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On the nature of adjectival resultatives--corpus-based evidence/Priroda adjektiviziranog pasiva u odnosu na gotovost.

1. Introduction

In this paper we will demonstrate that the different derivations of passives are not language-specific characteristics. They are found in different languages, Croatian and English being among them. Some passives are verbal and some are adjectival. In order to show the lexical and syntactic characteristics of Croatian passives, we will first analyse the properties of participles, and compare the two passives. We will then focus on adjectival resultatives, a subtype of adjectival passives. Finally, we will compare Croatian adjectival resultatives with their English translation counterparts in order to detect similarities or differences between the two.

We will use corpus evidence for the occurrence of adjectival resultatives in two legislative texts, "Plan prihvata broda u nevolji" (2008) and its English translation "Plan for the Acceptance of a Ship in Distress", in order to present a description of the construction and raise questions about the nature of adjectival resultatives, and the terms in which such a construction can occur. The corpus is built of 23,140 words. Unless otherwise stated, all examples are from the mentioned corpus.

2. Relevant previous studies

The diversity of the passive voice phenomenon has been observed by many linguists. One early study of the passive was Wasow (1977) who was the first to note the difference between the two passives: verbal (eventive) passive and adjectival (stative) passives. According to Wasow's criteria, the rule deriving verbal passives is transformational, while the one for adjectival passives is a lexical redundancy rule. In other words, passives are called lexical when they display behaviour that is demonstrably adjectival, and are called transformational when their derived subjects are not their underlying objects (Wasow, 1977: 342-343). It follows that passives whose derived subjects are not their underlying direct objects should not be able to exhibit adjectival behaviour. Also, lexical but not transformational passives may undergo lexical rules, like category-changing rules. Wasow (1977: 343), working on the two passives, provides diagnostics for adjectival passives: prenominal adjective position; appearance as complements to verbs like to act, become, look, remain, seem and sound; prefixing of un, and degree modification by very. The requirements for transformational derivation are the following: passives of double object constructions; passives of the "accusative subject" construction; passives of idiom chunks; passives of to help and thank, and passives followed by predicative expressions like President which can appear after past participles and not ordinary adjectives. For example: Mary was elected President vs. * Mary was happy President (1977: 341-343).

The issue of distinction between verbal and adjectival passives is taken up again by Bresnan (1982) who centres the discussion on the three distributional diagnostic contexts and one morphological diagnostic test. The examples (1-3) are from Bresnan (1982: 29-31). The sentence in (1a) has a past participle considered with an adjectival complement. English adjectives do not take adjectival complements; the participle is hence a verb. The example in (1b) has the same form in the prenominal position of an adjective and is modified by very. Both characteristics support the adjectival reading.
(1)   a   Margaret's statement was considered     Verbal passive.

      b   That was a very considered statement.   Adjectival passive.

The sentence, as in (2a), contains a past participle (spared) followed by a second object noun phrase. English adjectives do not take noun phrase as objects; the participle is thus a verb. The participle in (2b) cannot take an object; it comes in a prenominal position and is clearly an adjective.
(2)   a   The prisoners were spared execution.   Verbal passive.

      b   The spared prisoners were freed.       Adjectival passive.

The "reversative" prefix un, as in (3a), is attached to the verb to indicate the reversal of the action denoted by the verb. As, for example, in load / unload. If the prefix un is attached to an adjective, for example happy / unhappy, it would have a negative meaning of not having the feature represented by the adjective. Bresan (1982) argues that the negative adjectival prefix un is not attached to verbs, although there is a verb to unzip or to unload but not to untouch. Therefore, the participles occurring with the negative adjectival prefix un, as untouched, are not verbs but adjectives. Bresnan's (1982) examples, as in (3a & b), further show that both verbal and adjectival participles can be followed by a "by + agent".
(3)   a   The jacket was unzipped by someone wearing   Verbal
          fingernail polish.

      b   The jacket was untouched by human hands.     Adjectival.

