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Overview.

I. Introduction

1. This 1998 SPA Status Report on poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) argues that, if SSA is to achieve equitable growth and sustainable development, one necessary step is to reduce gender inequality in access to and control of a diverse range of productive, human, and social capital assets. Focusing principally on agriculture and the rural sector, the report examines the linkages between gender inequality, growth, and poverty in SSA. Reducing gender inequality--a development objective in its own right--increases growth, efficiency, and welfare.

II. Determinants of Growth

2. Many factors limit growth in Africa. Recent evidence suggests that lack of openness to trade and poor governance have had large, damaging effects on the growth rate. The effects on growth of high policy volatility and poor public services may also be harmful. High transport costs, poor soils, disease, climate risk, export concentration in commodities, and violent conflict have all played a part in reducing growth. The extent to which asset inequality constrains growth and poverty reduction has recently received renewed attention, as lower asset inequality may contribute to higher growth, and to a type of growth from which the poor will benefit the most. Using macro data on access to education and employment, and micro data on access to and control of land, labor, and other productive inputs, this report makes the case that gender-based asset inequality diminishes productivity, output, and growth in SSA.

3. Following a decade of stagnation, economic growth in SSA resumed in 1994-96, though this growth has proven to be fragile. In the context of the Asian crisis and global economic prospects more generally, the economic outlook for SSA in 1998 and beyond is much more uncertain than it was in 1997. Africa's population growth rate of about 2.5 percent per year will require very high economic growth rates--5 to 8 percent--to reduce the number of poor. The World Bank estimates that SSA's population-weighted GDP growth in 1998 will be 2.8 percent, a growth rate which provides little scope to reduce poverty. In this more uncertain environment, removing gender-based obstacles to growth and poverty reduction is timely.

III. Interdependence of the Market and Household Economies

4. Analysis of men's and women's time allocation captures the interdependence between the "market" and the "household" economies. It is well documented that women work longer hours than men throughout SSA (Figure 1). Much of women's productive work is unrecorded and not included in the System of National Accounts (SNA). For example, it is estimated that nearly 60 percent of female activities in Kenya are not captured by the SNA, compared with only 24 percent of male activities. Children are closely integrated into household production systems, and the patterns that disadvantage girl-children begin very early. Poor households need their children's labor, sometimes in ways that also disadvantage boys. Domestic chores, notably fetching water and fuel, are one of the factors limiting girls' access to schooling.

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

5. The transport sector strikingly illustrates the interdependence between the market and the household economies, and the associated time problem for women. The gender division of labor leaves women with by far the more substantial transport task in rural areas (Figure 2). Other village transport surveys in Ghana and Tanzania show that women spend nearly three times as much time in transport activities compared with men, and they transport about four times as much in volume.

[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]

IV. Women and Men in African Economies

6. A distinguishing characteristic of SSA economies is that both men and women play substantial economic roles. Data compiled by IFPRI indicate that African women perform about 90 percent of the work of processing food crops and providing household water and fuelwood, 80 percent of the work of food storage and transport from farm to village, 90 percent of the work of hoeing and weeding, and 60 percent of the work of harvesting and marketing. There are marked sub-regional variations in men's and women's share of work; in much of the Sahel, men predominate in agriculture, including in the food sector.

7. One way to capture the dynamics of the varied contributions of men and women to the productive economy is in the "gender intensity of production" in different sectors. In Uganda, men and women are not equally distributed across the productive economy, as agriculture is a female-intensive sector of production, and industry and services are male-intensive (Table 1).

V. Interface Between Gender and Growth

8. Micro-level analyses portray a consistent picture of gender-based asset inequality acting as a constraint to growth and poverty reduction. Country case studies throughout SSA point to patterns of disadvantage women face, compared with men, in accessing the basic assets and resources needed to participate fully in realizing SSA's growth potential. These gender-based differences affect supply response, resource allocation within the household, and, significantly, labor productivity. They have implications for the flexibility, responsiveness, and dynamism of African economies, and limit growth (Box 1). The agricultural growth that SSA does not achieve because of gender inequality is not marginal to the continent's needs, as it affects food security and well being, contributes to greater vulnerability, and further reinforces risk-aversion. A case in Burkina Faso shows how differences in access to key inputs, notably labor and fertilizer, lead to marked productivity differentials, and different supply responses, between plots controlled by men and those controlled by women (Box 2).
Box 1: Gender and Growth: Missed Potential

Burkina Faso: Shifting existing resources between men's and women's
plots within the same household could increase output by 10-20
percent--see also Box 2.

