against the backdrop of our liberation struggles and sense of humanity and justice, have found ourselves duty-bound to condemn the atrocities that have paraded under the banner of the Jihadists.

Given that Palestine falls within the Middle East theatre, I wish to make it clear that the Southern African liberation movements always saw that struggle for national self-determination and rights and an end to Israeli military occupation, particularly from 1967, as being on a par with the just national struggles that took place in this region.

It is particularly pertinent that the plight of the Palestinians against occupation should be cited here, because without doubt the brutal treatment they suffer has served to inflame, in my view quite understandably, the concerns of Muslim people everywhere, including in this part of Africa....

Leaving aside the rights or wrongs of the Coalition of the Willing's involvement in Iraq, the kinds of atrocities that emerged at Abu Ghraib prison; or the human rights issues concerning Guantanamo detentions; or brutality by British soldiers captured on video at Basra; or the dangerous trends towards Islamaphobia and racial stereotyping and marginalisation in the West, certainly create grounds for Jihadist recruitment and extremist reactions. Such actions not only undermine human rights and values but result in the mobilisation of sympathy and rejoicing in some sectors over even the most despicable terrorist outrages.

Whilst the topic that I have been asked to address is Southern Africa, Terrorism and Radical Islam: Is there a connection, is there a concern? we unreservedly advocate the need for international co-operation and the need to beef up the capacity required to deal with the terrorist threat, although we might differ over such a term as 'radical Islam'; with similar objections to such terms as radical or fundamentalist Christianity, Hinduism or Judaism being mechanically linked to terrorism. In many instances the discourse around Islam and terrorism is characterised by the incorrect use of value-laden terminology that it often unhelpful in developing an understanding of the phenomenon and its root causes....

That being said AI-Qaeda or other such groupings have been identified as posing a possible international terrorist threat to the Southern Africa sub-region. And while all the evidence suggests that Southern Africa is certainly not a primary target, we remain vigilant, as no country can claim invulnerability, nor can we rule out an opportunistic act against foreign targets on our soil.

So far, the number of suspected operatives and supporters that have been identified are very small, with no infrastructure or established training camps to speak of. More importantly, the Muslim communities of our region reject terrorism, are law-abiding and are productively integrated into the societies of member states, where the virus of extremism, feeding on exclusion does not carry weight, as it has in Europe.


Some lessons

I would like to draw on this as well as other lessons, which may be useful in guiding the discussions over the coming days.

First, we clearly need to continue to strengthen the capacity of our intelligence and law enforcement bodies. We need to know our societies well enough to predict threats and act against them. We need to be able to deal with those who wish to use our countries as a safe haven by making it difficult for them to travel, obtain documentation, support and finance.

Second, terrorism cannot simply be tackled from an intelligence and law enforcement perspective, which is insufficient in itself. What is required is a holistic counter-terrorism approach, which includes technical and logistical co-operation with a programme to advance development, strengthen governance and democracy and promote human rights and social inclusion.

This enables us to deal with those issues on which terrorist groups attempt to build their support. Alienation, marginalisation, widespread poverty, underdevelopment, injustice and conflict provide the context for terrorists to establish support systems and recruit their followers.

Third, in some African countries, terrorist acts are often a feature of local conflicts even if they have wider consequences. The danger with equating all acts of terrorism with the broader 'global war' is that often these conflicts arise from grievances which have long been simmering such as for example developments in Darfur and Somalia. In these instances, force and repression often results in the escalation of the conflict, hampering peace efforts, making a political settlement difficult. Above all we need to avoid the exclusion from dialogue and negotiations of problem states, which create possibilities or openings for terrorists. Implosion of neglected states creates a security vacuum, which generates fertile ground for terrorist movements and the space in which to establish themselves.

Fourth, there is a need to avoid destroying the rule of law or eroding international conventions. This must be fundamental. We lose everything, including the moral high ground, if we sacrifice basic principles of human rights. It is hard to explain to Muslim communities why a particular individual was denied a visa seemingly because of his name or religious persuasion.




The Southern African sub-region has already established an impressive track record, together with the rest of Africa and our international partners, in so far containing the activities of both domestic and international terrorists. We will ensure that our practical defences are as good as they can be; that our intelligence co-operation and exchange is as mutually beneficial as possible; that our laws are properly designed to discourage and prosecute; and that our police and intelligence services are trained and equipped for the task at hand. Forums such as this one play a critical role in enriching these efforts and we look forward to the outcome of your deliberations and your recommendations.


Speech delivered by the Director-General Advocate Menzi Simelane of Justice and Constitutional Development, Speech on International Co-operation in Countering Terrorism during the 46th Session of the Asia-Africa Legal Consultative Organisation Meeting, Cape Town, 4 July 2007 (


The Government of the Republic of South Africa welcomes this opportunity to address the meeting on the important issue of countering terrorism and to reiterate the government's position on terrorism and the legislative actions that it has taken to combat terrorism.

The South African Government unequivocally condemns acts of terrorism and has pledged its support for the global campaign against terrorism within the framework of the United Nations (UN) and its structures. We are of the view that it is important that States pool their resources in fighting terrorism globally and to this end it is also important that the multilateral system be strengthened to deal with such efforts to prevent powerful states taking unilateral action.

The South African Government holds the view that the growth of terrorism is one of the major scourges undermining international peace and security. South Africa is committed to combating terrorism, but also maintains that terrorism cannot be defeated militarily. It is important to focus on the root causes of terrorism and to develop appropriate strategies to address them. In this regard concerted efforts must be made to resolve conflicts in all parts of the globe, such as the Middle East conflict.

In this regard, the international campaign against terrorism should include a worldwide joint commitment to eradicate poverty and underdevelopment and the issue of terrorism should not push development off the international agenda. Similarly the combating of terrorism should not take place at the expense of civil liberties, human rights and the rule of law.

The South African Government is outright in its condemnation of the use of violence against unarmed and innocent civilians to achieve any political objective. It is the government's view that attacks against civilians can never be justified under any circumstances.

The South African Government is also of the view that the lack of consensus on the definition of terrorism within the United Nations is problematic. There are many countries which hold the view that the fight for self-determination cannot be defined as terrorism. South Africa shares this view and distinguishes between terrorism and the legitimate struggle for national liberation or self-determination undertaken in accordance with international law and the UN Charter.


With regard to South Africa's participation in international efforts to combat terrorism, we are proud to say that South Africa has ratified 12 of the 13 United Nations treaties on terrorism. Parliament has recently approved ratification of the thirteenth Convention (that is, the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material) and we will shortly be depositing our Instrument of Ratification for this convention. South Africa is also a party to the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) convention on the prevention and combating of terrorism and its African Union protocol.

In support of its commitment to combating terrorism, South Africa continues to contribute to the efforts of regional and other multilateral organisations such as the UN, Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), the Commonwealth, the African Union (AU) and South African Development Community (SADC) in this regard.

With regard to the Comprehensive Convention against Terrorism, South Africa supports the early finalisation of this Convention and it is disappointing that the work of the United Nations Ad Hoc Committee is deadlocked. The reason for the deadlock is a principled difference between States on whether or not national liberation movements should be exempted from the scope of the Convention. The South African Government is convinced that with the necessary political will, creative solutions can be found to break the existing deadlock on the Comprehensive Convention against Terrorism. South Africa will remain constructively engaged in the negotiations on this Convention

On the issue of a definition of terrorism South Africa's position is informed by the "Ezulwini Consensus" of the African Union, which on the definitional issue states the following: "Terrorism, in line with the Algiers Convention on Terrorism, cannot be justified under any circumstances. Political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or other motives cannot be a justifiable defence against a terrorist act. However, there is a difference between terrorism and legitimate struggle waged by peoples for their liberation or self-determination in accordance with the principles of international law."

On measures to eliminate terrorism taken in the UN Security Council (UNSC), South Africa has good relations with the counter-terrorism bodies of the Security Council and is fully compliant with its reporting obligations in terms of the various Security Council resolutions.


In fulfilment of its international obligations to counter terrorism the South African government has also adopted legislation to criminalise acts of terrorism, ensure that terrorist acts are prosecuted and that there is no safe haven for terrorists in South Africa. The South African legislation in this regard is the protection of our Constitutional Democracy against Terrorist and Related Activities Act, which came into operation on 20 May 2005.

The Act makes the Republic of South Africa fully compliant with United Nations Counter Terrorism Conventions, as well as the OAU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. The Act creates a general offence of terrorism, and offences relating to terrorist activities, such as recruiting, assistance to commit terrorist activities, and facilitating terrorist activities. It also provides for the specific offences required by the relevant international instruments. The Act therefore equips the law enforcement agencies in South Africa to effectively deal with both international and domestic terrorist activities.

Provision is also made for the freezing of terrorist property, and specific offences required by United Nations Security Council Resolutions and the International Convention on the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism, to be enacted in respect of terrorist financing. The Act excludes from the definition of "terrorist activity" those actions taken in pursuance of a liberation struggle provided that those acts were done in accordance not only with the principles of the Charter of United Nations and the African Union, but also in accordance with the principles of the international humanitarian law.


As we noted at the beginning of this statement, international cooperation in combating terrorism is pivotal. But just as important, is that this international co-operation is done in accordance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations, including respect for civil liberties, human rights and the rule of law. The Security Council in particular has wide ranging powers to list persons and entities that it believes to be linked to terrorists or certain acts. In listing such persons it is very important that due process is followed and the principles of natural justice are adhered to.


