PERFORMING A POLYCHORAL MASS WITH VOICES, ORGAN, AND MINSTRELS DURING THE MIDDLE DECADES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY IN THE CATHEDRAL OF VALLADOLID, SPAIN.
The city of Valladolid, located in the centre of the old Castile Kingdom, played host to the Spanish Royal Court during various historical periods, the last of which was between 1601 and 1606, before the Royal Court moved definitively to Madrid. Its cathedral, designed by the architect Juan de Herrera on the commission of King Felipe II, possesses an exceptional musical archive, which is, with no doubt whatsoever, one of the most important in Spain, containing the worthiest of both sacred and secular sources. Soterrana Aguirre describes it in detail in "The Formation of an Exceptional Library: Early Printed Music Books at Valladolid Cathedral" (1). The secular music and vernacular texts deserve greater attention (2), but the sacred music--in particular, the Masses--has been completely ignored. It seems that Owen Rees' words in "Recordings of Iberian Music--A Survey" remain in force. Here he asks himself what King Joao IV of Portugal would think about researchers' and performers' clear preference for secular music, to the detriment of the sacred music, which was highly appreciated during the reign of the Portuguese King, who was, himself, a distinguished collector of Iberian music at that time (3).
Certainly, the sources of that period reflect how the music performed daily in the cathedral was related to the Liturgy of the Hours and to the Mass, the major celebration of the Catholic religion. The Mass was an essential and central ceremony, always featured in each event--whether joyful or regretful--where all the members of the community gathered together. Therefore, it makes sense to think the maestros paid particular attention and dedication to the music composed for the Mass. Indeed, they have been written to endure and be reinterpreted over time, in contrast to the popular villancicos, for example, which are of a more ephemeral nature.
The Archive of Valladolid Cathedral (AVC) conserves an important number of Masses, about seventy, written during the last years of the sixteenth century and the first two-thirds of the seventeenth (4). Among them are compositions such as Tomas Luis de Victoria's five Masses included in his Missae, Magnificat, Motecta, Psalmi & alia quam plurima. Quae partim octonis, alia nonis, alia duodenis vocibus concinuntur (1600). During the course of these years, Valladolid became the Royal Court's capital city once again, and some of the polychoral Masses included in the form composed by Victoria would most likely have been performed at the cathedral in front of its dedicatee, Felipe III.
The Libro de la fabrica No. 1 (1595-1605) of Valladolid Cathedral, in folio 140v, registers all payments made in the year of 1602 and reflects the payment of twenty ducats to Victoria, the Empress' chaplain, for some chant books (Figure 1).
It is, without a doubt, the 1600 publication mentioned that is kept in two collections in the cathedral archive--one incomplete--both of which show signs of use. The other collection of booklets comes from a donation made by Jeronimo de Leon, the cathedral chapel master, in 1629 as set out in the "Inventory of the books and sheet music left to this holy church of Valladolid by the half reverend and Master of its Chapel, Jeronimo de Leon according to his will in the presence of Cristobal de Madrigal on 25th June 1629, he died on the 26th of the same" (5), in which the set formed by nine booklets is priced at twenty reals (Figure 2).
The Masses in Victoria's book are polychoral, for two or three choirs, just like the ones included in other prints of Italian maestros, published in recent years, and also kept in the archive: Michele Varotto (ca. 1525-1599), Antonio Mortaro da Brescia (fl. 1587-1610), Giovanni Domenico Ripalta (fl. late 16th century--early 17th century), and Giovanni Pietro Flaccomio (ca. 1565-1617). The next Spanish publication that follows Victoria's pattern is Sebastian Lopez de Velasco's Libro de Misas, Motetes, Salmos, Magnificas y otras cosas to-cantes al culto divino (1628), whose Masses are also polychoral, and incorporate a part for the organ, as Victoria had previously done. A copy of all these publications is stored in Valladolid Cathedral, although most of the Masses are in manuscript sources, where the format of unattached papers or particellas prevails. These sources show how the polychoral language was imposed in such a way that almost all the Masses written during the mid-seventeenth century and kept by the cathedral utlilise this style. The names of Mateo Romero (ca. 1575-1647), Carlos Patino (1600-1675), Alfonso Vaz de Acosta (d. 1660), Juan Ruiz de Robledo (d. after 1644), and Miguel Gomez Camargo (1618-1690) are among these composers, the first two of which were maestros of the Royal Chapel.
The main goal of this article is to offer possible performance practice schemes for these polychoral Masses in a setting such as the Cathedral of Valladolid during the mid-seventeenth century, concerning the performance medium, i.e., the number and type of voices, and instruments used.
State of the Question
The subject of the selected performance medium, with regard to the number of voices and instruments that could take part in the celebration of a polychoral Mass, has been the subject of several studies, though these have focused particularly on Italian polychoral models (6). Far fewer studies that tackle this question in other geographical areas, such as Spain, exist (7).
In the same way, there are very few recordings of Spanish polychoral Masses of the seventeenth century; in fact, none of Carlos Patino's works have been recorded. Only a recording of Mateo Romero's Missa pro Defunctis for eight voices (8) can be identified. Romero was Patino's predecessor at the Royal Chapel. In contrast, Tomas Luis de Victoria's output has drawn greater attention. All of Victorias's polychoral Masses have been recorded. These recordings show a great variety of performance decisions. It is possible to find recordings in which a capella music is performed, as in the compact disc by The Sixteen, published in 2011, Hail, Mother of the Redeemer, which includes Victoria's Missa Alma Redemptoris Mater, for 8 voices (9). In contrast, in the collection Tomas Luis de Victoria, Sacred Works, also released in 2011 by the ensemble Plus Ultra, conducted by Michael Noone, which includes all of Victoria's polychoral Masses, a wide variety of textures are employed, and the voices are accompanied by cornett, sackbut, bassoon, and organ (10).
In view of this variety of possibilities, this article offers a proposal of the performance medium--number and type of voices and instruments--with which these polychoral Masses could be celebrated in the Cathedral of Valladolid during the mid-seventeenth century, using the documentation found at the Cathedral. Its archive preserves not only the music sources, but also a varied selection of documents among which the cathedral government agreements can be found, and also an important number of books that have information regarding the finances of the institution, including its employees' fees. In addition, this information can be contrasted and supplemented with that from other nearby cathedrals, such as Avila and Palencia.
The documents kept in the AVC include the chapter's business decisions, the fabrica (11), its payment books, and the books of hours. Table 1 shows the copies consulted during this study.