Kenya: Giving women fanners the same level of agricultural inputs
and education as men could increase yields obtained by women by
more than 20 percent.

Tanzania: Reducing time burdens of women could increase household
cash incomes forsmallholder coffee and banana growers by 10
percent, labor productivity by 15 percent, and capital productivity
by 44 percent

Zambia: If women enjoyed the same overall degree of capital investment
in agricultural inputs, including land, as their male counterparts,
output could increase by up to 15 percent

Sources: Udry et al. 1995; Saito et al. 1994; Tibaijuka 1994.


9. In parallel, comparative cross-regional macro data on gender differences in education and formal employment also provide a basis for assessing the impact of gender inequality on growth. Over the 1960-92 period, SSA, together with South Asia, had the worst initial conditions for female education and employment, and the worst record for changes in the past 30 years. The average number of total years of schooling for the female adult population in 1960 was 1.1 years. Gender inequality in schooling in 1960 was also very high in SSA, with women having barely half the schooling of men. Females in SSA have experienced the lowest average annual growth in total years of schooling between 1960 and 1992 (an annual increase of 0.04 years, raising the average years of schooling of the adult female population by a mere 1.2 years). Females experienced a slower expansion in the growth of total years of schooling than males, and have a weak position in formal sector employment. In 1970, the female-male ratio of formal sector employment was among the lowest in the developing world, and the share of female formal sector employment increased by only 1.6 percentage points between 1970 and 1990.

10. Based on these trends, comparison between SSA and East Asia indicates that gender inequality in education and employment is estimated to have reduced SSA's per capita growth in the 1960-92 period by 0.8 percentage points per year, and appears to account for up to one-fifth of the difference in growth performance between SSA and East Asia. While this is far from the overriding factor, it is an important constituent element in accounting for SSA's poor economic performance.
Box 2: Gender and Productivity in Burkina Faso

In Burkina Faso, as elsewhere in Africa, different members of the
household simultaneously cultivate the same crop on different
plots. Detailed plot-level agronomic data provide striking evidence
of inefficiencies in the allocation of factors of production across
plots planted to the same crops but controlled by different members
of the household. If two plots are identical in all respects except
that one is controlled by the wife and the other by the husband,
productive (Pareto) efficiency requires that yields and input
allocations be identical on the two plots.

The evidence shows that plots controlled by women have
significantly lower yields than plots controlled by men. On
average, yields are about 18 percent lower on women's plots. For
sorghum, the decline is striking--about 40 percent Even for
vegetable crops in which women tend to specialize, the decline in
yields is about 20 percent. The econometric analysis shows that
factors of production are not allocated efficiently across plots
controlled by different members of the same household. Male labor,
child labor, and non-household labor are used more intensively on
plots controlled by men. Plots controlled by women are farmed much
less intensively than similar plots controlled by men. Though it is
well-documented that the marginal product of fertilizer diminishes,
virtually all fertilizer is concentrated on the plots controlled by
men.

The gender yield differential is caused by the difference in the
intensity with which measured inputs of labor, manure, and
fertilizer are applied on plots controlled by men and women rather
than by differences in the efficiency with which these inputs are
used. The production function estimates imply that output could be
increased by between 10 and 20 percent by reallocating actually
used factors of production between plots controlled by men and
women in the same household. Household output could therefore be
increased by the simple expedient of moving some fertilizer from
plots controlled by men to similar plots planted to the same crop
controlled by women.

This evidence confirms a key point about intra-household relations
in Burkina Faso, namely that men and women operate in a system of
production in which some resources are neither pooled nor traded
among household members. Allocative inefficiency, along with
diminished output, is the result.

Source: Udry et al. 1995.


11. The interdependence of the market and household economies brings to light: (i) short-term inter-sectoral and inter-generational trade-offs within poor asset- and labor-constrained households; and (ii) positive externalities, whereby investment in the household economy will benefit the market economy in terms of improved efficiency, productivity, and, hence, growth. The trade-offs are compounded by intra-household inequality and the complexities of intra-household relations. The case study evidence points to key short-term trade-offs between different productive activities (labor allocation for food and cash crop production), as is apparent, for example, in seasonal labor and cropping pattern constraints in Zambia; between market and household tasks, where rigidity in labor allocation for domestic tasks, lack of mobility, and time constraints limit response capacity; and between meeting short-term economic and household needs and long-term investment in future capacity and human capital, where, for example, fetching water (girls) and herding livestock (boys) limit households' options for sending children to school and breaking the inter-generational transmission of poverty.