The generally accepted analysis of verbal passives is that the agent theta role is not assigned and accusative is absorbed. Following Levin & Rappaport (1986), the change of the verbal into adjectival passive accounts for the external role of the base form, the externalisation of the internal role, the absorption of case and the elimination of the [NP, VP] position. Levin & Rappaport (1986: 625-626) propose three diagnostic environments for adjectival passives. They repeat some of the arguments put forward by Wasow (1977) and Bresnan (1982) and they claim that:

* past participles prefixed with un are adjectival; * a past participle appearing as the complement of to seem, remain, sound and look is adjectival, not verbal; * only adjectives and not verbs occur as prenominal modifiers.

Some studies have proposed subtypes of adjectival passives with different syntactic and semantic properties. Embick (2004: 355-356), for example, deems the distinction between adjectival and verbal passive imprecise. He distinguishes among eventive passives (the term roughly corresponds to the verbal, ibid.) and two types of adjectival (stative) passives: resultative and stative. Resultative passives imply a state that is the result of a previous event, while the stative is a simple state, like a simple adjective. In many cases the two types are identical in form (e.g. closed); in other cases they have different forms (e.g. open--stative, opened--resultative). Embick (2004) analyses the two types of adjectives and notes that both adjectives are created syntactically using different functional heads. Following this, the two types of adjectives involve different aspect heads (heads which are the locus of participial morphology). Embick (2004: 363-364) goes on to claim that statives lack eventivity and are derived by the merge of the Aspect head to the root itself, without any verbal head. Resultatives denote a state that results from a prior event and consequently their structure must include a verbal head. But, according to Embick, resultatives are not agentive and the verbal head involved in their derivation cannot have the feature AG (agentivity). The following examples (2004: 356) reflect Embick's interpretation of the participle forms.

(4)       The door was opened.

      a   Eventive passive

          Someone opened the door.

      b   Resultative

          The door was in a state of having become open.
          (It requires a state resulting from an event).

He adds a third form. The form describes a simple state and is thus referred to as a stative.
(5)   c   Stative

          The door was open.

Embick notes that the resultative and the stative have distinct forms, though this is not always the case. To make an argument, he provides a diagnostic test to differentiate stative from resultative participles (the below examples are from Embick, 2004: 357-359):

2. Adverbial modification

Unlike pure statives, as in (6b), resultatives, as in (6a), allow adverbial modification (manner and others). In some cases an adverbial is possible with a stative but a resultative with the same adverbial has an additional reading.
(6)   a   The package remained carefully opened.

      b   * The package remained carefully open.

The only reading in (7a) is that the door was open at a recent point in the past and is (probably) no longer open. On the other hand, the reading in (7b) is twofold: 1. as in (7a): the door was in the opened state recently but probably is no longer; 2. the door is in the opened state, the opening having taken place recently.
(7)   a   The recently open door.

      b   The recently opened door.

2. Resultatives and statives after verbs: to build, create, make

The second test places the resultative or stative participle in an environment after a verb of creation, for example: to build, create, make. There is no contradiction between open which defines a simple state and the environment in which it occurs, as in (8a). Embick, however, notes that when the complement denotes a state resulting from a previous event, there is a contradiction, as in (8b), and the sentence is ill-formed and thus grammatically unacceptable. However, closed, as in (8c), is grammatical in this environment. It is stative and has no event like the resultative in (8b). Open is not typically seen as a participle.
(8)   a   This door was built open.       Stative

      b   * This door was built opened.   Resultative

      c   The door was built closed       Stative

3. Ability to serve as resultative secondary predicates

The third syntactic diagnostic test distinguishes statives and resultatives by their (in)ability to serve as resultative secondary predicates. This is another environment in which statives are possible but resultatives are not.
(9)   a   John kicked the door open.

      b   * John kicked the door opened.

      c   Bill drank the glass empty.

      d   * Bill drank the glass emptied.

4. Prefixation with un

The fourth syntactic diagnostic test is prefixation with un, generally restricted with statives, but applies with resultatives. Although there are some statives with un (e.g. unshaven), the general pattern is that un-prefixation comes with resultatives but not statives. Open is a stative, opened is a resultative; unopened is acceptable while *unopen is not.
(10)   unopened   * unopen

       unrotted   * unrotten

Kratzer (2000) has made a significant contribution to the discussion of statives. She (2000: 1-2) looks at the statives in German and proposes two subclasses that behave differently with respect to the adverb still (immer noch):

a. target state passives; b. resultant state passives.