As shown in the table, the payment books of the chapter, and the books of hours relate to different years, but grouped under the same catalogue number; however, this is how the AVC has designated them. Both sets of documents were bound for each year, and there is one separate copy for each of them. The books of hours for 1640, 1641, 1642, 1655, 1656, and 1658, and the 1652 payment book of the chapter are not extant.
The chapter business books record the agreements made by the cathedral chapter. Several samples are shown throughout their pages.
The fabrica record expenses made by the institution. Among them are musicians' salaries and other payments that include, for example, the purchase of worship books, instruments, grants to support musicians, or the choirboys' robes.
The payment books of the chapter record the payments made to the prebendary men for Masses celebrated each month, and those of the chaplain's and choirboys' hours participation. The books of hours note, on a monthly basis, the daily attendance of the prebendary men, instrumentalists, singers, chaplains, and choirboys for the Divine Office and Mass.
In addition to these books, typical of most Spanish cathedrals, three other sources that are associated with the musical institution in Valladolid are preserved. Table 2 shows these sources, which are considered of great value in describing the arrangements by the cathedral for the chapel during the mid-seventeenth century. These payment books record the stipulated salaries for ministers and singers in the chapel. The salaries that the chapel members received for taking part in the Hours and the signed receipts indicating when the payment was made are reflected month by month in these sources. As such, they are the main tools for determining the composition and evolution of the chapel, though other sources will help to clarify and complete the information as well.
The appendix includes Table 3, taken from the information contained in all these sources that show, for example, the members of the chapel during several years in the mid-seventeenth century. The choirboys that are specifically mentioned in the payment books have been indicated in bold. The rest of the names that do not appear in these books, are found in other sources.
The number of singers, including sopranos, altos, and tenors remains at around eleven, with slight fluctuations. The bass voice only appears on the rosters in 1647; the term is not found again in the next years. The chaplains' voices are added to these, and their participation together with the chapel in singing polyphony--not only plainchant, which is their main role--has been documented in several institutions (12).
Furthermore, as Francois Reynaud explains in La polyphonie toledane et son milieu des premiers temoignages aux environs de 1600, some places, for example the Cathedral of Toledo, frequently provided some musicians with a chaplaincy, along with the requisite salary--so that the post proved to be more appealing, thus earning the prebends both payments (13). The chaplains, therefore, were not necessarily performers with inferior qualifications. Some of them were highly skilled musicians and permanent members of the chapel. The Cathedral of Valladolid provides examples of this practice as well. This is illustrated by the cathedral chapter agreement of 24 August 1651, which states that it was necessary to reduce the chapel members' salaries due to economic difficulties; however, one of them, Juan Blanco (a countertenor) was offered a chaplaincy to offset this reduction:
The Chapter has noticed the efforts that its fabrica makes against bad events over the years, and particularly this year, in which it has come to lose more than 12,000 reals that were to be represented in bread and loans. Therefore, an agreement was made to reduce salaries from year to year hereafter, and that decrease has started, beginning this year in August, and in the following way: The chapel master's salary is lowered by 350 reals. Diego Galindo's salary is lowered 300 reals. Juan Blanco's salary was lowered by 650 reals; for this reduction he will instead be offered a chaplaincy [...] (14).
In the specific payment books for ministers and singers, different chaplain's names are recorded. The minimum number is four, although almost every year, more are listed, with an average of around six. Their inclusion in these books points out a special connection with the chapel, since other chaplains appear in other sources--they are of number or extra-number. In this way, the number of adult singers taking part regularly in the chapel was capped at around sixteen. They could sometimes be joined by other chaplains and prebendaries, and so the number could increase.
The choirboys joined these singers, with their own number varying between twelve and sixteen; although there was an important distinction among them, since they were divided into two categories: those that wore red robes and those that wore black. All of them received training and sustenance from the cathedral, but only the second group took part in the chapel choir in a regular way. The typical number of choirboys in black was four (15).
The chapter acts record information about the date the choirboys were received and accepted to be members of the chapel, a salary determination, and the right to have a share of the chapel profits when they went to outside feasts. An example of this situation is documented in the chapter act of 7 May 1631:
That day the chapter agreed to raise by ten ducats the wages of Juan Martinez, a black-robed choirboy at this holy church, ten ducats over the forty that until now he earned in hours and, also that, the chapel will now let him take half the earnings that would correspond to a singer, since this boy sings his part in the polyphony like the other singers (16).
On several occasions castrated choirboys were discussed; these were called capones, as is shown, for example, in the following acts:
There was talk of keeping that little castrato from Palencia on until the master arrived with the other from Avila. It was decided to wait until Monday to see which one would stay or if both would stay and that in the interim the Dean would keep the Palentine boy on. (22 February 1648) (17). It was agreed, in the general chapter, that the two trebles from Avila and Palencia could stay and that the Dean would talk to them to see their intentions, and bring them to the Chapter of the cathedral next Monday; that the chapter in sacris would decide about providing the food ration to one of them, and for the other a fair salary would be arranged; D. Francisco Crema and D. Juan Ibanez de Madariaga promised to give each one of them the equivalent of what three members of the chapter would give, and the rest of the men promised to give as well, due to their wish for having good singers (29 February 1648) (18).
Apart from singing, the choirboys' training involved, in many cases, learning to play an instrument, as is often set out in the acts, for example the act of 19 November 1640 (Figure 3):
Furthermore, that Mateo Molina continue to earn in the same way, both in the choir hours and in the chapel, where he currently earns a half wage. It must be noted that the voice of the aforementioned boy is beginning to break, and thus his voice is not currently very useful, however, he has learnt to play the harp, and to play it very well, so henceforth he should play at the chapel feasts in the church and also in the feasts outside the church, where he is to carry the harp when the master orders it. Both at those feasts, and at others, he shall earn the half wage as before, even if he does not play that harp because the master does not require it (19).
This agreement is very interesting. On the one hand, it confirms that the harp was an instrument completely integrated into the chapel by 1640, and on the other, it reflects a practice, already known, that the choirboys received vocal as well as instrumental training. As a result, despite the boys' voices breaking, they could be suitable for the chapel and, later on, become instrumentalists, playing and also singing when required.
Thus, the chapel of Valladolid Cathedral had twenty voices on average during these years, including four choirboys, which made it possible to perform large-scale polychoral compositions with more than one voice per part. Certainly, not all the musicians would be available, because of illness or leave, but it is clear in the acts that the leave was granted on the condition that they were back for the next important feast. In fact, the books of hours reflect a majority attendance by most of the chapel members throughout the year, particularly at the most relevant and best-paid services: Mass and Vespers. Figure 4 provides a sample from the 1647 book of hours.