12. Sectoral growth policies and priorities need to consider these short-term tradeoffs and the positive externalities explicitly. Aligning the school year with the cropping cycle, for example, mitigates trade-offs at the household level. Investing in the household economy, for example in domestic labor-saving technology, improves labor productivity and constitutes a positive externality for the market economy. These trade-offs and externalities reinforce the need to tackle the labor time constraints facing women and girls.

VI. Household Diversity and Poverty

13. There is a marked variety of household forms, of intra-household relations, and gender divisions of labor in SSA, within an equally diverse range of wider social organizations in climatically and agronomically complex settings. Gender analysis of household survey data for a group of 19 SSA countries confirms this enormous diversity in household structure and composition, and shows that poverty is related to family systems. A simple distinction between male and female heads of households does not adequately capture the diversity of family systems and how they allocate resources. Analysis of households on the basis of headship nonetheless provides useful information on the structure and characteristics of different households in SSA. The average size of FHH is consistently smaller than that of MHH. While the majority of female household heads are widowed or divorced, the overwhelming majority of male household heads are married. This suggests that female headship is likely to be the result of disruptive life changes for women, and is indicative of the instability of household structures and composition, with implications for vulnerability to poverty (Box 3).
Box 3: Poverty and Vulnerability

Vulnerability reflects the dynamic nature of poverty, referring as
it does to defenselessness, insecurity and exposure to risk.
Vulnerability is a function of assets; the more assets people have,
the less vulnerable they are. An awareness of the diverse nature of
assets, and of their hierarchy, is essential for meaningful policy
action. Women and children are more vulnerable because tradition
gives them less decision-making power and less control over assets
than men, while at the same time their opportunities to engage
inremunerative activities, and therefore to acquire their own
assets, are more limited.

Source: World Bank 1996a.


14. There is no consistent evidence that poverty incidence is necessarily higher among FHH. One cross-country study shows that poverty incidence is statistically higher among FHH compared with MHH in only two of six SSA countries. The gender of the household head is therefore not a particularly useful predictor of household-level poverty status, and is not in itself effective as a criterion for targeting. Patterns of disadvantage for women and girls persist irrespective of the gender of the household head. The situation of women and children in poor, polygamous MHH might be of greater concern. Analysis on a regional level finds the highest incidence of poverty in West Africa among polygamous MHH, and in East and Southern Africa among de jure and de facto FHH.

15. Where women have more control over the income/resources of the household, for which female headship may be seen as a proxy, the pattern of consumption tends to be more child-focused and oriented to meeting the basic needs of the household. When households with similar resources are compared in seven SSA countries, children in FHH have higher school enrollment and completion rates than children in MHH. In Cote d'lvoire, doubling women's share of cash income has been shown to raise the budget share of food by 2 percent and lowers the budget shares of cigarettes and alcohol by 26 percent and 14 percent respectively.

VII. Asset Inequality

16. Evidence in SSA points to gender disparities in access to and control of assets in each of the three categories used to define assets in this report: human capital assets (education and health); directly productive assets (labor, land, and financial services); and social capital assets (participation at various levels).

[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]

(A) Human Capital Assets

17. Education. Over the 1970-94 period, girls have made more rapid strides than boys in completing primary education, thus lowering the gender gap (Figure 3). This improvement has not benefited the poor as much as the nonpoor. Differentials persist at all levels of income, suggesting that social and cultural factors play a stronger role than income in determining female participation in education. As indicated in para. 4, domestic chores, notably fetching fuel and water, are one of the factors limiting girls' access to schooling.

18. Population growth outpaces resources available to education. In the 1995-2020 period, SSA's population of primary-school-age children is projected to increase by 52 percent, where it will decline in almost all other regions. To attain universal primary education by 2020, the current figure of 71 million pupils in primary education must increase by 91 million; 63 percent of this increase is attributable to population growth.

19. Health. African men and women face an array of health problems, though their needs and priorities are quite different. This is seen, for example, in the enormous gender differential in the region's sexual and reproductive burden of disease, as measured by deaths and disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) (Table 2).