3.2 Arms and nuclear proliferation

President of the Republic of South Africa, Mr Thabo Mbeki, Address at the National War College, Abuja, Nigeria, 8 December 2003 (


One of the challenges to our common goal of the African Renaissance is the threat that the proliferation of conventional weapons, especially small arms and light weapons, poses to the stability and security of Africa.

These weapons and their use sustains conflicts, exacerbates violence and fuels crime, terrorism, poaching and human trafficking. The illicit use of these weapons and their excessive and destabilising accumulation, inhibit development and undermines good governance. The human suffering that they cause can no loner be tolerated.

We as Africans are acutely aware that our continent is the most affected by the deadly menace of anti-personnel mines.

Our peoples have been victims of the horrific effects and tragedies wrought by the use of anti-personnel mines. Long after the conflicts in which these weapons were used have ended, large tracts of African land remain inaccessible due to the presence of these mines and other explosive remnants of war.

Our men and women are prevented from tilling the land and our children are prevented from enjoying their youth.

While we all know the enormity of the problem that confronts us and the challenges it poses, we as Africans, together with our partners in the broader international community, have responded positively to eradicate these weapons and to prevent their future use.

In 1997, the Organisation for African Unity (OAU) adopted as a common goal the establishment of Africa as an anti-personnel mines-free zone, and at a Continental Conference of African Experts on Landmines held in South Africa, adopted a Plan of Action to achieve this objective. Through the unity and purpose of our African representatives at the Oslo negotiations on a total-ban of anti-personnel mines, Africa played a pivotal role in ensuring that such a ban was adopted, without reservations or exceptions.

In truth Africa was the foundation for the accomplishment of the international 1997 Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of the anti-personnel mines and on their destruction, which is also known as the Mine-Ban Treaty.

Four years after its entry into force, 46 of the 53 of the African states have become parties to the Mine-Ban Treaty. However we should not be satisfied with these accomplishments, and in this context I welcome the decision of the recent AU Summit in Maputo to convene a follow up continental conference on the problem of anti-personnel mines in Africa.

Our leadership on the continent continues to be part of the global security discourse.


The horrors that are inherent in the existence and threat of the use of chemical, biological and nuclear weapons are threats that confront us all.

Africa has, and must continue to, make effective contributions to eliminate these weapons from the face of the earth. All of our African nations are States parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and most of us are also parties to the Biological Weapons Convention and the Chemical Weapons Convention. On 11 April 1996, African States also effectively contributed to international peace and security when we gathered in Cairo to sign the African Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty, which is also known as the Treaty of Pelindaba.

We should all encourage the African States that have not yet done so to sign and ratify the Pelindaba Treaty as soon as possible so that it may enter into force without delay. The Maputo African Union Summit also adopted a decision on the Implementation and Universality of the Chemicals Weapons Convention.

We are opposed to all weapons of mass destruction (nuclear, chemical and biological weapons). The African continent should continue in its efforts to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons and weapons technology, to promote cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and to further the goal of achieving complete nuclear disarmament.


Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Aziz Pahad, Notes following a Briefing, Media Centre Amphitheatre, Union Buildings, Pretoria, 29 January 2007 (


South Africa, like the rest of the world, is deeply concerned about the situation in the Middle East and West Asia reflected in (amongst others):


In our own national interests, and in the interests of international peace and security, we must globally do everything possible to defuse the very explosive situation in the region.


It is in this context of what I have just said that I want to raise some issues regarding Iran's nuclear programme:


UN resolution implications for South Africa

-- South Africa is obliged to report on its compliance with Resolution 1737 to the Security Council Committee by the end of February 2007.

-- The obligations (in Resolution 1737) for Member States are extensive ... Essentially the obligations are to restrict the transfer of certain listed items to or from Iran, freeze assets or certain listed persons, and monitor their travel.

-- One of the important aspects of the resolution is the decision,... to establish a Committee of the Security Council consisting of all members of the Council, including South Africa. The mandate of the Committee is to:

-- Seek from all States, and in particular those in the region and those producing the items, materials, equipment, goods and technology referred to in the resolution, information regarding the sanctions taken by them to implement the sanctions and whatever other information the Committee may consider useful.

-- Examine and take appropriate action on information regarding alleged violations of the sanctions.

-- Consider and decide upon requests for exemptions.

-- Determine additional items, materials, equipment, goods and technology to be specified.

-- Designate additional individuals and entities subject to the measures imposed.

-- Promulgate guidelines to facilitate the implementation of the sanctions, including a requirement that States proposing the addition of individuals and entities against whom sanctions are to be imposed, provide a motivation.

-- To report at least every 90 days to the Security Council on its work and on the implementation of this resolution, providing observations and recommendations, in particular on ways to strengthen the effectiveness of the sanctions.


Minister of Foreign Affairs Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, Address at the Opening of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) Plenary Meeting, Cape Town, 19 April 2007 (


As we meet here today to consider how to further strengthen the controls on the export of nuclear and nuclear-related material, equipment and technology, it is imperative that we do not lose sight of the many people around the world that continue to live in abject poverty. Many countries are not on track to meet the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), including on our own African continent. Our efforts in the NSG should therefore contribute to creating a better life for all and not hinder international cooperation on the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, which potentially could strengthen and accelerate the economic development of the economically marginalised parts of the world.


This renewed international focus on the expansion of nuclear energy as renewable energy source not only requires increased international cooperation to ensure the safety, security and peaceful use of nuclear energy, but also impacts on the work of the NSG and its objective of fostering strengthened national export controls through the wider implementation of comprehensive and effective controls on the transfer of nuclear-related materials.

South Africa has consistently maintained the view that the ownership of advanced capabilities that could be used for both peaceful and non-peaceful purposes places a special responsibility on the states concerned to build confidence with the international community that would remove any concerns about any potential nuclear weapon proliferation. There is wide recognition that confidence is at the heart of all nuclear issues. It requires all sides to act in a manner that instils confidence. This places a special responsibility also on the NSG to undertake its work in a transparent manner that will instil confidence in its decisions and take into full consideration the needs and aspirations of non-NSG partners. We should continue to guard against negative perceptions that the NSG only advances the interests of its own members to the exclusion of others.


The activities of the illicit network in nuclear technology to manufacture nuclear weapons will continue to impact on the work of the NSG It is incumbent upon all of us to continuously review and improve controls over nuclear material, technologies and equipment to prevent nuclear weapons proliferation and illicit trafficking.

Our experience has, however, shown that no control regime, no matter how comprehensive, can fully guarantee against abuse. The success of such controls remains dependent on effective information-sharing and co-operation among the relevant parties. We should also recognise the central role that the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) can play in addressing this illicit trade and we should consider how we can support the IAEA in this regard.


Whilst South Africa is committed to the continuous review and strengthening of measures aimed at preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, we believe that real progress in securing our world from the threat of nuclear weapons can only be achieved through concomitant progress in the area of nuclear disarmament.

Nuclear disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation are mutually reinforcing processes that require continuous and irreversible progress on both fronts. It is only through full compliance by all States with their respective legal obligations in the areas of non-proliferation and disarmament that peaceful uses of nuclear energy can thrive for the benefit of all.

The democratically elected South African Government has therefore since its inauguration in May 1994, committed itself to a policy of non-proliferation, disarmament and arms control, which covers all weapons of mass destruction and extends to concerns relating to the proliferation of conventional weapons.

In this context the government at that early stage already adopted a policy whereby South Africa should be an active participant in the various non-proliferation regimes and suppliers groups; adopt positions publicly supporting the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction with the goal of promoting international peace and security; and use its position as a member of the suppliers' regimes and of the Africa Group and the Non-Aligned Movement to promote the importance of non-proliferation and to ensure that these controls do not become the means whereby developing countries are denied access to advanced technologies required for their development.


Department of Foreign Affairs, Minister Dlamini Zuma rejects suggestions that South Africa has made a u-turn on nuclear stance, 26 October 2007 (

In response to media queries regarding the suggestion by a correspondent of a daily Johannesburg newspaper that South Africa has made a u-turn on nuclear stance, Minister of Foreign Affairs Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma wishes to put the following on record:

"The suggestion that the government has made a u-turn on its nuclear stance is not borne by any evidence, empirical data or facts but remains a figment of the imagination of those who thus suggest, said Minister Dlamini Zuma.

"South Africa remains totally opposed to all weapons of mass destruction and has called for their total elimination in all international forums. In this regard and following the recent India-Brazil-South Africa Summit of Heads of State and Government, the three leaders "emphasised their commitment to the goal of the complete elimination of nuclear weapons and expressed concern over the lack of progress in the realisation of this goal" (IBSA Tshwane Declaration 2007).


Secondly, in so far as the suggestion that the three countries reserve their right to manufacture their nuclear fuel in the future, the suggestion fails to take into account the fact that India has for decade's manufactured nuclear fuel whilst Brazil has already embarked on uranium enrichment.

"South Africa remains opposed to the view that the right to peaceful nuclear technology should be a preserve of the rich and powerful to the exclusion of the majority countries depriving the have-nots in perpetuity. The right to the use of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes is enshrined in Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and this right cannot be unilaterally abrogated by anyone" continued Minister Dlamini Zuma.