Moreover, several remarks also appear in the chapter acts stating how the music staff was reinforced with the specific admission of new members for events that were of great importance:
On 4 August 1668, the chapter got together and agreed to write to D. Juan de la Fuente Montecillo to look for three voices to come to the feast and to be here on the twentieth of this month (20).
Keeping a music staff was a great monetary cost for the cathedral, and in times of crisis, the difficulties in meeting the necessary expenses are recorded. For example, in 1647, the salary charges in the fabrica for the cathedral singers, ministers, and instrumentalists and their hours add up to 668,449 maravedis, as recorded in the account book for this year (21) (Figure 5). It does not make sense to go to such a great deal of effort (22), including the permanent employment of such a number of musicians, only if one voice per part participated, in which case, it would have been enough to have fewer salaried musicians.
As for the number of voices per part, one must remember the enlightening paragraph that can be found in Cerone's El Melopeo y maestro (1613; a copy is held by the AVC), for composing for multiple choirs:
The first ordinary choir tends to be composed with artifice, cheerful and fugal singing with much grace; for that, the best pieces and the most skilled singers are placed in it. But, the second one is not to be with such artifice or so fugal, and the third is to be composed without artifice or fugues but is to be deep, rich, full and with much majesty. The first choir is sung with an organ for four single voices, the second is played with an ensemble made up of different instruments, with each voice accompanying an instrument; or at least one treble and one bass part, so that words can be understood. And the third (which is the base of all the music) should be sung with a great crowd; with three, four or more singers per part, accompanied by full bodied instruments, such as cornetts, sackbuts, bassoons and others like these, since the fuller and more crowded the sound of the choir, the more perfect it will be (23).
And it is very interesting to verify how in the chronicle La Historia de la vida, invencion, y milagros, y translacion de S. Segundo, written by Antonio Cianca in 1595, he describes a situation that occurred in Avila that reflects the important resemblance to Cerone's words:
On Monday, the twelfth day of the month of September of said year , at the holy Cathedral of Avila, the bishop gave Papal Mass in the same feast day of the Saint with much music for three choirs, one with the organ and six singers, another for instrumentalists with six more singers, and yet another with the rest of the chapel singers. There were motets, both instrumental and sung, and other musical styles, all with much artifice, art and solemnity, and with the episcopal benediction (24).
I consider that both texts are explicit enough about the use of several singers per part, at least in some choirs; Cianca's chronicle is interesting, in that it proves this was the practice in Castile. Further, Cerone's words corroborate with the practices described by Noel O'Regan, Graham Dixon, James Moore, and Richard Charteris (see footnote 6). These scholars document celebrations, both in Rome and Venice, in which some choirs were involved, some of them being made up of soloists and others by the ripieno. These texts highlight that in Spain, at the end of the sixteenth century and at the beginning of the seventeenth, this layout of voices and instruments was also used to perform polychoral pieces of different genres, among which Masses, psalms, hymns, etc. could be found, and others in the vernacular language, such as in villancicos, as well.
Cerone and Cianca's words, in turn, convey the important role played by the instruments in these performances. The Victoria Mass recorded by "The Sixteen", performed a capella, has already been cited. It is not an exception. Nevertheless, documents such as the letters of 1601 sent by Victoria together with his book Missae, Magnificat, Motecta, Psalmi... of 1600 to the chapters of Jaen or Salamanca, and studied by authors like Andres Cea (25) and Noel O'Regan (26), are conclusive about the involvement of instrumentalists in these Masses:
I have had printed those books of Masses, Magnificats, Psalms, Salves and other things for two and three choirs, because now with the organ, which has its own particular book that, Glory to God, has not been issued either in Italy or in Spain for organists, when four voices cannot be present, just one voice singing with the organ can make a choir by itself. In addition, there is a Mass, Magnificat and motet for voices, organ and instrumentalists, arranged in three choirs (27).
Therefore, all this points to the fact that, on a solemn feast day, when some of these Masses were performed, the chapel would be made up of about sixteen adult singers and four choirboys. However, they would not be alone; as confirmed by Victoria's and Cerone's words, as well as other chronicles, the chapel choir would be accompanied by an instrumental group.
Beyond doubt, the documentation of Valladolid Cathedral is clear in that the instrumentalists' participation with the chapel was already a well-established practice that had been consolidated since the previous century (28). The payment books reflect how, for example, the Cathedral of Valladolid had two bassoons, a sackbut, and a cornett in 1647. The chapter acts reflect, as well, its concern that at least four instrumentalists would be present at any given moment. The ones that continually appear are the cornett, shawm, sackbut, and the bassoon, though evidence shows that the most important are the cornett and the bassoon. When one of these musicians was hired, his contract was clear about "his duty to attend the choir in all the feasts where there was polyphony or fauxbourdon, and to attend any others that the council ordered" (29), and there are numerous references about his taking part in the choir together with the chapel. An example of that is the act of 20 November 1607:
That day the Chapter received Pedro Fernandez, cornett player, with a salary of 200 ducats. His duties are to take part with the cornett in all feasts where polyphony or fauxbourdon are sung and whatever else the chapter may order [...] (30).
In manuscript copies of the Masses, specific parts for the instruments seldom appear, except for the accompaniment, although they are sometimes mentioned. One of the few cases where they are named is in Acosta's Missa sobre Etiam pro nobis, where in the second treble's part in choir II there is a note saying: "cornett" (Figure 6). Nonetheless, the Mass text is totally copied as in the rest of the parts, so that it could be also performed by a vocal treble.
The practice must have been that the instrumentalists and singers shared these roles, and the typical task for these instruments would be to double or replace missing voices, offering the chapel master the possibility of adapting the music to the available members of the chapel staff, or building choirs of very different timbres in order to achieve contrasting effects and greater diversity.
The next Valladolid Cathedral chapter agreement is illustrative about the way the instruments could double or replace the voices, so that the prebendary Duran, a treble singer, could be relieved by another treble, but also by the cornett, which allows us to understand the possibility of interchange between them:
As regards the prebendary Duran's request for exemption from attending the feasts with the chapel because of his poor health, his reasons have been considered, as well as the fact that he has served the church with great blessing and example for twenty one years, and other important circumstances have also been considered, resulting in the chapter's decision that he attend the feasts until a treble or a cornett or another musician is hired, at which time he may consider himself exempt. However, this particular plan of action is not to serve as an example to others. 31 January 1650 (31).
The bassoon deserves special attention. As early as the sixteenth century, it had become a key instrument at the chapel, performing the function of harmonic bass, doubling or substituting the bass voice in the event of a shortage or lack of singers. This was done at the Cathedral of Avila, since during this period it employed two or three permanent bassoonists (within a group of between five and seven instrumentalists), while the bass voice had disappeared (32). This situation can explain how, in many cases, the text in the bass voice parts does not appear, and only the first words of each section are written. In this way, four or six instrumentalists would be added to the singers which, in this last case, could be two cornetts, a shawm, a sackbut, and two bassoons.