20. Africa's 1997 total fertility rate (TFR) was 6.0. Women in Africa generally report an ideal family size of five or six children, and they have more children than women anywhere else in the world. Maternal mortality rates in SSA remain the highest in the world: between 600 and 1,500 maternal deaths for every 100,000 births for most SSA countries. Africa accounts for 20 percent of the world's births but 40 percent of the world's maternal deaths. In SSA, the median age at first marriage ranges from 17.0 to 19.2 years. In 17 SSA countries surveyed by DHS, at least 50 percent of women had their first child before age 20. These are the highest percentages of any region.
Box 4: HIV/AIDS

Of the 30.6 million adults and children with HIV/AIDS around the
world, 20.8 million live in SSA. The current adult prevalence rate
in the region is 7.4 percent. Eighty-two percent of the world's
12.1 million women with AIDS live in Africa Women under 25 years of
age represent the fastest growing group with ADDS in SSA, accounting
for nearly 30 percent of all female AIDS cases in the region. Data
for Uganda indicate that AIDS infection is nearly six times greater
among young girls aged 15-19 compared with boys of the same age
(Figure).

[FIGURE OMITTED]

In particularly affected countries in Southern Africa, human
development gains achieved over the last decades are being reversed
by HIV/AIDS. In Zambia and Zimbabwe, 25 percent more infants are
dying than would be the case without HIV. Given current trends, by
2010 Zimbabwe's infant mortality rate is expected to rise by 138
percent and its under-five mortality rate by 109 percent because of
AIDS. In Botswana, life expectancy, which rose from under 43 years
in 1955 to 61 years in 1990, has now fallen to levels previously
found in the late 1960s.

Sources: UNFPA 1997; UNICEF 1992a


21. HIV/AIDS is a significant--and worsening--health, economic, and social issue for SSA (Box 4). Recent research points to complex interlinkages between poverty, inequality, (and, in particular, gender inequality) and the AIDS epidemic. The fact that gender inequality both causes and is caused by AIDS is a matter of grave concern for the poorest quarter of the female populations of 10 or 20 African countries.

22. Gender-based violence affects women's health, and the health of society at large, by diverting scarce resources to the treatment of a largely preventable social ill. Four factors are predictors of the prevalence of violence against women in a society: economic inequality between men and women, using physical violence to resolve conflict, male authority and control of decision-making in the home, and divorce restrictions for women. Of these, economic inequality for women is the strongest.

(B) Directly Productive Assets

23. Land. Having access rights to land and other land-based resources is a crucial factor in determining how people will ensure their basic livelihood. The vast majority of the population rely on land and land-based resources for their livelihoods. An enormous variety of rights to natural resources can be found in countries and communities throughout SSA, and these rights are firmly embedded in complex socio-economic, cultural, and political structures. With increasing scarcity of sustainable natural resources of land and water, the rights of individuals--especially women--and households to these resources are being eroded. Women's rights to arable land are weaker than those of men. Women's rights to land vary with time and location, social group (ethnicity, class, and age), the nature of the land involved, the functions it fulfills, and the legal systems applicable at local level. In SSA, most women are granted only use rights to land. Data from Cameroon indicate the near absence of women from land registers, where fewer than 10 percent of those who obtained land certificates were women.

24. Labor. Men and women have different access to paid labor, and labor scarcity limits women's farming activity. Labor remuneration also differs along gender lines, as the total income share received by men is over twice the share received by women (Figure 4). African households are social institutions for mobilizing labor, where there are strong differences between household members in their social command over labor that are directly related to their position in the household hierarchy.

25. Capital/Financial Services. Data on gender differences in access to financial services are scarce. Available estimates suggest that the poor in general have little access to finance, and that women in particular have less access than men. Women's World Banking estimates that less than 2 percent of low-income entrepreneurs have access to financial services. In Africa, women receive less than 10 percent of the credit to small farmers and 1 percent of the total credit to agriculture. In Uganda, it is estimated that 9 percent of all credit goes to women; in Kenya, only 3 percent of female farmers surveyed compared with 14 percent of male farmers had obtained credit from a commercial bank; similarly in Nigeria, only 5 percent of women fanners compared with 14 percent of male fanners had received commercial bank loans. Women face gender-specific barriers in accessing financial services, including lack of collateral (usually land); low levels of literacy, numeracy, and education; and they have less time and cash to undertake the journey to a credit institution.