In this context, the three leaders of IBSA reiterated "the importance of ensuring that any multilateral decisions related to the nuclear fuel cycle do not undermine the inalienable right of states to pursue nuclear energy for peaceful purposes in conformity with their international legal obligations." concluded Minister Dlamini Zuma.

3.3 Crime

President of the Republic of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, The State of the Nation Address, National Assembly Chamber, Cape Town, 9 February 2001 (


The Government will continue to pay the necessary attention to the issue of crime. We are very conscious of the fact that the safety and security of all our citizens is a fundamental right and a critical element in our continuing efforts to improve the quality of life of all our people.

We want to arrive at the situation where all those who commit crime will know that they have nowhere to hide.

The priority areas of focus with regard to the crime prevention and combating strategy will remain:

-- high crime areas;

-- organised crime, including urban terrorism;

-- crimes against women and children;

-- corruption;

-- cross border crime; and,

-- social crime prevention.


President of the Republic of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, State of the Nation Address to the Joint Sitting of the Houses of Parliament, Cape Town, 8 February 2002 (


Honourable Members, last December, the South African Police Service released comprehensive statistics on the incidence of crime in our society and the trends that attach to the rates of various forms of crime.

It is our hope that Honourable Members and the whole of our society, including the media, will continue to apply their minds to the issues raised in that briefing, the better to appreciate the role that society as a whole needs to play in dealing with this scourge. Indeed, when impassioned calls were made for the release of statistics, we believe the aim was not to "check" whether government is "delivering" as it is said, but to ensure that all of us lend a hand in the effort to combat and prevent crime.


More attention in the coming period will also be paid to improving the intelligence capacity of our security agencies, particularly to build on the successes that have been made in dealing with organised crime.

As we said earlier, these trends in crime incidents as well as other problems within society, including white-collar crime, call for partnership across society to improve our moral fibre to strengthen community bonds, to pull together in the direction of hope and success.


Minister of Safety and Security, Charled Nqakula, Country Statement for High-Level Segment: South Africa, at the 11th United Nations Congress on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice, Bangkok, 18-25 April 2005, 18 April 2005 (


On behalf of the Government of South Africa, I reiterate our commitment to the international community's pursuit for peace, security, stability and justice through sustained programmes to combat crime.

While it is important to have mechanisms in place to fight crime, we should never lose sight of the underlying causes of crime. Our effort to combat crime, therefore, should be aimed also at bringing about a developmental state underpinned by good governance, to address the underlying causes of crime such as poverty, unemployment and other socioeconomic conditions and other intolerances that have the potential to create conflict, but always guided by and within the context of the Rule of Law and respect for human rights.


The technical and information revolution, and the speed with which knowledge and information are generated, pose new and daunting challenges to all of us. Organised crime groups are able to communicate with relative ease and anonymity across jurisdictional boundaries....

Organised criminal groups have rendered vulnerable the information systems of many institutions and businesses by using them to generate profits illegally through trafficking in drugs, humans and other goods, abusing information technology for these purposes....

We also acknowledge the diversification of organised crime as an emerging trend, manifesting itself in a new crime environment, which is transnational and global in nature....

South Africa's response to the threat of transnational organised crime, terrorism and corruption should be seen against the background of our Government's broader social and economic transformation agenda. As part of this agenda, criminal justice and governance reforms have been key focus areas.


The international nature of organised crime makes international cooperation imperative. With the globalisation of crime, the demand for international cooperation is increasing. We continue to receive from and provide to many countries, legal assistance, through our mutual legal assistance and extradition legislation....

Global stability in Africa in particular, is of primary concern to all of us. We are intensifying our efforts to strengthen regional co-operation through joint cross-border operations....

The question of mercenary activities, including those that organise and fund them, is a problem facing some African States and is a concern since it is often linked to transnational organised crime, corruption and terrorism. We urge therefore those States that are used as a base from which these activities are launched; to ensure that a legal framework is developed to criminalise such activities and that mercenaries are dealt with severely in their jurisdictions. In our context we are tightening up our legislation in this regard.

We are supporting by means of bilateral and multilateral initiatives the development of our Continent in accordance with the stated aims of our sub-regional and regional instruments and programmmes in areas of conflict resolution and management, policing, anti-money laundering, anti-terrorism, anti-corruption and judicial reform.

We therefore urge our international partners to extend, not only legal cooperation, but also technical assistance to developing countries to ensure the effective implementation of the relevant international instruments. We need to align and integrate our responses with greater urgency to achieve our common goal of a secure, stable and peaceful global community.

In conclusion, Mr President the South African Government appreciates the view of the UN Secretary General's High-Level Panel that the link between crime and poverty should enjoy more attention in decisionmaking bodies of the UN....

President of the Republic of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, State of the Nation Address, Joint Sitting of Parliament, 9 February 2007 (


I am certain that we shall all agree that working together to achieve the happiness that comes with freedom applies equally to the challenge of dealing with crime. In the 1994 RDP White Paper we said:

"Promoting peace and security will involve all people. It will build on and expand the national drive for peace and combat the endemic violence faced by communities ... with special attention to the various forms of violence to which women are subjected ...

"Peace and political stability are also central to the government's efforts to create an enabling environment to encourage investment ... Decisive action will be taken to eradicate lawlessness, drug trafficking, gun running, crime and especially the abuse of women and children."

... Obviously, we must continue and further intensify the struggle against crime.


Republic of South Africa, The Presidency, Annual Report 2006-2007, September 2007 (





Creating a safer society is a core goal of Government. During the past year it has been seized with the task of fighting crime which remains a serious challenge.

While most categories of crime continue to stabilise and decline, a worrying feature of criminality in South Africa is the relatively high prevalence of violent crime, especially rape and murder. In these categories, most perpetrators are either family of or known by the victim. Although the incidence of most contact crimes has been reduced, the annual reduction rate with regard to such categories as robbery, assault and murder is still below the 7-10% that Government had targeted. The abuse of women and children continues at an unacceptably high level. With regard to the high levels of criminality in our society, every aspect of the criminal justice system has been examined and Government's efforts to address the problem have been based on research into the sociology of crime, the prevalence of specific crimes, the psychology of criminals, the geographic spread of crime, criminal intelligence, as well as research into policing methods, social crime prevention measures and the performance of the criminal justice system. Closely linked to such initiatives was the engagement with the results of the Macro-Social Report as a means to review the impact of socioeconomic transformation. Society-wide partnerships against crime, that include the business community, religious leaders and communities in general, have had a major impact on efforts to reduce crime.

A key response to fighting crime has been to boost the corps of available police officers. In this regard Government's target of having 152000 police officers in uniform was exceeded in the past year. High crime-prone areas have been targeted for specific interventions by the South African Police Service. The key approach continues to be integrated law enforcement operations in 169 priority areas.

Government remains steadfast in the fight against corruption and white-collar crime. An offensive against corruption is geared towards protecting ethical values upon which our constitutional democracy is founded. To help meet the country's development goals, Government is intensifying engagement with business, labour and civil society partners to strengthen the National Anti-Corruption Forum and ensure the implementation of the National Anti-Corruption Programme. In this regard, the increased utilisation by the public of the National Anti-Corruption Hotline, established in 2004, is encouraging.

Other measures undertaken to address and prevent criminality include:

-- efforts to reduce the number of illegal firearms;

-- ensuring integrity in the system of processing of applications for firearm licences;

-- improving the training programme of police officers;

-- improving the functioning of the law courts in order to reduce case backlogs;

-- regulating the security industry;

-- the building of four additional correctional facilities;

-- reducing the number of children in custody and implementing other recommendations of the Jali Commission;

-- continued efforts to rehabilitate communities and the involvement of the private sector in national rehabilitation strategies;

-- identifying problem schools and working with the Education Ministry in targeted interventions; and

-- developing closer partnerships of government and law enforcement agencies, schools and communities through community dialogues.



President of the Republic of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, at the Opening of the World Summit for Sustainable Development, Johannesburg, 26 August 2002 (


I am convinced that it is our shared view that we should approach our work over the next few days in this spirit. I am also certain that we share the view that poverty, underdevelopment, inequality within and among countries, together with the worsening global ecological crisis, sum up the dark shadow under which most of the world lives.

I am also certain that we are of one mind that the imperative of human solidarity as well as actual experience, demand that, together, we must strive for a shared prosperity. A global human society based on poverty for many and prosperity for a few, characterised by islands of wealth, surrounded by a sea of poverty, is unsustainable.


All of us also understand and accept the positions agreed in Stockholm and Rio de Janeiro about the need for all of us to act together to protect the global environment. All of us agree that unsustainable patterns of production and consumption are creating an environmental disaster that threatens both life in general, and human life in particular.

The 1992 Rio Earth Summit produced several landmark agreements aimed at halting and reversing environmental destruction, poverty and inequality. Agenda 21 placed at the centre of the challenges facing humanity, the appropriate framework for sustainable development.

In accepting Agenda 21, we agreed to integrate social and economic development with environmental protection, in a manner that would ensure the sustainability of our planet and the prosperity of all humanity.

These important decisions were reinforced by the conclusions reached at a series of international conferences covering such important issues as gender equality, social and population development, children's rights, world trade, food security, health, habitat, racism and racial discrimination, financing for development, and the environment.