As far as bowed string instruments are concerned, their use was widespread in Italy--and also in the Spanish Royal Chapel--but they barely appear in Valladolid (33). Nevertheless, these instruments are indeed mentioned regularly, associated with the Royal Court's residence in the city. This is reflected, for example, in the following acts:
On 4 July, in ordinary chapter, the order was given to pay ten ducats to the violin that has served in this holy church (4 July 1604) (34). That day the order was given to pay a hundred reals to Alvaro Gomez at the singers' table, to reward the service he and his companions provided together with the violones in the Compline of Lent (22 April 1605) (35). That day the chapter hired Martin Gomez, Alvaro Gomez's son, an instrumentalist, with a salary of 15,000 maravedis; with the following addendum: that, in general, he must serve as a player with the rest of the instrumentalists in all the ordinary feasts and in the ones ordered by the chapter in its church, and also in the first and second class feasts, bringing with him both the violin and the cornett, in order to play whichever instrument the chapter orders [...] (9 April 1607) (36).
These instruments are not cited again in the chapter acts until 1692. It is during these last years of the century when the violone's presence in the Castile cathedrals became widespread; appearing later in Segovia, in 1688, in Avila in 1699, and in Palencia not until 1713.
The use of plucked string instruments also seems to be dismissed in liturgical events, with the exception of the harp. Although their presence was widespread in Italy, where it was common to play the lute and the theorbo, in Castile these instruments were linked to secular music and it was not suitable for them to be played at church. There are no references about the use of the lute, theorbo, vihuela, or guitar in the cathedrals under consideration. This situation may be explained by the event that took place at the Cathedral of Palencia in 1610, when it was reported to the chapter that the musicians had not wanted to perform at the Octave of the feast of Corpus Christi because they were ordered to play guitars and they flatly refused, "judging that to do so would have been indecent" (37). Juan Ruiz cited another reference to the use of guitars in Burgos in 1617, "with a hint to the 'discredit' this means for the choir" (38).
The instrument that was never omitted in any institution is the organ, which had a very active role in daily liturgical life (39). In the Masses under investigation, almost every choir is supported by a basso sequente as well as a general accompaniment that was mostly performed by the organ. The Cathedral of Valladolid, in mid-century, had two organists, according to the payment books. Here, references are also found to the salaries of the organ entonador (40) and tuner. In the documents, additional references are made to a large organ and another small organ, which was easy to carry, and could be put in different places, or accompany the chapel in processions.
However, the organ is not the only instrument that plays the basso sequente role or general accompaniment. The harp also takes this role, and during this century it was to become an essential instrument for Spanish cathedral chapels (41). Mention is made of this for the first time in Valladolid in the chapter act of 28 July 1625, when a sackbut player, who was also a harpist, was hired:
That day the chapter hired Juan del Portal Ibarra, player of the sackbut and at the same time of the harp, for the service of this holy church, with a salary of 15,000 maravedis a year, paid every month in the same way as the rest of the musicians (42).
The instrument was mentioned again in 1636, when it is stated in the payment books that the master was paid twenty reals for repairing the harp (43). From this moment on, it is a constant presence; for example, every year there is a record of the annual amount spent on buying strings for the harp, among other references.
The next agreement of the Cathedral of Avila of 15 February 1655 decided on the salary increase requested by Orbezu, the harpist, turns out to be especially enlightening, because it shows the importance gained by this instrument in Spanish cathedrals:
[...] the aforementioned masters vouch for him as a good minstrel and for the brilliance that the chapel acquires with him in all feasts, and that he helps his uncle, the master, who is impeded by his inability to write, and that if he left, he would be needed, since the harp is an instrument that has now been introduced into all holy churches [...] (44).
Therefore, it is obvious that the harp was habitually used in the performance of these masses, and together with the organ they were the instruments that played the basso seguente of each choir and the general accompaniment.
With knowledge of which members of the music staff, both singers and instrumentalists, that would take part in any one of these Masses, it is now possible to offer a proposal that shows the arrangement of the musicians in the choir.
The words of Cerone cited above that describe the arrangement of the choirs, is one of the most enlightening texts. According to him, the first choir should be made up of the best singers, of four single voices accompanied by the organ. In Cianca's words, there is also a first choir, in this case, for six voices with organ and without any other instruments.
A most useful treatise in this light is Michael Praetorious' Sintagma Musicum, published in three volumes between 1614 and 1619. It explains in depth the issue of the choirs' arrangement, offering a number of possibilities. As Anthony Carver describes in detail, Sintagma Musicum, Termini Musici, Volume III, contains recommendations about polychoral compositions. In Chapter 1, the single voice choirs are named inter allia, voci concertate, or Concertat-Stiment, and must be made up of the best voices (45). Luis Robledo agrees with this proposal of a first choir of soloists (46). However, Luis Antonio Gonzalez casts doubt on the concept that the first choir is the soloists and that the second one, with more voices, should contain the majority of the chapel (47). In another article he states: "In an archive of such great breadth like E:Zac, we seldom find proof of this practice--only four times in fact" (48).
The second choir, according to Cerone's and Cianca's texts, is made up of singers and instrumentalists with voices accompanying each instrumental line, and with at least one treble and one bass singer in the ensemble, so that the text can be clearly heard. Praetorius agrees again with this idea, pointing out that in each ensemble at least one part must be performed by a singer, as is also reported by Richard Charteris (49), who cites other of Prae torius's recommendations as well, such as using a different family of instruments in each choir, although combining different instruments within the same choir was also possible.
Finally, the majority of the chapel members would be placed in the third choir, with the largest possible number of singers and instrumentalists. Logically, if the composition were for eight voices, and for only two choirs, this third choir would not exist and, consequently, this large group would serve as the second choir.
In addition to the testimonies that support this arrangement, it makes good sense from the performance point of view. The first choir receives the most prominence: it is in fact the one that usually begins the work; its interventions are the longest and it usually has the highest tessitura. Any choral conductor would place their best voices here. Meanwhile, in the second or third choir, with less prominence, several voices per part, and instrumental doubling, the less skilled singers would be placed.