[FIGURE 4 OMITTED]

(C) Social Capital Assets

26. Participation /Voice. Women in Africa are consistently underrepresented in institutions at the local and national level, as is illustrated in data from Mali (Figure 5), and have little say in decision-making. Gender barriers limit women's participation and reinforce power gaps. Almost half of the 15 African countries reporting to the Interparliamentary Union showed no change or negative change in the level of women's representation between 1975 and 1997. Women in SSA comprise 6 percent of national legislatures, 10 percent at the local level, and 2 percent in national cabinets. Half of the national cabinets in SSA have no women at all. Few governments have made systematic efforts to institutionalize and translate their international commitments--at the Cairo, Copenhagen, Beijing, and Istanbul Conferences, and in the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)--into practical strategies.

[FIGURE 5 OMITTED]

27. Power gaps are also evident within the household, and have implications both for economic decision-making and resource allocation, and in the area of fertility and contraceptive use. Spousal communication is positively associated with contraceptive use. The ability of women to negotiate decisions that affect fertility depends in part on their access to independent income, and the choices that are created through literacy, numeracy and formal education. This becomes especially important in the context of the growing AIDS epidemic.

VIII. Gender and the Policy Agenda

28. Public policy, and partnerships with civil society, have a major role to play in promoting gender-inclusive growth and poverty reduction. The principal issues and policy implications that emerge from the analysis presented in this report are summarized in Table 3.

29. The strategy for priority actions builds on the following conclusions.

* persistent gender inequality in access to and control of assets directly and indirectly limits economic growth in SSA;

* both men and women play substantial roles in SSA economies, but they are not equally distributed across the productive sectors, nor are they equally remunerated for their labor;

* the market and the household economies coexist and are interdependent; this brings to light both short-term inter-sectoral and inter-generational trade-offs and positive externalities; and

* the poor in general, and poor women in particular, do not have a voice in decision-making, and their different needs and constraints do not therefore inform public policy choices and priorities.

30. A key insight from gender analysis of poverty in SSA is that there are interconnections, and short-term trade-offs, between and within economic production, child bearing and rearing, and household/community management responsibilities. These assume particular importance given the competing claims on women's labor time, and the need to raise women's labor productivity in both the household and the market economies. Consequently, a key challenge for public policy is to undertake concurrent investments in both the market and household economies, across a range of sectors, which explicitly minimize trade-offs and build on positive externalities.

31. This report identifies five strategic areas, summarized in Table 3.2 on page 46, for key public policy interventions. Investment in girls' education is paramount. Taking this as a given, the report emphasizes that other, concurrent, investments in the household economy are necessary, and of equally high priority, if the full benefits of investment in female education are to be realized. This also applies to investment in basic and reproductive health. The priority given to specific actions within these strategic areas will vary according to different country circumstances. It will be necessary to build on local knowledge, through pro-active participation of both men and women, so as to define specific priorities and to articulate how these priorities are to be implemented.

32. There is an important role for public policy in reaching out to the poor, and especially in building up women's skills and capabilities to reduce their "political deficit." Promotion of participation requires a corresponding commitment to make available the resources needed to build up women's long-term capacities to make themselves heard. A promising approach, related to economic management and priority-setting, is the development of "women's budgets." Africa has led the way in this area. Women's budgets examine the efficiency and equity implications of budget allocations and the policies and programs that lie behind them. This would enable public spending priorities to focus on investment in rural infrastructure and labor-saving technologies, as indicated below.

33. Public policy can have a significant impact on the heavy time burden of domestic work through investment in the household economy. Infrastructure to provide clean and accessible water supply is especially critical, in view of its multiple benefits. Labor-saving domestic technology relating to food processing is likely to have a greater immediate impact in raising the productivity and reducing the time burdens of many women. Transport interventions need to reflect the different needs of men and women, so as to improve women's access to transport services (including intermediate means of transport), commensurate with their load-carrying responsibilities. These investments in the household economy have substantial pay-offs in increased efficiency and growth in the market economy.

34. Agricultural policy, research, and extension need to support the livelihood strategies of smallholder households. Policy needs to focus on the food crop sector, where there is an urgent need for more women-focused integrated packages, including research, extension, and technology development. The key policy priority is to break through the asset poverty of women in smallholder households. The right mix of assets, including land, labor, and financial services, is critical to ensure that women are not " investment poor." The process of asset acquisition will require interventions: (i) at the policy level to facilitate equitable access to resources and delivery systems; and (ii) at the cultural and systemic level to understand how resource allocation decisions are made and how they can be changed.