The UN Millennium Summit stands out among these global conventions because its outcome, the Millennium Declaration, constitutes a united pledge made by the world's political leaders, at the highest level. These leaders committed themselves to meet the Millennium Development Goals that must help to inform the outcome of this Summit.

Apart from the detail of the agreements arrived at in the context of the global negotiations of the last decade, I believe that it would also be true that the recognition has grown that, indeed, the world has grown into a global village. The survival of everybody in this village demands that we develop a universal consensus to act together to ensure that there is no longer any river that divides our common habitat into poor and wealthy parts.


We can therefore make bold to say that there exists a detailed global agenda for sustainable development that provides the solid base from which the Johannesburg World Summit for Sustainable Development must proceed. Regional initiatives, such as NEPAD, provide us with the framework and institutions to translate the global agenda into reality.

Sadly, we have not made much progress in realising the grand vision contained in Agenda 21 and other international agreements....

The tragic result of this is the avoidable increase in human misery and ecological degradation, including the growth of the gap between North and South....


The Summit meets under the theme "People, Planet and Prosperity". Its focus is on the improvement of people's lives everywhere, through sustainable development.

What is required of us is that we agree on the practical measures that will help humanity to achieve these results....


Presentation of Human Security Report to President Mbeki, 15 May 2003 (


Dr Frene Ginwala, member of the Commission on Human Security, will present the Report of the Commission to the President of the African Union, Hon Thabo Mbeki, at Parliament (E.249) on 21 May 2003.

The Commission of 12 prominent international figures ... were charged with:

-- promoting public understanding, engagement and support of human security and its underlying imperatives;

-- developing the concept of human security as an operational tool for policy formulation and implementation; and

-- proposing a concrete programme of action to address critical and pervasive threats to human security.


President of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, to the First Joint Sitting of the Third Democratic Parliament, Cape Town, 21 May 2004 (


As we have already indicated, we will continue to build a social security net to meet the objective of poverty alleviation....


However, a society in which large sections depend on social welfare cannot sustain its development. Our comprehensive programme to grow the economy, including the interventions in both the First and Second Economies, improving sustainable livelihoods and create work is meant precisely to ensure that, over time, a smaller proportion of society, in particular the most vulnerable, subsists solely on social grants.

We also need to achieve further and visible advances with regard to the improvement of the quality of life of all our people....


Further, we will continue to do what is necessary to improve the programmes that promote a better health profile of the nation as a whole....


Clearly, the health programme straddles aspects such as the promotion of healthy life styles, encouraging changes in risky behaviour especially among the youth and reduction of non-communicable causes of death such as diabetes, asthma and hypertension.

We will build on the experiences of the past ten years to intensify the housing programme....


The opening of the doors of learning and culture is critical to the improvement of the quality of life of all our people ...

We also have a duty to improve the safety and security of all our citizens and communities....


President of South Africa and the current Chairperson of the G77 and China, Thabo Mbeki, at the 61st session of the United Nations General Assembly, New York, 19 September 2006 (


In the midst of increasing poverty and underdevelopment during an era of unprecedented wealth accumulation and technological advances and, as the river that divides the rich and the poor zones of the metaphorical global village ever widens, the Secretary-General of the United Nations never lost focus on the imperatives of our time.

We thank him for never losing sight of the fact that poverty and underdevelopment remain the biggest threats to the progress that has been achieved, and that equality among the nations, big and small, is central to the survival, relevance and credibility of this global organisation.

Your Excellencies, we are only six years into the 21st Century. Those who populate the poorest part of the regions of the world--Africa--have boldly declared that it will be an African Century. It is a century which billions of citizens of the developing world and other poor and marginalised people would want to transform into a Century for all Humanity.

If the wishes of the majority of the world could turn into reality, this would be a century free of wars, free of internecine conflicts, free of hunger, free of preventable disease, free of want, free of environmental degradation and free of greed and corruption. Indeed, we began the century with great hopes for a better, peaceful and humane world.


Minister for Intelligence Services, Ronnie Kasrils, MP, Keynote Address at the International Intelligence Review Agencies Conference, Cape Town, 2 October 2006 (

National Security in a Globalised World: Challenges for Intelligence Oversight


National security our collective responsibilities

It is the interconnectedness of these threats and the manner in which they are dealt with ... that I would like to turn to now.

Your oversight mission, ladies and gentlemen, will come to naught, unless all countries embrace their collective responsibilities in making our world more secure.

As world leaders continue to acknowledge; today's threats do not respect national boundaries, are interlinked and as such affect us all. These threats encapsulate the mutually reinforcing connection between security, development and a respect for human rights. Accordingly, we will not benefit from security without development; we will not benefit from development without security; and we will not benefit from either without a respect for human rights!

While imbalances in power have historically determined the gravest threats to our survival, the fact remains that the mutual vulnerability of all nations has never been starker.

No state can effectively protect itself if it acts alone. Its best protection lies in an agreed common security consensus; where rich and poor, the strong and the weak, all share an equitable voice in global governance and trade. And the foundation of this consensus must be constructed upon a genuine commitment to multilateralism and dialogue and an enduring respect for international norms in regulating nations conduct.

Those who wield the greatest power bear the greatest responsibility for ensuring that this common security consensus is forged....


In today's era of global abundance, poverty and interdependence, where our shared destiny is so closely intertwined, the strong have a duty to ensure that the weak no longer have 'to suffer what they must'. It is the strong that hold within their hands the necessary resources to reduce the massive divide between rich and poor, which gives rise to global imbalance and instability; which breeds a sense of anger, hopelessness, frustration and lack of dignity.

And it is this noble spirit that marked the beginning of the 21st century, where nations, both rich and poor, united in solidarity, making a solemn undertaking to forge this common security consensus. In pledging to a global compact, in the form of the United Nations Millennium Declaration, they gave concrete expression to their commitment to eradicate poverty, underdevelopment, and social exclusion, whilst ensuring that the necessary conditions are created for good governance, stability and peace.

Yet six years later--despite the fact that this commitment lives on in the words of the lofty declarations adopted at various world gatherings that have taken place since--in practice, following the 9/11 catastrophe and the events that ensued in its wake, this emerging consensus lies in tatters.

While the poor endeavour to play their part in making good on this commitment, they argue that the rich have failed to deliver. Their frustrations were aptly captured in President Mbeki's recent address, on behalf of the G77 nations and China, to the 61st session of the United Nations General Assembly, where he said:

'... a global partnership is impossible when the rich demand the right, unilaterally, to set the agenda and conditions for the implementation of commonly agreed programmes ...' and went on to argue that '... part of the problem with this unequal relationship is the imposition of conditions on developing countries and the constant shifting of the poles whenever the poor adhere to each and everyone ...'

For the poor, the commitment made by all nations at the turn of the century will continue to ring hollow, as long as the strong forget their responsibility to the weak, who continue to 'suffer what they must'. For the poor, it will remain a distant dream, as long as the impulses of multilateralism, dialogue and adherence to international norms, which infused this commitment, continue to be outstripped by the clamour for unilateralism and the drums of war. For the poor, as long as their voice is ignored in the determination of global governance and trade, it will remain unfulfilled.

And as a result the anguish of those living in poverty deepens; the horrors and atrocities of violence, terrorism, conflict and war continue to engulf the lives of the innocent; the scourges of racism, xenophobia and Islamaphobia grow where tolerance once flourished; and fear continues to terrorise those who once felt safe.

The world is more insecure and it calls out for collective action, collective responsibility, in an equitable partnership! All is not lost if we all heed this call both in word and in deed. We can reclaim the vision of hope that was borne of the new century. We can and must rebuild the common security consensus that is necessary to advance our mutual interests and our shared humanity.

As oversight bodies, you clearly have a critical role to play. The national security mandate of the intelligence services, which you assure on behalf of your people, is only sustainable if you actively acknowledge your collective security mandate. It is only possible if you make a decisive contribution to moving us closer to the day where the inherent right to live in dignity; in freedom from want and freedom from fear is accomplished for all the world's inhabitants.


President of the Republic of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, State of the Nation Address, Joint Sitting of Parliament, 9 February 2007


The economic programmes to which we have referred form part of the concerted drive in which all of South Africa should engage in order to reduce the levels of poverty and inequality in our society. For us it is not a mere cliche to assert that the success of our democracy should and will be measured by the concrete steps we take to improve the quality of life of the most vulnerable in our society.

In order to improve on the social programmes that we have implemented over the years, we aim this year to complete the work already started to reform our system of social security so that phased implementation can start as early as possible....

This will mean that all South Africans will enjoy membership of a common, administratively efficient social insurance system, while those earning higher incomes will be able to continue contributing to private retirement and insurance schemes....


In this regard, government commits itself to intensify the campaign against HIV and AIDS and to improve its implementation of all elements of the comprehensive approach such as prevention, home-based care and treatment....

This year we shall complete concrete plans on implementation of the final stages of our programmes to meet the targets for universal access to water in 2008, sanitation in 2010 and electricity in 2012....

All these efforts, Madame Speaker and Chairperson, must go hand in hand with a sustained drive to improve community safety and security. In this regard, government will ensure that the decisions already taken about strengthening our fight against crime are effectively implemented. The challenge that we face in addressing this issue has little to do with policies.