Bearing these issues in mind and reminding ourselves that the musical chapel of Valladolid Cathedral could be made up of four choir boys, sixteen adult singers, one or two cornetts, a shawm, a sackbut, one or two bassoons, a harp, and two organs, it is reasonable that in a Mass for two choirs--most of which are kept in the archive of this institution--the first choir would be composed of the best voices of the chapel, with the organ or harp playing the role of basso sequente. The soprano's roles would be performed by boys and adult treble singers. They would not need to be soloists and there could be up to two singers per part. The second choir would be made up of the rest of the chapel members with up to three singers per part; the instrumentalists playing the cornett, shawm, sackbut, and bassoon, and another organ or harp would provide support. On the subject of a Mass for three choirs--some of these compositions from this period are kept in Valladolid--the layout could be as follows: the first choir could be made up of soloists with one voice per part, and be accompanied by organ or harp. In the second choir, the previously cited instrumentalists and the basso sequente would take part, in addition to the other two vocal parts. Finally, the rest of the singers and instrumentalists available would be in the third ensemble, involving another organist or harpist. Further, other chaplains and prebendaries, perhaps not as highly skilled but with enough experience in singing their part while supported by other voices and instruments, could also take part.
In this way, unlike what occurs in some recent performances and recordings, I think some facts should be considered when performing these Masses in order to try and get closer to the way they were celebrated in the period in which they were written. Besides the adult singers, the children's voices, whose timbre and characteristic colour gives a peculiar sonority, should be present. The presence of wind instruments is also required, since these were never left out when the chapel performed polyphony, always including at least a cornett, a sackbut, and a bassoon. Finally, for the basso seguente role, it is necessary to have an organ and also a harp which, as explained above, became a necessary instrument in the Spanish chapels of this period.
Therefore, with such great strength and a sound that could come from the central choir and upper galleries, surrounding all those present, it is very likely that, quoting the words of Juan Ruiz de Robledo, chapel master of Valladolid Cathedral, and author of the work Laura de la musica eclesiastica (ca. 1644), the attendees at those celebrations had felt that the musicians "were making a choir with the angels" (50).
Names Associated with the Chapel of the Valladolid Cathedral
Position 1647 Chapel master Juan de Padilla Organist Alvaro Gomez ([dagger]) Diego Galindo Prebendary (Racionero) treble Francisco Duran Prebendary (Racionero) musician Minister Diego de Aybar Altar Minister Gaspar Fierro Altar Minister Gaspar Perez Succentor Gonzalo Fernandez Second Succentor Juan Martin Countertenor Juan Blanco Countertenor Juan Pascual Tenor Domingo de Arrese Tenor Francisco Arredondo Treble Bass Nicolas Fernandez Cornett player Joseph Ruiz Bassoon and shawm player Francisco Gonzalez 2nd bassoon and shawm player Pedro dc Mena Sackbut player Francisco de Soto Choirboys Francisco Merino Ibarrola Ignacio de Acotegui Miguel Camizo Lopez Gabriel Lorenzo Manuel Villoldo Antonio Andrade Rodriguez Roque Juan Gil lglesias Gregorio del Rio Tejeda Martinez Cristobal Medina Villota Chaplains cited in the Libro de Vicente Paga de Ministros y Cantores Matias Martin Moro Plaza 1653 Chapel master Andres Barea Organist Diego Galindo Prebendary (Racionero) treble Francisco Duran Altar Minister Gaspar Fierro Altar Minister Gaspar Perez Succentor Joseph de Ugarte Countertenor Juan Blanco Countertenor Juan Pascual Countertenor Juan de Aguilera Countertenor Juan Miguel de Escobar Tenor Domingo de Arrese Tenor Francisco Arredondo Treble Luis de Vidaurre Cornett player Andres Bazan Bassoon and shawm player Francisco Gonzalez 2nd bassoon and shawm player Juan del Valle Sackbut player Manuel de Rueda Choirboys Perico (Pedro Iglesias) Andres Antonio Prudencio Juan Francisco Bureba Guevara Manuel Toledo Dominguez Francisco Antonio Francisco Martinez Agustin Obispo Canillas Cuevas Tomas de Traspinedo Perillan Moro Renedo Nicolas Simancas Pedro Joseph Rodriguez Chaplains cited in the Libra de Marcos de Quiroga Paga de Ministros y Cantores Juan Ruiz Francisco Quintero Marcos Fernandez Vicente Gamboa Arredondo Negro Position 1650 Chapel master Cristobal Lopez de Villafancz Organist Diego Galindo Prebendary (Racionero) treble Francisco Duran Prebendary (Racionero) Juan Diez de Rueda musician Minister Diego de Aybar Altar Minister Gaspar Fierro Altar Minister Gaspar Perez Succentor Gonzalo Fernandez Second Succentor Juan Lopez Countertenor Juan Blanco Countertenor Juan Pascual Tenor Domingo de Arrese Tenor Francisco Arredondo Treble Luis de Vidaurre Bass Cornett player Ignacio de Salinas Bassoon and shawm player Francisco Gonzalez 2nd bassoon and shawm player Juan del Valle Sackbut player Choirboys Lorenzo Perico Hernando Gallego Francisco Merino Baltasar Juan Ignacio Manuel Antonio Rodriguez Roque Lucas Antonio el pequeno Nicolas Recio Mendoza Joseph Damian Chaplains cited in the Libro de Vicente Paga de Ministros y Cantores Matias Gamboa Chapistrua Nicolas Velazquez Lorenzo de Valencia Diego Jimenez 1656 Chapel master Miguel Gomez Camargo Organist Diego Galindo Prebendary (Racionero) treble Francisco Duran Altar Minister Mateo de Soto Altar Minister Gaspar Perez Succentor Joseph de Ugarte Countertenor Juan Blanco Countertenor Juan Pascual Countertenor Juan de Oypa Countertenor Juan Miguel de Escobar Tenor Domingo de Arrese Tenor Francisco Arredondo Treble Cornett player Andres Bazan Bassoon and shawm player Francisco Gonzalez 2nd bassoon and shawm player Juan del Valle Sackbut player Manuel de Rueda Choirboys Manuel Andres Lopez Gabriel de Quintanilla Juan de Velasco Obispo Matias Marin Morales Varaona Fernandez Traspinedo Dominguez Recio Alvarez Gonzalez Garcia Ibanez Chaplains cited in the Libra de Villanueva Paga de Ministros y Cantores Pena Alvarez Brizuela Gutierrez Izquierdo
Pablo Ballesteros Valladolid holds a bachelor's degree in Music Language, Music Theory and Accompaniment; Compo sition, Orchestration, Harmony, Counterpoint, and Piano. He also holds a master's degree in Spanish Music from the University of Valladolid, where he is working on his Ph.D. on Spanish polychoral music under the direction of Soterrana Aguirre Rincon. He works as a teacher trainer, especially in the areas of musical editions and the pedagogic use of ICT. His research topics focus mainly on polychoral music of the seventeenth century. He has made two research trips to the Centre d'Etudes Superieures de la Renaissance, Tours (CESR). He is a working team member of the research project "The Renaissance Musical Work: Foundations, Repertories and Practices" funded by the Ministerio de Economia, Industria y Competitividad [HAR2015-70181-P] based at the University of Valladolid, which aims to study the musical work of the Renaissance as a sonorous act.