Target state passives describe states that are reversible which is what the adverb still requires. On the other hand, resultant state passives convey that the event represented by the participle is over by now. The state is hence irreversible and is incompatible with the adverb still. Kratzer (2000: 14) concludes that the resultant state participles are less adjective-like than the target state participles given that the former are never gradable and never permit the degree modifier very. She, however, admits that the still diagnostic test is not absolutely reliable. Kratzer (2000: 2-3) refers to Parsons (1990) who draws parallel between the resultant state passives and the perfect construction, and who proposes the resultant state interpretation as an interpretation for the English perfect construction. If this is right, Kratzer writes, then the state passives in (11b) share the aspectual properties of the verbal passives in (11a). However, such a view is in conflict with the examples Kratzer gives, as in (12). She notes that there is a subtle difference in meaning. The meaning in (12a) is the following: the children have washed themselves, while in (12b) someone must have washed them. Kratzer concludes that "resultant state passives have perfect aspect, but they are not just elliptical versions of perfect forms of verbal passives" (2000: 4).
(11)    a   The mailbox has been emptied.        Verbal passive

        b   Der Briefkasten ist (* immer noch)   Resultant state
            geleert.                             passive.

            The mail box is (* still) emptied.

 (12)   a   Die Kinder sind (* immer noch)      Resultant state
           gewaschen.                          passive.

           The children are still washed.

       b   Die Kinder sind gewaschen worden.   Perfect form of
                                               the verbal

           * The children are washed gotten.

           The children have been washed.

In short, one of Kratzer's central arguments over the distinction between target state participles and resultant state participles rests on the following: resultant state participles are less adjective-like than the target state participles. They are never gradable and they never permit the degree modifier very.

Croatian does not mark the difference between verbal and adjectival passives overtly. For example, the same form of the verb biti (to be) + past participle is used in (13a-c). The sentences (13a-c) are taken from Belaj (2004: 18). The agent od klauna (by the clown), however, determines the verbal reading in (13a) while (13c) reads as a copula-adjective construction. Nasmijan covjek implies a quality or a feature typical of the person, independent of time where the external argument (1) is not accessible. On the other hand, the durative dverbial od jucer poslijepodne (since yesterday afternoon) stands for the adjectival passive reading. An important and recent contribution to the debate of passives has come from Belaj (2004). The understanding of adjectival passives is shaped by the cognitive domain, he notes. It is the cognitive domain that gives us an insight into the process of passivisation in the past. Following the importance of the cognitive domain for the analysis of adjectival passives, Belaj (2002, 2004) rests one of his central arguments on the distinction between a copula-adjective construction (a type of copula construction whose predicate is an adjectivised verbal participle) and adjectival passive, where the role of the durative adverbial, as in (13c), is seen as crucial. And if a state is the result of a prior event, then it also implies an external argument.
(13)   a   On je nasmijan od klauna.               Verbal passive.

       b   On je nasmijan covjek.                  Copula-adjective

       c   On je nasmijan od jucer poslijepodne.   Adjectival

This study is framed in the above theory, where, from this point on, the term adjectival resultatives is used to refer to participles that represent a state that is the result of a prior event but the context the past participle occurs in signals its currency. Adjectival resultatives are thus the construction we focused on in the study and the problem we shall focus on in the rest of the paper.

3. Aim

The aim of the study is to identify the syntactic features of adjectival resultatives in the source text (ST) and compare them with their translation pairs in the target text (TT) in order to detect any evidence of change on the syntactic level that occurred in translation.

4. Method

Our descriptive data was obtained from two legislative texts and official documents: "Plan prihvata broda u nevolji" (2008) and its English translation "Plan for the Acceptance of a Ship in Distress". The document is an integral part of the "Ordinance on places of refuge". The "Ordinance on places of refuge" establishes the basic guidelines and the legal framework which applies to the procedure in the case of a request for a place of refuge (the content of the "Plan for the Acceptance of a Ship in Distress"), to the responsibility of the authorities and their accountability in procedures following request for a place of refuge, and procedures for securing financial warranties for liability in the event of damage.