35. Statistics and indicators on the situation of women and men in all spheres of society are an important tool in promoting gender equality. Gender statistics have an essential role in the elimination of stereotypes, in the formulation of policies, and in monitoring progress toward full equality. Key tasks are the integration of intra-household and gender modules in statistical surveys and analysis, and the inclusion of the household economy and home-based work in the SNA.

C. Mark Blackden

Chitra Bhanu

in collaboration with the Poverty and Social Policy Working Group of the Special Program of Assistance for Africa
Table 1: Uganda--Structure of the Productive Economy

 Share of Share of Gender Intensity of
Sector GDP Exports Production

 Female Male
 (%) (%) (%) (%)
Agriculture 49.0 99 75 25
o/w: Food Crops 33.0 -- 80 20
 Traditional Exports 3.5 75 60 40
 NTAEs 1.0 24 80 20
Industry 14.3 1 15 85
 o/w: Manufacturing 6.8 -- n.a. n.a.
Services 36.6 -- 32 68
Total/Average: 100.0 100.0 50.6 49.4

Notes: Gender Intensity of Production: female and male shares of
employment. NTAE: Non-traditional agricultural exports.

Source : Adapted from Elson and Evers 1997.

Table 2: Sexual/reproductive burden of
disease for people aged 15-44 as
percentage of total burden of disease in
SSA

Parameter Female Male

DALYs 30% 9%
Deaths 26% 7%

Source: Berkley (forthcoming).

Table 3: Principal Issues, Policy Implications,
and Directions for Policy

Principal Issues Policy Implications

* gender inequality * gender inequality directly and
 persists in access to and indirectly limits economic growth
 control of economically in SSA
 productive assets
 necessary for growth * women's greater vulnerability and
 risk aversion

 * equity issue in its own right

 * "investment poverty" greater for
 women (Reardon/Vosti)

 * importance of political
 commitment to gender equality

* men and women both have * "sectoral growth patterns make
 different structural roles different demands on men's and
 in SSA economies women's labor and have different
 implications for the gender
* men and women are not division of labor and income" (D.
 evenly distributed across Elson)
 economic sectors

* the "market" and * risk of short-term inter-sectoral
 "household" economies and inter-generational trade-offs
 co-exist and are within poor asset- and labor-
 interdependent constrained households, e.g.,
 between growth (raising incomes)
* there is considerable and human development
 scope for raising labor (investing in education)
 productivity in both the
 market and household * time constraints ("double
 economies workday of women")

 * need for balanced investment in
 both market and household
 economies

* data issues, including * "incomplete" picture of total
 the "invisibility" of much productive activity masks dynamic
 of women's work, limit interactions and potential for
 analysis and understanding synergy across sectors
 of gender/ poverty
 interactions * female-headed households are not
 necessarily poorer

* complexity of household * larger households are also not
 structures and relations necessarily poorer
 limits household-level
 analysis in poverty
 monitoring and trend
 analysis

Principal Issues Directions for Policy

* gender inequality * greater "voice" for women in
 persists in access to and decision-making at all levels
 control of economically
 productive assets * female education and literacy,
 necessary for growth skills training

 * invest in directly
 productive assets for
 women: financial services,
 agricultural technology and
 inputs

 * address sustainable land
 ownership/use rights for women as
 part of legal reform and
 inputs

* men and women both have * target sectors for growth and
 different structural roles strengthening productivity where
 in SSA economies poor women work: ensure greater
 policy attention to "non-traded"
* men and women are not sectors, notably subsistence
 evenly distributed across agriculture and the urban informal
 economic sectors sector

* the "market" and * prioritize sectoral investment to
 "household" economies raise productivity:
 co-exist and are
 interdependent * water supply/sanitation

* there is considerable * labor-saving technologies,
 scope for raising labor focused on food processing and
 productivity in both the transformation
 market and household
 economies * intermediate means of transport

 * domestic energy

* data issues, including * include non-SNA work in country
 the "invisibility" of much analysis
 of women's work, limit
 analysis and understanding * develop country-specific time
 of gender/ poverty budgets for men and women
 interactions
 * develop women's budget
 initiatives (SA model)
* complexity of household
 structures and relations * benefit incidence analysis of
 limits household-level public expenditures
 analysis in poverty
 monitoring and trend * gender disaggregation of poverty
 analysis data and analysis
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Title Annotation:Gender Growth and Poverty Reduction: Special Program of Assistance for Africa, 1998 Status Report on Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa
Publication:Gender, Growth and Poverty Reduction
Date:Mar 1, 1999
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