(1.) Soterrana Aguirre Rincon. "The Formation of an Exceptional Library: Early Printed Music Books at Valladolid Cathedral", Early Music 37, no. 3 (August 2009): 379-400.
(2.) For example, the thesis of Carmelo Caballero regarding Miguel Gomez Camargo and the study of his villancicos: Carmelo Alejandro Caballero Fernandez-Rufete, "Miguel Gomez Camargo (1618-1690): Biografia, legado testamentario y estudio de los procedimientos parodicos en sus villancicos" (Ph.D. diss., Universidad de Valladolid, 1994).
(3.) Owen Rees. "Recordings of Iberian Music--A Survey", Early Music 20, no. 4 (November 1992): 655.
(4.) See the catalogue for the music archive of the Valladolid Cathedral: Jose Lopez-Calo, La Musica en la Catedral de Valladolid, 8 vols. (Valladolid: Ayuntamiento de Valladolid, Caja Espana, 2007).
(5.) Memoria de los libros y papeles de musica que dejo a esta santa iglesia de Valladolid el senor medio racionero y maestro de capilla Jeronimo de Leon, de ella, por su testamento ante Cristobal de Madrigal en 25 de junio de 1629, fallecio del 26 del dicho. Sig. 54 (AVC).
(6.) Among them, it is appropriate to point out Noel O'Reagan's studies, whose several publications on this matter, with special emphasis on the Roman polychoral language--in which the personage of Victoria stands out--serve as reference. For example: Noel O'Regan, "Victoria, Soto and the Spanish Archconfraternity of the Resurrection in Rome", Early Music 22, no. 2 (May 1994): 279-295; "The Performance of Roman Sacred Polyphonic Music in the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries: Evidence from Archival Sources", Performance Practice Review 8, no. 2 (Fall 1995): 107-146; "Music in the Liturgy of San Pietro in Vaticano during the Reign of Paul V (1605-1621): A Preliminary Survey of the Liturgical Diary (part 1) of Andrea Amici", Recercare: Rivista per lo studio e la pratica della musica antica 11 (1999): 119-151; "Asprilio Pacelli, Ludovico da Viadana and the Origins of the Roman Concerto Ecclesiastico", Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music, 6 (2000), http://www.sscm-jscm.org/v6/no1/oregan.html (accessed 29 June 2019); "Confraternity Statutes in Early Modern Rome: What can they tell us about Musical Practice?", in Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Musica Sacra in occasione del centenario di fondazione del PIMS Roma, 26 maggio-1 giugno 2011 (Vatican City, 2013), 487-501 (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2013). One should also consider the writings of Graham Dixon, "The Performance of Palestrina: Some Questions, but Fewer Answers", Early Music 22, no. 4 (November 1994): 666-676 and Ruth Lightbourne, "Annibale Stabile and Performance Practice at Two Roman Institutions", Early Music 32, no. 2 (May 2004): 271-285. Regarding these same questions, but focused on Venice, the following publications are also interesting: Clifford Bartlett and Peter Holman, "Giovanni Gabrieli: A Guide to the Performance of His Instrumental Music", Early Music 3, no. 1 (February 1975): 25-32; Richard Charteris, "The Performance of Giovanni Gabrieli's Vocal Works: Indications in the Early Sources", Music & Letters 71, no. 3 (August 1990): 336-351; James H. Moore, "The 'Vespero delli Cinque Laudate' and the Role of 'Salmi Spezzati' at St. Mark's", Journal of the American Musicological Society 34, no. 2 (Summer 1981): 249-278. Likewise, the following works are essential: Anne Schnoebelen, "The Role of the Violin in the Resurgence of the Mass in the 17th Century", Early Music 18, no. 4 (November 1990): 537-542; Florian Bassani Grampp, "On a Roman Polychoral Performance in August 1665", Early Music 36, no. 3 (August 2008): 415-433 and "Polychoral Performance Practice and 'Maestro di cappella' Conducting", Performance Practice Review 17, no. 1 (2012): 2-32. All these references are but a small sample of the extensive attention devoted to polychoral music performance in Italy.
(7.) Highlighting the following publications: Luis Robledo, "Questions of Performance Practice in Philip III's Chapel", Early Music 22, no. 2 (May 1994): 198-218 and "La transformacion de la actividad musical en la corte de Felipe III", in Tomas Luis de Victoria y la cultura musical en la Espana de Felipe III, ed. Alfonso de Vicente Delgado and Pilar Tomas (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispanica, 2012); Luis Antonio Gonzalez Marin, "Algunas consideraciones sobre la musica para conjuntos instrumentales en el siglo XVII espanol", AnuarioMusical 52 (1997): 101-141 and "Aspectos de la practica musical espanola en el siglo XVII: Voces y ejecucion vocal", Anuario Musical 56 (2001): 83-95; Alfonso de Vicente Delgado, "El entorno femenino de la dinastia: el complejo conventual de las Descalzas Reales (1574-1633)", in Tomas Luis de Victoria y la cultura musical en la Espana de Felipe III, ed. Alfonso de Vicente Delgado and Pilar Tomas (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispanica, 2012) and "Los comienzos de la musica policoral en el area de la Corona de Castilla. Algunas hipotesis y muchas preguntas", in Polychoralities: Music, Identity and Power in Italy, Spain and the New World, ed. Juan Jose Carreras Lopez and Iain Fenlon (Venezia & Kassel: Fondazione Ugo e Olga Levi & Reichenberger, 2013); Judith Etzion, "Latin Polyphony in the Early Spanish Baroque: Suggestions for Stylistic Criteria", Anuario Musical 56 (2001): 75-81; Juan Ruiz Jimenez, "Ministriles y extravagantes en la celebracion religiosa", in Politicas y practicas musicales en el mundo de Felipe II: estudios sobre la musica en Espana, sus instituciones y sus territorios en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI, ed. John Griffiths and Javier Suarez-Pajares (Madrid: ICCMU, 2004) and La libreria de canto de organo: Creacion y pervivencia del repertorio del Renacimiento en la actividad musical de la catedral de Sevilla [The Polyphonic Library: Creation and Preservation of the Renaissance Repertoire in the Musical Activities of the Cathedral of Seville] (Granada: Centro de Documentacion Musical de Andalucia, 2007). Finally, Andres Cea Galan, "Cantar Victoria al organo: documentos, musica y praxis", in Estudios Tomas Luis de Victoria, ed. Javier Suarez-Pajares and Manuel del Sol, Coleccion Musica Hispana. Textos. Estudios (Madrid: ICCMU, 2013).