Rather, what is required is effective organisation, mobilisation and leadership of the mass of law-enforcement, intelligence and corrections officers, and functionaries of the justice system....


Notes following International Relations Peace and Security (IRPS) media briefing, Media Centre, Amphitheatre, Union Buildings, 5 July 2007 (


Effect of armed conflict on civilians

South Africa is deeply concerned about the effect of armed conflict on civilians, especially women and children. International humanitarian law demands the protection of civilians.


General Assembly Resolution 46/182, amongst others, highlights the important value that humanitarian assistance should be provided in accordance with the principles of humanity, neutrality and impartiality and consequently that assistance should not be given due to geopolitical considerations.

The debate highlighted the three main areas of concern: the targeting of civilians and indiscriminate firing, forced displacement and lack of access and security for humanitarian workers.

Other issues raised were that of gender-based violence and the necessity to end the culture of impunity and the need to strengthen the protection of civilians. Rule of law and judicial redress are key and greater participation by women in all aspects of protection, including peacekeeping, would substantially improve attitudes regarding sexual violence.


Issues that need action include: security for displaced persons and host communities, ensuring access to those in need and a secure environment for relief workers, strengthening the rule of law, protection of women and girls, preventing recruitment of child soldiers, mine action, and action on disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration.

The South African government welcomes the increasingly widespread acceptance of these principles, together with the existence of institutions and staff specifically charged with monitoring and, where possible, ensuring their observance was a huge step forward....

South Africa welcomes the call on the international community to invest more in conflict prevention, facilitating political solution through increased mediation capacity and support to help resolve conflict and immediate post-conflict measures to prevent rapid relapse into conflict.


South Africa supports the work of the International Criminal Court and the various international tribunals and believes that all perpetrators, regardless of nationality and geopolitical status, should be properly and fairly tried. It is therefore hoped that addressing the challenges of protecting civilians in armed conflict be done in a way that would increase respect for the principles of international humanitarian, human rights and refugee law, human dignity and the legitimacy of the United Nations.

South Africa also raised the importance of co-operation and coordination between the Security Council and regional organisations especially the African Union to better protect and offer humanitarian assistance and the need to include the protection of civilians in armed conflict in the mandates of peacekeeping operations as is already the case with regard to the protection of women and children in armed conflict.


International Relations, Peace and Security (IRPS) Cluster Briefing, Progress on the Implementation of the Plan of Action, 14 November 2007 (


Poverty Alleviation and Sustainable Development

You will recall that the historic UN Millennium Summit in 2000 declared that "we believe that the central challenge we face today is to ensure that globalisation becomes a positive force for the entire world's people. For, while globalisation offers great opportunities, at present its benefits are very unevenly shared, while its costs are unevenly distributed. We recognise that developing countries and countries with economies in transition face special difficulties in responding to this central challenge. Thus, only through broad and sustained efforts to create a shared future, based upon our common humanity in all its diversity, can globalisation be made fully inclusive and equitable."


The President of the World Bank, Robert Zoellick, in October 2007: "Globalisation offers incredible opportunities. Yet exclusion, grinding poverty, and environmental damage create dangers."

In 2000, the countries of the United Nations established eight Millennium Development Goals--ambitious targets to halve poverty, fight hunger and disease, and deliver basic services to the poor by 2015.

These aims of sound social development need to be combined with the requirements for sustainable growth, driven by the private sector, within a supportive framework of public policies.

Globalisation must not leave the 'bottom billion' behind. Inclusive globalisation is also a matter of self-interest. Poverty breeds instability, disease, devastation of common resources and the environment. Poverty can lead to broken societies that can become breeding grounds of those bent on destruction and to migrations that risk lives.


Zoellick, significantly highlighted some of the needs of the developing world that would contribute to the achievement of the MDGs.

Consider some of the needs:

Every year, malaria strikes some 500 million people worldwide. Yet we could get close to overcoming this leading killer of African children....

The International Energy Agency estimates that developing countries will need about US$170 billion of investment in the power sector each year over the next decade just to keep up with electricity needs, with an extra US$30 billion per year to transition to a low carbon energy mix.

An additional US$30 billion per year is needed to achieve the MDG of supplying safe water to 1,5 billion people and sanitation to the two billion people who lack these most basic necessities, also improving gender equality in poor countries.


... we have been concentrating and now we have reached a stage where it is accepted that climate change is linked to development and again, that sub-Saharan Africa will be a major victim of the continuing climate change that will have a decisive impact on Africa if not halted in the next few years.


Our interaction with the world is to deal with this 'emergency situation,' which demands 'collective and emergency actions' and demands that the developed countries meet their commitments.



5.1 Environmental security

Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, M van Schalkwyk, on Climate Change Report, Climate Science Report: Clarion Call to World Leaders, 2 February 2007 (

The release of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 4th Assessment: Summary for Policymakers report on the physical science of climate change is a clarion call to those world leaders that are still hesitant to deal pro-actively with the problem and its root causes. The compelling scientific evidence of climate change presented in this report stresses the need for all world leaders to acknowledge publicly that climate change is rapidly becoming a global emergency requiring serious and immediate action.

The IPCC report clearly outlines the unequivocal link between human activity and identified global climate change. Based on vastly improved data, analyses, modelling and understanding of climate change developed over the past six years, the report indicates that global temperatures and sea levels will continue to rise, and unless urgent action is taken, could rise dramatically by the end of the 21st Century. The clock is thus ticking and time is running out for us to avoid major climate change with its attendant real and serious threats to our economies and people's livelihoods, health, food security, and damage to our ecosystems.

The IPCC report presents convincing evidence from around the world that cumulative greenhouse emissions since the industrial revolution have caused and continues to cause global climate change, and will continue to do so for many decades to come. This will lead to further global temperature increases, sea level rises, ocean acidification, the melting of glaciers, extreme weather phenomena and disruptive changes in regional rainfall and weather patterns.

The observed and projected climate changes and attendant risks are now much more clearly understood, and the human causes for most of the historical change are now beyond doubt....


The South African government has long been attuned to the forewarnings provided by balanced science. We note that South African scientists have played a leading role in all of the IPCC writing and review phases.

It now remains for us to enhance and co-ordinate our own science research activities and policy responses in the best way possible. In the best interests of our people this will enable us to adapt as the climate changes, and to avoid the worst consequences of future change....


Minister of Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, M van Schalkwyk, spells out SA's "Climate Roadmap" for 2007 and beyond, 14 March 2007 (

Comments on Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change

The Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change takes the climate debate to the next level, especially by considering sensible policy responses and very importantly, what is equitable for future generations....

South Africa stands ready to take on its share of these challenges as a developmental investment in future generations. This work on the economics of climate change reinforces our vision of avoiding an unsafe climate future and inadequate adaptive responses. When the Kyoto protocol was first crafted, it was seen as a critical first step in our effort to combat climate change.

Today, we understand that the current Kyoto regime is not nearly enough to address the problem and the scientific certainty is now much better defined. We live on a continent that is particularly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, even at the lower end of the predicted range of possible climate changes. For this reason, we are ever mindful of the costs of inaction.

In considering a more effective climate policy regime beyond 2012 (end of the Kyoto Protocol's first commitment period) we understand that we all have to do much more. Though countries have different responsibilities, we all developed as well as developing have a common responsibility to act in accordance with our national capabilities.

In South Africa, we are looking at ways of making climate change mitigation policies and measures part of a pro-development and growth strategy for the longer term....


South Africa's "Roadmap" for Climate Policy

We realise that climate policy alone cannot solve the climate problem. Making our development path more sustainable is crucial for both mitigation and adaptation. Increasingly, climate change is being discussed across different ministries and departments. We have established an Inter-Ministerial Committee on climate change which meets regularly to consider the latest available information and to align government's planning accordingly. The Inter-Ministerial Committee also oversees the Long Term Mitigation Scenario process, which is making excellent progress in support of the government's efforts.

This project, involving more than 20 leading specialists and stakeholders in government, business and civil society, is examining the cost and impacts of different pathways for reducing or limiting the growth in national greenhouse gas emissions. Since June 2006, they have worked to develop alternative scenarios, including macro-economic modelling of the costs and opportunities of taking action within our unique national circumstances.

The outcomes of the scenario process will shape our long term climate policy and guide future investment in energy, transport, water and eco-tourism infrastructure amongst others. Once completed, we will be convening a high-level roundtable of government, civil society and captains of industry to consider our national response to the outcomes of the Long Term Mitigation Scenario planning process and its underlying macro-economic modelling. It will be important that all stakeholders understand and are focused on the range of ambitious but realistic pathways of future climate action being generated by this groundbreaking project.

Leading researchers from South Africa are also playing a major role in finalising the Fourth Assessment Report of the IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change). We will be convening a special report-back seminar with our IPCC authors to analyse the regional and national implications of the IPCC reports. These reports will help us to understand better the inevitable adverse impacts of climate change, our own vulnerabilities and possible adaptation strategies.

In addition, various national departments are putting in place the building blocks for our long term climate policy. Various departments have made major progress in refining their sector plans in line with the National Climate Change Response Strategy.


Ultimately, the results of the Long Term Mitigation Scenario process, the sector strategies from different government departments, provincial and local authorities and our interaction with the best available science, will collectively inform our first ever Long Term National Climate Policy.

This is Government's Climate Change "Roadmap" for 2007 and beyond. We are geared for the emerging challenges and will continue to work with all stakeholders in refining our policies and action plans.

Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, M van Schalkwyk, National Assembly, Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, Budget Vote debate, 5 June 2007 (


Climate change

Our roadmap for a national climate policy recognises that the solution to the critical challenges we face should be addressed through integrated government planning, in collaboration with stakeholders through the National Climate Change Committee (NCCC) and a strengthened multilateral regime.

To this end, the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Climate Change led by DEAT initiated the Long Term Mitigation Scenario (LTMS) process. This process will outline the range of ambitious but realistic scenarios of future climate action, notably long-term emissions scenarios and their cost implications. In addition, various national departments, provinces and cities are refining their sector plans in line with the National Climate Change Response Strategy. Working closely with industry, DEAT will also be finalising our updated Greenhouse Gas Inventory. All this will inform our first ever Long Term National Climate Policy. We plan to publish this during 2008/09.

DEAT will also initiate a process that will, over the next few years, match our efforts on the mitigation scenario building process. This will culminate in a National Adaptation Plan.


Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, M van Schalkwyk, Keynote Address, Western Cape Climate Change Summit, Cape Town International Convention Centre, 8 June 2007 (



I would like to commend the Western Cape province for hosting this Climate Summit. As we continue to improve our understanding of the impacts and risks of climate change, we increasingly understand that we must also find local solutions to deal with this global challenge.


International climate regime and national implementation

In considering a more effective, flexible and fair international climate regime beyond 2012 we understand that we all have to do much more. And though developed countries have an obligation to take the lead by adopting more ambitious emission reductions under the Kyoto Protocol, as developing countries we understand that we also have to do more to act on our responsibilities. The South African Government understands the urgency of action, and that the costs of doing nothing about climate change far outweigh those of taking concrete measures.

Our roadmap for a national climate policy recognises that the solution to the critical challenges we face should be addressed through integrated government planning, in collaboration with stakeholders through the National Climate Change Committee (NCCC) and a strengthened multilateral regime.


President of the Republic of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, Address at the 38th Commonwealth Parliamentary Association--Africa Region Conference (CPA), Cape Town, 27 July 2007 (


I am informed that quite correctly, you have also discussed the important issue of the environment and the role that our parliaments should play to ensure that our continent and all our people respond in a timely and correct manner to the critical matter of environmental protection, which is an important subject not just for Africa but also for all humanity.

It is now universally accepted that the consequences of global warming will be especially severe for the developing countries and particularly our continent. The severity of this impact will derive precisely from the fact that because we are poor, we do not have the means to adapt to and mitigate the effects of climate change. Despite the objective reality that we would have contributed very little to such climate change, we would nevertheless be condemned to bear the brunt of environmental degradation in all its manifestations including desertification.

To bring all this close to our lived experience, we all know that it is the poor who inhabit the informal settlements in our towns, cities and villages that are often built in marginal areas such as natural fault lines, floodplains and unstable hillsides. This renders such communities especially vulnerable to floods, landslides and other natural disasters.


President of the Republic of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, Address at the 62nd session of the United Nations' General Assembly, New York, 25 September 2007 (


We meet here today under the theme: 'Responding to Climate Change', during the United Nations (UN) Session that would mark the half-way point towards the freely-agreed period in which the nations of the world committed themselves to work, individually and collectively, so as to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

Billions of people of the world know as a matter of fact that the consequences of climate change--be it droughts, floods or unpredictable and extreme weather patterns; undermine our common efforts to achieve the MDGs....


The UN World Summit on Sustainable Development correctly reaffirmed sustainable development as a central element of the global action against poverty and the protection of the environment and identified important linkages between poverty, the environment and the use of natural resources.

To billions of the poor these linkages are real, the combination of their empty bellies, their degraded environment and their exploited natural resources, for which they benefit nothing, defines a hopeless and heart-wrenching existence.


Gathered here as representatives of the people of the world we know very well that climate change, poverty and underdevelopment are not acts of God but human-made.

Clearly, the starting point for a future climate regime must be equity. A core balance between sustainable development and climate imperatives will have to be the basis of any agreement on a strengthened climate regime. Any deal on the "fair use of the ecological space" will have to be balanced by a deal on giving all countries a "fair chance in the development space".


That this collective is able, always eloquently to express the dire circumstances characterising the poor is without doubt. However, this organisation, which should pride itself with visible actions and results in the fight against climate change and poverty, would find it difficult to demonstrate decisive progress in this regard.

The reasons for this are not hard to find. Although the concepts of freedom, justice and equality are universal and fully embraced by the United Nations, this global organisation has not itself transformed and designed the necessary institutions of governance consistent with the noble ideals that drive modem democratic societies.

Because the nations of the world are defined by the dominant and the dominated, the dominant have also become the decision makers in the important global forums, including at this seat of global governance.

Accordingly, the skewed distribution of power in the world, political, economic, military, technological and social, replicates itself in multilateral institutions, much to the disadvantage of the majority of the poor people of the world.


International Relations, Peace and Security (IRPS) Cluster Briefing, Progress on the Implementation of the Plan of Action, 14 November 2007 (


Climate Change

Our interaction with the world is to deal with this 'emergency situation,' which demands 'collective and emergency actions' and demands that the developed countries meet their commitments.

Today it is increasingly accepted that Climate Change is intrinsically linked to poverty alleviation and sustainable development. AU studies indicate that Africa will suffer the greatest negative consequences of climate change.


It is clear that we need a significant advance in the multilateral negotiations if we want to build a more inclusive, flexible and environmentally effective climate regime under the United Nations. New initiatives and agreements such as those recently proposed by the US--are welcome, as long as they feed into the multilateral system and are not aimed at displacing it. We engage with countries outside of the Kyoto Protocol regime, especially the United States of America (USA), to ensure that they are dynamically involved in shaping the post-2012 agreements.


5.2 Food security

President of the Republic of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, Address at the World Food Summit, Rome, 10 June 2002 (


This important meeting in Rome is a declaration of hope to the peoples of the world that the leadership in our common universe is committed to "eradicate poverty, achieve food security and promote sustainable development as we advance to a fully inclusive and equitable global economic system".


Furthermore, civil strife, conflict, migration, natural disasters, unfair trade practices and an unfavourable economic climate, have resulted particularly in Africa being faced with a real threat of famine. If we are to achieve the targets set in the 1996 Plan of Action and confirmed in the Millennium Declaration, we have to recommit ourselves, both individually and collectively, to the full implementation of the programmes agreed to in 1996 to eradicate hunger.


The mission that has brought us here today started in earnest at the 1996 World Food Summit, where we stated that: "We reaffirm the right of everyone to have access to safe and nutritious food, with an immediate view to reducing the number of undernourished people to half the present level, no later than 2015."

In the Millennium Declaration in 2000, we stated that we are "committed to making the right to development a reality for everyone and to freeing the entire human race from want."


What we agree here must strengthen the Johannesburg Declaration and Plan of Action of the World Summit for Sustainable Development. The Johannesburg Summit should affirm the centrality of agriculture and food security to the objective of sustainable development in a meaningful way.


Republic of South Africa, Department of Agriculture, The Integrated Food Security Strategy for South Africa, Pretoria, 17 July 2002 (


Food security is part of the section 27 Constitutional rights in South Africa. On these rights, the Constitution states that every citizen has the right to have access to sufficient food and water, and that "the state must by legislation and other measures, within its available resources, avail to progressive realisation of the right to sufficient food.


By 2000, changes became necessary to improve the unsatisfactory situation that was occasioned by the implementation of many food security programmes by different Government departments in all spheres. As a result, Cabinet decided to formulate a national food security strategy that would streamline, harmonize and integrate the diverse food security programmes into the Integrated Food Security Strategy.

South Africa faces the following key food security challenges: The first is to ensure that enough food is available to all, now and in the future; the second, is to match incomes of people to prices in order to ensure access to sufficient food for every citizen; the third is to empower citizens to make optimal choices for nutritious and safe food; the fourth is ensure that there is adequate safety nets and food emergency management systems to provide people that are unable to meet their food needs from their own efforts and mitigate the extreme impact of natural or other disasters on people; finally, to possess adequate and relevant information to ensure analysis, communication, monitoring, evaluation and reporting on the impact of food security programmes on the target population.

The vision of the Integrated Food Security Strategy is to attain universal physical, social and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food by all South African at all times to meet their dietary and food preferences for an active and healthy life....

The IFSS approach is the development approach. This approach entrenches public private civil society partnerships and focuses on household food security without overlooking national food security. It operates on the following basis. Firstly, food security interventions will ensure that the target food insecure population gains access to productive resources; secondly, where a segment of the target food insecure population is unable to gain access to productive resources, then food security interventions will ensure that segment gains access to income and job opportunities to enhance its power to purchase food; thirdly, food security interventions will ensure that the target food insecure population is empowered to have nutritious and safe food; fourthly, where another segment of the target food insecure population is still unable to access sufficient food because of disability, extreme conditions of destitute--food security interventions will ensure that the state provides relief measures that may be short-term to being medium-term and sustained basis, depending on the nature of given interventions; fifthly, food security interventions will proceed from an analysis that is grounded on accurate information and the impact of which--in eradicating hunger, malnutrition and food insecurity--is constantly monitored and evaluated.