The Croatian corpus was a point of departure. Our first step was to differentiate verbal (eventive) from adjectival (stative) passives (see Table 1). Since both verbal and adjectival passives bear the same morphology, we could not rely on their morphology alone. We decided to test the accessibility of an external argument and the role of the durative adverbial. Those that had an external argument, even when not realised syntactically, were verbal passives. Both (unedited) sample sentences are from the studied parallel texts.

Secondly, we focused on adjectival passives in order to distinguish adjectival resultative from stative participles in the ST. As already stated, in this study the term adjectival resultatives refers to participles that represent a state that is the result of a prior event but the context the participle occurs in signals its currency. Unlike statives which imply a simple state, like a simple adjective (Embick, 2004).

We tested the characteristics of adjectival resultatives based on transitive verbs in order to satisfy the criteria for the use as an adjective. We did it by applying syntactic test which provided evidence for the adjectival resultative status of the extracted samples:

1. negative adjectival prefix un (ne);

2. adjectival gradation;

3. coordination with prototypical adjectives;

4. degree modification by very;

5. presence of durative adverbial.

We then analysed morphosyntactic properties of the isolated adjectival resultatives. The next step was to look for translation equivalents in the English corpus and investigate if a change on the syntactic level occurred in translation. We wanted to see whether adjectival resultatives in Croatian match their translational pairs in English.

5. Results

5.1. Adjectival resultatives in Croatian

In the following section we will present a representative sample and behaviour of adjectival resultative passives in the ST, based on transitive verbs but with respect to the applied test for the use as an adjective. Assigning the adjectival resultative status put emphasis on the response to the following diagnostics:

1. negative adjectival prefix un (ne);

2. adjectival gradation;

3. coordination with prototypical adjectives;

4. degree modification by very;

5. presence of durative adverbial.

The translation of the selected Croatian samples presented in the Results section is only to help understand the extracted samples. A translationally relevant analysis is presented in the paper later. All translated sentences are from the English corpus.

The analysis generated a major finding: a high number of occurrences of adjectival resultatives. There is ample evidence to confirm the occurrence and complexity of adjectival resultatives in the Croatian corpus. A total of 33 adjectival resultative passives was found. The findings are now organised into two subgroups: a) those confirming the diagnostics in a minimum of three tests (N=19), as in Table 2, and b) those confirming the fifth test, i.e. the presence of durative adverbial, while the number of positive response to the diagnostics is less than three, (N = 14), as shown in Table 4.

The findings below (Table 2) display the number of adjectival resultatives examined, and the ratio of the adjectival resultatives with relation to the applied test for the use as an adjective. Despite the difference among the aptitude of adjectival resultatives, the findings clearly show that the presence of durative adverbial (either explicit or implicit in the context) is the most common diagnostic for adjectival resultatives in Croatian. In the corpus sample of 33 (see Tables 2 & 4) one diagnostic test occurs with a frequency strikingly greater than all others: durative adverbial (N=33). Coordination with prototypical adjectives (N=17), for example: zaklonjeno i sigurno (sheltered and safe), comes second in the rank of frequency. It is another evidence for the adjectival nature of the past participles.

Significant is the negative prefix un (N=10), the meaning of not having the characteristic represented by the adjective. For example: ugodan / neugodan (pleasant / unpleasant), sretan / nesretan (happy / unhappy). The negative prefix un (ne) is not attached to Croatian verbs, therefore the past participles occurring with un (ne) are adjectives. The lowest proportion of adjectival resultatives is demonstrated when adjectival gradation diagnostic is applied (N=7). Even though the number of cases is not high, the found adjectival resultative passives display comparative morphology, which again proves that the participle

has been transformed into an adjective, for example: zaklonjen, zaklonjeniji (sheltered, more sheltered). Examples in Table 3 reinforce the interpretation of adjectival resultatives.

Durative adverbials are important in adjectival resultative readings in Croatian. The corpus data supported the adjectival resultative readings in a smaller but interesting number of instances (N=14) that passed the fifth diagnostic while the number of responses to diagnostics is less than three (see Table 4). The durative adverbial, for example jos uvijek (still), implies that the time for which the past participle stands and extends over the relevant (current) reference time.