(8.) Mateo Romero. Requiem para Cervantes: Missa pro defunctis. Angel Recasens, La Grande Chapelle, Juan Carlos Asensio Palacios and Schola Antiqua (Lauda, 2005).
(9.) Tomas Luis de Victoria. Victoria: Hail, Mother of the Redeemer. Harry Christophers and The Sixteen (Allegro Corporation, 2011).
(10.) Tomas Luis de Victoria. Sacred Works. Michael J. Noone and Ensemble Plus Ultra (Archiv Produktion, 2011).
(11.) The Libros de la fabrica are the account books of the cathedral.
(12.) Luis Robledo does it that way, in the case of the Royal Chapel, in the following article in which he shows testimonies that prove this practice: Robledo Estaire. "Questions of Performance Practice in Philip III's Chapel", 200. It may also be appropriate to remember how Victoria himself, in Las Descalzas Reales, was a chaplain in the service of the Empress, as well as the rest of the chapel singers of the Royal Monastery; see Vicente Delgado, "El entorno femenino de la dinastia: el complejo conventual de las Descalzas Reales (1574-1633)", 201-203. For the cathedral, there are several examples that verify the chaplains engagement in the organ singing together with chapel members. This is also the case, for example, in the cathedrals of Salamanca, as described by Mariano Perez Prieto, "La capilla de musica de la catedral de Salamanca durante el periodo 1700-1750: Historia y estructura (Empleos, voces, instrumentos, plantillas, provision de plazas y nomina)", Revista de Musicologia 18, no. 1-2 (1995): 150; in Siguenza, as described by Javier Suarez-Pajares, La musica en la catedral de Siguenza, 1600-1750 [Music at the Cathedral of Siguenza, 1600-1750], Coleccion Musica Hispana: Textos, estudios (Madrid: Instituto Complutense de Ciencias Musicales, 1998), 54-55, 74-75; and in Palencia, by Francisco Javier Pintado Asensio, Maria Antonia Virgili Blanquet, and Carmelo Alejandro Caballero Fernandez-Rufete, "La musica en la catedral de Palencia en el siglo XVII" (Ph.D. diss., Universidad de Valladolid, 1999), 358-360.
(13.) Francois Reynaud. La polyphonie toledane et son milieu des premiers temoignages aux environs de 1600, Documents, etudes et repertoires (Paris, Turnhout: CNRS; Brepols, 1996), 29-30.
(14.) Libro de Actas capitulares No. 5 (1645-1669), f. 339 (AVC).
(15.) The boys that play a role within the chapel are called "seises" in several Spanish cathedrals. However, this term is not frequently used in the Cathedral of Valladolid documentation.
(16.) Libro de Actas capitulares No. 4 (1631-1644), f. 11 (AVC).
(17.) Libro de Actas capitulares No. 5 (1645-1669), f. 224 (AVC).
(18.) Libro de Actas capitulares No. 5 (1645-1669), f. 225 (AVC).
(19.) Libro de Actas capitulares No. 4 (1631-1644), f. 328 (AVC).
(20.) Libro de Actas capitulares No. 5 (1645-1669), f. 773v (AVC).
(21.) Libro de la fabrica No. 5 (1639-1650), f. 200 (AVC).
(22.) To provide context to the extent of this amount, the following, stating the price of some basic products, which appears in the notes of Don Quijote de la Mancha, Instituto Cervantes edition, is very informative: "In 1605, in Castilla la Nueva, a dozen eggs cost about 63 maravedis, and one dozen oranges, 54; a chicken, 55; and a hen, 127; one kilo of mutton about 28; a ream of writing paper, 28". Miguel de Cervantes. Don Quijote de la Mancha (Madrid: Real Academia Espanola, 2015), http://www.rae.es/sites/default/files/Don_Quijote_Vol._1_.pdf, p. 3, note 4, accessed 29 June 2019.
(23.) Pietro Cerone. El Melopeo y maestro: tractado de musica theorica y pratica (Napoles: Juan Bautista Gargano y Lucrecio Nucci, 1613), 676.
(24.) Antonio de Cianca. Historia de la vida, inuencion, y milagros, y translacion de S. Segundo, primero Obispo de Auila y recopilacion de los Obispos sucesores suyos, hasta D. Geronimo Manrique de Lara, Inquisidor general de Espana (Madrid: por Luis Sanchez, 1595), Libro III, f. 60v.
(25.) Cea Galan. "Cantar Victoria al organo: documentos, musica y praxis".
(26.) Noel O'Regan. "What Can the Organ Partitura to Tomas Luis de Victoria's Missae, Magnificat, motecta, psalmi et alia quam plurima of 1600 Tell Us about Performance Practice?", Performance Practice Review 14, no. 1 (2009): Article 5.
(27.) Victoria's letter, Madrid, 11 July 1601. Archive of Salamanca Cathedral, Ala C 3 leg 4 no. 11. Tomas Luis de Victoria and Alfonso de Vicente. Cartas (1582-1606) (Madrid: Fundacion Caja Madrid, 2008), 90.
(28.) This not only happens in Valladolid, but is a widely used practice all over the country, as described in Ruiz Jimenez, "Ministriles y extravagantes en la celebracion religiosa".
(29.) Libro de Actas capitulares No. 2 (1598-1612), f. 244 (AVC).
(31.) Libro de Actas capitulares No. 5 (1645-1669), f. 301 (AVC).
(32.) According to Beryl Kenyon de Pascual's quotation, as early as 1565 the chapter of the Avila Cathedral approved Cesar de Sardena's idea of helping the basses with the bassoon in order to see how this experience turned out, so that they could decide in four months' time what should be done; see Beryl Kenyon de Pascual, "El bajon espanol y los tres ejemplares de la catedral de Jaca" [The Spanish bajon and the three examples at the Jaca Cathedral], Nassarre: Revista aragonesa de musicologia 2, no. 2 (1986): 110. In the Cathedral of Palencia, its presence was noted long before. Allan Dale Comstock describes in his doctoral thesis how in Palencia Cathedral, as early as 1553, the need for a bassoonist is mentioned in the acts, although it was not until 1660 when, for the first time, the hiring of the bassoonist Juan Andres is noted; see Allan Dale Comstock, "The Bajon at Palencia: 1553-1700" (Ph.D. diss., University of Memphis, 1999), 33. As is already known, the bassoon not only takes part in the polyphony, but also in the plainchant. For example, Gustavo Sanchez reports these functions in the Monastery of El Escorial: Gustavo Sanchez, "El coro del monasterio de El Escorial despues de Felipe II (1598-1621)", in Tomas Luis de Victoria y la cultura musical en la Espana de Felipe III, ed. Alfonso de Vicente and Pilar Tomas (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispanica, 2012), 163.