Under the current Minister's Social Sector Cluster Plan of Action, the Special Programme for Food Security will deal with all interventions that pertain to food production trading strategic objectives of the IFSS;...



The right of access to sufficient food is enshrined in Section 27 of the South African Constitution. The Constitution obliges the State to provide legislation and other supporting measures to ensure that all citizens are enabled to meet their basic food needs.


South Africa's food security policy is located within a broader regional and international context. At the regional level, South Africa, together with Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries is working to achieve regional food security. SADC targets national, household and individual food security. SADC's Food, Agriculture and Natural Resource Unit (FANR), based in Harare, Zimbabwe, was established in the early 1980s specifically to address food security issues in Southern Africa. In recent years, public institutions that were charged with a food security mandate have increasingly realized the importance of 'smart partnerships' with the non-public institutions.

On the international level, South Africa pledged to support the World Food Summit Plan of Action that was encapsulated in the 1996 Rome Declaration on World Food Security. The Declaration, in its broadest sense, urged the promotion of optimal allocation of natural resources, and the efficient use of public and private sector resources to achieve global food security goal. South Africa further committed itself to creating an enabling political, social and economic environment and to implementing policies to eradicate poverty. It pledged to ensure that technology development, farm management, trade and growth policies and distribution systems foster food security. As a response to the Rome Declaration, the government appointed a Food Security Working Group to investigate options to achieving food security in South Africa. The IFSS builds on the proposals made in the 1997 Discussion Document on Food Security.



The Definition of Food Security

In order to achieve food security, it is important to understand what the term constitutes. For the purposes of this paper, food security is defined as physical, social and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food by all South African at all times to meet their dietary and food preferences for an active and healthy life.

This definition has three distinct but inter-related components:

-- Food availability: effective or continuous supply of food at both national and household level. It is affected by input and output market condition, as well as production capabilities of the agricultural sector.

-- Food access or effective demand: ability of nation and its household to acquire sufficient food on sustainable basis. It addresses issues of purchasing power and consumption behaviour.

-- Reliability of food: utilisation and consumption of safe and nutritious food.

-- Food distribution: Equitable provision of food to points of demand at the right time and place. This spatial/time aspect of food security relates to the fact that a country might be food secure at the national level, but still have regional pockets of food insecurity, at various periods of the agricultural cycle.



Poverty and food insecurity in South Africa is the result of several centuries' worth of colonial and apartheid policies, designed specifically to create general conditions unfavourable to the well being of black people in all its aspects, especially in the former homelands. In order to design effective policy interventions to redress the injustices of the past, it is important to better understand these historical processes.



The current food security challenge in South Africa consists of two dimensions. The first dimension seeks to maintain and increase the ability of South Africa to meet its national food requirements. This involves meeting these needs from domestic agricultural resource, import food items that cannot be produced efficiently, and to export commodities with comparative advantage.

The second dimension seeks to eradicate the widespread inequalities and grinding poverty among the majority of households that is manifested by inadequate and unstable food supplies, lack of purchasing power, weak institutional support networks, poor nutrition, inadequate safety nets, weak food emergency management systems and unemployment.


5.3 Water security

Republic of South Africa, Department of Water Affairs and Forestry, Draft White Paper on Water Services: Water is Life, Sanitation is Dignity, October 2002 (


1.1 The Challenge

We live in a world of inequality where abundance lives side-by-side with deprivation. We know that the world has enough resources for everybody to be adequately fed and clothed, and to have access to the basic services necessary for healthy living--safe water and sanitation. Yet more than one billion people do not have adequate access to potable water services and nearly three billion people are without adequate access to basic sanitation services. In Africa, more than 38% of the population does not have access to a safe water supply, a higher proportion than in any other region in the world. This is part of the global trend towards increasing inequality between developing and developed countries. While there has been significant investment in water infrastructure, it has not been sufficient even to keep pace with population growth.


Good health is dependent on the availability and use of appropriate sanitation facilities and the availability and use of sufficient safe water (at least 25 litres per person per day). Good hygiene practices are both important and necessary to promote health.

Water services are intimately linked with poverty. Lack of access to water supply and sanitation constrains opportunities to escape poverty. Yet poverty also constrains access to water services by constraining investments in infrastructure. It is therefore appropriate that a key focus of South Africa's water services policy should be on ensuring access of the poor to basic and sustainable levels of water supply and sanitation services.


Reliable and efficient water services are also a crucial ingredient for economic growth. South Africa's low average rainfall, the high variability in rainfall, and the cyclical patterns of droughts and floods all have an impact on South Africa's economic growth potential. In this context, it is crucial that water resources are used wisely to ensure that services can be provided. Water demand management and water conservation are thus key elements of a water services policy for South Africa.


Services and the use of the water resource must be sustainable to ensure that we continue to make progress, and to ensure that future generations benefit from this progress. Whilst the emphasis during the past seven years was on delivery, it is now timely to place greater emphasis on sustainability.


President of the Republic of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, Address at the opening of Phase 1b of the Lesotho Highlands Water Project, Mohale Dam, Kingdom Of Lesotho, 16 March 2004 (


The Lesotho Highlands Water Project is a bi-national project to harness a natural resource, Lesotho's "white gold", for the benefit of both our countries. For South Africa, the project brings improved security of water supply for both economic and domestic use, and will undoubtedly help to meet the increasing water demand for many years to come.

Equally, Lesotho enjoys the benefit of new infrastructure including roads, expanded communication and electricity systems, health facilities, job opportunities, improved water supply and sanitation to numerous communities and many additional secondary benefits associated with a huge capital investment with its revenue streams.

In sharing our natural trans-boundary resources, we have developed this project on a basis of mutual respect for the rights and interests of each country and its citizens. In his World Water Day message in 2002, United Nations (UN) Secretary-General, Kofi Annan observed that "fierce national competition over water resources had prompted fears that water issues contain the seeds of violent conflict".

The peoples of the Kingdom of Lesotho and the Republic of South Africa should draw pride from the fact that we have demonstrated that we need collaboration rather than competition over resources, thus to avoid the violent conflict to which Kofi Annan referred.

This project proves that resources can be shared and developed carefully and peacefully, taking the rights of other sharing states--in this case downstream Namibia--into consideration.

This project is a concrete example of the kind of co-operation envisaged in the African Union's programme, the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Accordingly, it constitutes an important contribution towards the realisation of the African Water Vision 2025, and the UN Millennium Development Goals.

It demonstrates that as signatories of the UN and SADC protocols on the use of shared watercourses, our countries are determined to ensure the equitable sharing of natural resources with all those who have a right to them.


Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, M van Schalkwyk, Keynote Address, Western Cape Climate Change Summit, Cape Town International Convention Centre, 8 June 2007 (


Water resources

Chair, over the longer term, climate change will exacerbate environmental degradation, desertification, biodiversity loss and resource scarcity. These are all sources of potential instability and conflict.

Africa is at risk from increasing water stress, especially in southern Africa. By 2020, between 75 million and 250 million people are likely to experience water shortages as a result of climate change. In combination with increased demand, this will adversely affect livelihoods, freshwater fish resources and agricultural production. In some countries, yields from rainfed agriculture could be reduced by up to 50% by 2020.

A key challenge and opportunity in Africa is to use trans-boundary water resource management to reduce conflict potential, to enhance peacemaking by opening new avenues for dialogue, and to promote regional integration.


This underlying conflict potential is exacerbated by post-colonial arrangements which are generally not conducive to mitigating conflict or competition over water resources....


Though climate impacts on water resources may not be the primary or sole source of future conflict, it could ignite or exacerbate conflict where other political, ethnic or military tensions exist. It is therefore critical to design and strengthen regional water regimes to manage the challenges around increased water scarcity, and more specifically to appropriately govern international rivers, watersheds and underground water resources.

Fortunately the need to address water policy challenges associated with climate change is high on the agenda of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Ministers and the African Ministers Council on Water (AMCOW). These bodies play a key role in facilitating regional and international co-operation and in co-ordinating trans-boundary water policies....


Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry, Mrs LB Hendriks, Opening Remarks at Water for Growth and Development Panel Discussion, Spier Wine Estate, Cape Town, 20 June 2007 (


I would like to welcome everyone to this presentation and panel discussion on water for growth and development. Our guest speaker today is Mr David Grey, a Senior Water Advisor in the World Bank,...

For many years now economists have been vexed with the problems of how to simulate development, particularly in Africa and other underdeveloped or developing regions....


The research contribution by David Grey in looking at the role of water in economic development therefore adds value to our thinking and it helps to raise the debate to a new level on role of developing and investing in water infrastructure as well as importance of the institutions that manage that infrastructure.

In development economics the debate on correlation between events is often fierce. Specifically in the context of the issue of water for growth and development, the critical question we must ask is, "Does investment in water infrastructure and institutions stimulate economic development or does economic growth yield sufficient resources that allows a country to provide water infrastructure and basic services to its people?" The view which Mr Grey will no doubt go into during his lecture, and one which is articulated in his paper, "sink or swim? Water security as a key to unlocking growth," is that in many situations water is necessary for development and indeed the dangers of not managing water have the potential to retard development, particularly for countries that are vulnerable to the impact of climatic activities....


5.4 Energy security

Republic of South Africa, Department of Minerals and Energy, White Paper on the Renewable Energy Policy of the Republic of South Africa, November 2003 (


The Constitution (Act No. 108 of 1996) requires that Government establish a national energy policy to ensure that national energy resources are adequately tapped and delivered to cater for the needs of the nation; further, the production and distribution of energy should be sustainable and lead to an improvement in the standard of living of citizens. The Government's overarching energy policy has been set out in its White Paper on Energy Policy of the Republic of South Africa (DME, 1998).

This White Paper on Renewable Energy (herein referred to as the White Paper) supplements the White Paper on Energy Policy, which recognises that the medium and long-term potential of renewable energy is significant. This Paper sets out Government's vision, policy principles, strategic goals and objectives for promoting and implementing renewable energy in South Africa ...


Purpose of the Policy

Statement of the Problem

South Africa relies heavily on coal to meet its energy needs because it is well-endowed with coal resources; in particular,... As a result, coal is and is likely to remain, from a financial viewpoint, an attractive source of energy for South Africa.

However, at the same time South Africa recognises that the emissions of greenhouse gases, such as carbon dioxide, from the use of fossil fuels such as coal and petroleum products has led to increasing concerns worldwide, about global climate change....

The above-mentioned concerns about global climate change were articulated at the Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development in 2002 and a corresponding commitment to promote renewable energy in all the participating nations was made in the Johannesburg Declaration. Correspondingly, it is the intention of the Government to make South Africa's due contribution to the global effort to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions. For this purpose, the Government will develop the framework within which the renewable energy industry can operate, grow, and contribute positively to the South African economy and to the global environment.

Energy Security

The driving force for energy security through diversification of supply in South Africa has remained one of the White Paper On Energy Policy's key goals, since a major portion of the nation's energy expenditure is via dollar-denominated imported fuels that impose a heavy burden on the economy. Further, the South Africa economy, which is highly dependent on income generated from the production, processing, export and consumption of coal, is vulnerable to the possible climate change response measures implemented or to be implemented by developed countries. At the same time there are now increased opportunities for energy trade.


What is being proposed now is a strategic programme of action to develop South Africa's renewable energy resources, particularly for power generation or reducing the need for coal-based power generation. Renewable energy has been recognised in the Integrated Energy Plan (IEP) (DME, 2003) developed by the DME. The purpose of the IEP is to balance energy demand with supply resources in concert with safety, health and environmental considerations. The IEP provides a framework within which specific energy development decisions can be made.


Essential Elements for Renewable Energy Implementation Sustainable Development

Renewable energy that is produced from sustainable natural sources will contribute to sustainable development....

Enabling Environment

South Africa is well endowed with abundant renewable energy resources that can be converted to productive energy uses.... There is therefore a need for Government to create an enabling environment through the introduction of fiscal and financial support mechanisms within an appropriate legal and regulatory framework to allow renewable energy technologies to compete with fossil-based technologies.


Institutional Arrangements

Electricity Sector: While one power producer, Eskom, currently dominates electricity generation and transmission in South Africa, the electricity distribution industry is currently undergoing restructuring, including the corporatisation of Eskom and the formation of six new regional electricity distributors. The White Paper on Energy Policy encourages the entry of multiple players into the generation market....


Renewable Energy Technologies: It is necessary to consider which technologies can be promoted by measures to stimulate the market....

Strategic Goals and Objectives

Strategic goals and supporting objectives will be instrumental in facilitating the development of an enabling framework in order for Government to meet its commitment to promoting renewable energy. Four key strategic areas have been addressed, i.e. financial instruments, legal instruments, technology development, and awareness raising, capacity building and education.


Republic of South Africa, Department: Minerals and Energy, Annual Report 2006/07, Vote 30 (




Security of energy supply

The Department has security of energy supply as one of its key mandates. The recent energy crises in the country, both in the petroleum and electricity sectors has been as a result of the inadequacy of some of the demand and supply plans put in place years ago....

When one considers the results of the above investigation and the study, and given the rate at which our economy is growing, one cannot afford to employ the same planning methods that proved to be successful in the past. As a result, the department is in the process of consolidating the planning activities under a dedicated unit in order to avoid the repetition of what happened in the past. Also in response to the recommendations, the Department has since established the Fuel Strategic Supply Task Team (FSSTT) together with the oil industry. The team is in the process of identifying current and future supply constraints and formulate options to resolve them. Improvements on the levels of both the commercial and strategic stock will also be looked at.

In January this year I participated in the inaugural Joint Oil Data Initiative (JODI) held for the first time on the African soil. The birth of JODI emanated from the 7th International Energy Forum meeting held in Saudi Arabia, November 2000, on the realisation of the negative impact of the unusually high volatile oil prices on economies of nations around the world, especially on non-producing countries like ours. The workshop provided training for participating countries on data collection and analysis. The Directorate Energy Planning and Development within the Department, collects and submits monthly data for South Africa to the United Nations and this information also contributes to our planning process.



(A complete list of ISSUP publications is available on request/'n Volledige lys van ISSUP-publikasies is op aanvraag beskikbaar)


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Selected documents and commentaries on negotiations and constitutional development in the RSA: 1989-1994, M Hough and A du Plessis, ISBN 0-86979-956-8, 248 pages, Ad Hoc No 31, July 1994. Price: R25/US$20.

Africa: Selected documents on political, security, humanitarian and economic issues, M Hough and A du Plessis (eds), ISBN 1-86854-141-X, 229 pages, Ad Hoc No 33, November 1996. Price: R30/US$25.

Contemporary international organisations and treaties: Selected documents, M Hough and A du Plessis (eds) ISBN 1-86854-191-6, 264 pages, Ad Hoc No 34, October 1997. Price: R40/US$35.

Conference papers: Air power in Southern Africa: A collective asset, M Hough and A du Plessis (eds), ISBN 0-86854-249-1, 63 pages, Ad Hoc No 35, July 1998. Price: R16/US$15.

Conference papers: The Grim Reaper: Organised Crime in the 1990s--Implications for South and Southern Africa, M Hough and A du Plessis (eds), ISBN 1-86854-328-5, 80 pages, Ad Hoc No 36, May 1999. Price: R20/US$20.

Selected official South African strategic and security perceptions: 1992-2000, M Hough and A du Plessis (eds), ISBN 1-86854-369-2, 147 pages, Ad Hoc No 37, November 2000. Price: R25/US$20.

Selected military issues with specific reference to the Republic of South Africa, M Hough and L du Plessis (eds), ISBN 1-86854-416-8, 124 pages, Ad Hoc No 38, August 2001. Price: R30/US$30.

Combating crime in South Africa: Contemporary perspectives, Hough, M and A du Plessis (eds), ISBN 1-86854-516-4, 208 pages, Ad Hoc No 40, November 2003. Price: R45/US$45.

State failure: The case of Zimbabwe, Hough, M and A du Plessis (eds), ISBN 1-86854-613-6, 159 pages, Ad Hoc No 41, November 2004. Price: R45/US$45.

Contemporary terrorism and insurgency: Selected case studies and responses, Hough, M, Kruys, G P H and A du Plessis, ISBN 1-86854-632-2, 107 pages, Ad Hoc No 42, November 2005. Price: R45/US$45.

Peace support operations: Selected United Nations and African documents, Hough, M, Du Plessis, A and G P H Kruys, ISBN 1-86854-547-4, 161 pages, Ad Hoc No 32, December 2006. Price: R45/US$45.


Strategic Review for Southern Africa / Strategiese Oorsig vir Suider-Afrika, Vol XXIX, No 1, May 2007. "The context and determinants of South Africa's new role in the United Nations", Prof H Strydom; "South Africa's space programme: Past and present", Dr C Alden; "Terrorism, public policy and democracy in South Africa", I Vadi; "The role of intelligence in countering terrorism and insurgency", Brig Gen G P H Kruys (ret); "Strategic culture: Comparing progress in the European Union and the South African Development Community", Lt Col (Dr) F Vrey. 133 pages. Price: R45/US$45.

Strategic Review for Southern Africa / Strategiese Oorsig vir Suider-Afrika, Vol XXIX, No 2, November 2007. "From defence doctrine to national security strategy: The case of the Netherlands", Lt Col (Dr) Marcel de Haas; "Suicide attacks as a terrorist tactic: Characteristics and counter-measures", Prof A Merari; "Domestic, international and transnational terror after 2001: Towards a new typology?", Prof M Hough; "Pursuing an effective African peacekeeping capability: What could be learned from Burundi and Darfur (Sudan)?", Prof T Neethling; "China in Africa: The rise of hegemony?", Prof M M E Schoeman. 99 pages. Price: R45/US$45.

BULLETIN, ISSN 0257-1447
1/2007  National will with specific reference to the RSA
2/2007  Criminal terror in the RSA?
3/2007  Food security in Southern Africa: An appraisal of an often
        neglected strategic requirement for national survival
4/2007  Public safety and security during the 2010 Soccer World Cup
5/2007  The development of a doctrine for the cash-in-transit industry
        in South Africa
6/2007  South African government policy and strategy regarding the
        inflow of migrants and/or refugees from Zimbabwe

* Part II also focuses, amongst others, on regional challenges.

** Official perceptions regarding crime in the RSA over the period 1994-2003, formed the focus of ISSUP Ad Hoc Publication No 40 of November 2003.

(1.) Cited in Institute for Security Studies Submission to the Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security on the Anti-Terrorism Bill, 2002
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