(33.) A similar situation is reflected in Gonzalez Marin, "Algunas consideraciones sobre la musica para conjuntos instrumentales en el siglo XVII espanol", 107-109.
(34.) Libro de Actas capitulares No. 2 (1598-1612), f. 163 (AVC).
(35.) Ibid., f. 183.
(36.) Ibid., ff. 229r and 229v.
(37.) Jose Lopez-Calo. La Musica en la Catedral de Palencia. III, Resumen historico, Coleccion Pallantia (Palencia: Institucion Tello Tellez de Meneses, 2007), 128.
(38.) Ruiz Jimenez. "Ministriles y extravagantes en la celebracion religiosa", 223.
(39.) On this matter, I think it is important to point out the following works: Louis Jambou, Evolucion del organo espanol: siglos XVI-XVIII (Universidad de Oviedo, 1988); "El organo en la Peninsula iberica entre los siglos XVI y XVIII: Historia y estetica", Revista de musicologia 2, no. 1 (1979); "La funcion del organo en los oficios liturgicos del Monasterio de El Escorial a finales del siglo XVI", in Musica en el Monasterio del Escorial: Actas del Simposium (1,4-IX-1992), (1993); "Reflexiones sobre la Iglesia, el organo y su musica en los siglos modernos", Memoria ecclesiae 31 (2008); Andres Cea Galan and Cristina Bordas Ibanez, "La cifra hispana musica, tanedores e instrumentos (siglos XVI-XVIII)" (Ph.D. diss., Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2014); Andres Cea Galan. "Organos en la Espana de Felipe II: elementos de procedencia foranea en la organeria autoctona", in Politicas y practicas musicales en el mundo de Felipe II: estudios sobre la musica en Espana, sus instituciones y sus territorios en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI (Madrid: Instituto Complutense de Ciencias Musicales, 2004); "Cantar Victoria al organo: documentos, musica y praxis". On the role of the organ in basso seguente, see Louise K. Stein, "Accompaniment and Continuo in Spanish Baroque Music", in Espana en la musica de occidente: actas del congreso internacional celebrado en Salamanca, 29 de octubre-5 de noviembre de 1985, "Ano Europeo de la Musica", ed. Jose Lopez-Calo, Ismael Fernandez de la Cuesta and Emilio Casares Rodicio (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispanica, 1987).
(40.) The person responsible for pumping air into the instrument.
(41.) On the relevance of the harp in Spanish churches during this period, see Jose Lopez-Calo, "El arpa en la Catedral de Santiago. Un estudio sobre estetica musical barroca", in Estudios sobre Historia del Arte ofrecidos al Prof. Dr. Ramon Otero Tunez, en su 65 cumpleanos, ed. Jose Lopez-Calo (Santiago de Compostela: Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, 1993), 57; Ruiz Jimenez, "Ministriles y extravagantes en la celebracion religiosa", 99; Joan Rimmer, "Harps in the Baroque Era", Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 90 (1963): 69; and Stein, "Accompaniment and Continuo in Spanish Baroque Music", 361.
(42.) Libro de Actas capitulares No. 3 (1613-1630), f. 335 (AVC).
(43.) Libro de la fabrica No. 4 (1629-1638), f. 213v (AVC).
(44.) Sonsoles Ramos Ahijado. La Catedral de Avila como institucion musical durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVII (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 2009), http://hdl.handle.net/10366/76298, accessed 29 June 2019. Vol. II, 121.
(45.) Anthony F. Carver. Cori spezzati. Vol. 1, The Development of Sacred Polychoral Music to the Time of Schutz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 216-220.
(46.) Robledo Estaire. "Questions of Performance Practice in Philip III's Chapel", 217.
(47.) Gonzalez Marin. "Algunas consideraciones sobre la musica para conjuntos instrumentales en el siglo XVII espanol", 109.
(48.) "Aspectos de la practica musical espanola en el siglo XVII: Voces y ejecucion vocal", 87.
(49.) Richard Charteris. "The Performance of Giovanni Gabrieli's Vocal Works: Indications in the Early Sources", 340-341.
(50.) Juan Ruiz de Robledo. Laura de musica eclesiastica. Nobleza y antiguedad de esta sciencia y sus profesores (Madrid: Biblioteca Nacional, M/1287).
Table 1. Business and payment books in the AVC. Libra de Adas capitulares No. 2 1598-1612 Sig. 4 Lihro de Adas capitulares No. 3 1613-1630 Sig. 5 Libra de Adas capitulares No. 4 1631-1644 Sig. 6 Libro de Adas capitulares N" 5 1645-1669 Sig. 7 Libra de Adas capitulares No. 6 1670-1703 Sig. 8 Libro de la fabrica No. 1 1595-1605 Sig. 291 Libro de la fabrica No. 2 1606-1616 Libro de la fabrica No. 3 1617-1628 Sig. 292 Libro de la fabrica No. 4 1629-1638 Libro de la fabrica No. 5 1639-1649 Sig. 293 Libro de la fabrica No. 6 1650-1661 Libro de la fabrica No. 7 1662-1674 Sig. 294 Libros de paga de la mesa capitular 1552-1608 Sig. 499 Libros de paga de la mesa capitular 1609-1619 Sig. 500 Libros de paga de la mesa capitular 1620-1629 Sig. 501 Libros de paga de la mesa capitular 1630-1639 Sig. 502 Libros de paga de la mesa capitular 1640-1649 Sig. 503 Libros de paga de la mesa capitular 1650-1659 Sig. 504 Libros de paga de la mesa capitular 1660-1669 Sig. 505 Libros de paga de la mesa capitular 1670-1679 Sig. 506 Libros de horas de la catedral de 1577-1663 Sig. 513 Valladolid Libros de horas de la catedral de 1664-1702 Sig. 514 Valladolid Table 2. Payment books in the AVC. Libra de paga de los ministros 1647-1652 Sig. 767 Libro de Paga de la Fabrica y de 1653-1659 Sig. 768 los ministros y cantores de ella Hijuela de los salarios que paga la fabrica vieja de esta santa Igtesia a musicos y 1666 Sig. 769 cantores, y de censos que se deben cobrar para ella
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|Author:||Valladolid, Pablo Ballesteros|
|Publication:||Fontes Artis Musicae|
|Date:||Jul 1, 2019|
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