Neprikazan (not shown), for example, is interesting. Its reading is twofold: not having the characteristic represented by the adjective, and the negation of prikazan (shown), which is the meaning conveyed in the text. Je li sidro spusteno? (Anchor released?) accounts for the acceptability of the adjectival resultative reading and for increased acceptability of reading in a different context. The sentence, as in (15a), can have both verbal and adjectival reading. If, however, we read the sentence as embedded in the context "Checklist - Ship accidents and breakdowns" (15b), then the reading is verbal, the meaning is 'the job is done'. Yet, if we read the sentence in a different natural setting, if the context provides an interpretation with a clear resultant state, then its adjectival resultative reading, as in (15c), improves significantly. Also, if we transform the interrogative into declarative statement, then the sentence Sidro je (jos uvijek) spusteno (The anchor is still released) is acceptable, as in (15d).
(15)   a   Je li sidro spusteno?             Verbal and adjectival

           Anchor released?

       b   Je li sidro spusteno?             Verbal passive.

           Anchor released?

       c   Je li sidro (jos uvijek)          Adjectival resultative
           spusteno?                         passive.

           Is the anchor (still) released?

       d   Sidro je (jos uvijek) spusteno?   Adjectival resultative

           The anchor is (still) released.

5.2. Croatian adjectival resultatives in translation

The analysis of the change / retention of the adjectival resultative in translation is shown in Tables 5-9. Sixteen out of 19 scrutinised adjectival resultatives in the ST (Table 2) were translated into adjectival resultatives in the TT (Table 5). The count was restricted to those cases for which an adjectival resultative-to-adjectival resultative counterpart would be available, that is, an adjectival resultative-to-adjectival resultative form in the ST was rendered as such in the TT, 16 examples in total. The un-prefixation and durative adverbial ranked highest when the diagnostics was applied in the TT, followed by coordination with prototypical adjectives. Adjectival gradation scored lowest.

Three adjectival resultatives from the ST did not result in the translation pair. One adjectival resultative was translated into an adjective (difficult), one into a verb (shall pass), and one was translated into the participle (released). This study analysed the occurrence of to be + participle forms.

Before we turn to more specific focus, it is worth considering interesting findings shown in Table 6. Table 6 shows how extracted samples in the ST match their counterparts in the TT. They account for behaviour concerning the same diagnostics applied in the ST and the TT.

While neizlozen, as in (16), is not accepted in Croatian, unexposed is entering English (the meaning of not having been exhibited or brought to public notice, e.g. 'Andy Warhol's Unexposed Exposures at Steven Kasher Gallery').
               ST                    TT

(16)   1. * neizlozen        1. is unexposed       Zaklonjeno podrucje
          manjem utjecaju;      to;                je svako podrucje u
       2. ili je             2. is more exposed    unutrasnjim morskim
          izlozeniji;           to;                vodama ili
       3. ili je izlozen     3. is exposed and     teritorijalnom moru
          i podlozan;           open to;           na kojem je brod
       4. ili je jako        4. is very exposed;   izlozen manjem
          izlozen;           5. is still           utjecaju vjetra i
       5. ili je jos            exposed.           mora, bez obzira
          uvijek izlozen.                          plovi li, pluta ili
                                                   je usidren.

                                                   A sheltered area is
                                                   any area in the
                                                   internal sea waters
                                                   or territorial sea
                                                   in which a ship is
                                                   less exposed to the
                                                   effects of wind and
                                                   sea, regardless of
                                                   whether it is
                                                   floating or is

Table 7 displays an increase in the un-prefixation rate in the TT. Such examples (N=8) respond to the five-item diagnostics in the TT now.

The next step was to analyse the change / retention of adjectival resultative in 14 cases that complied with the durative adverbial while the number of responses to diagnostic testing was less than three in the ST (see Table 4). Seven did not have a counterpart in the TT, four cases retained the adjectival resultative reading (Table 8) and three kept the adjectival resultative reading while also increasing the number of diagnostics (Table 9).

As already pointed out, three cases (Table 9) showed a significant increase in diagnostics, from two in the ST (coordination with prototypical adjective and durative adverbial) to three in the TT (un-prefixation, coordination with prototypical adjective and durative adverbial). However, the presented sample in Table 9 can have a twofold reading. A sheltered area is listed, the job is done (verbal passive), but it can also be read as a state that is the result of a previous event, a sheltered area that is still listed.

6. Discussion

In this study we investigated syntactic features of adjectival resultatives in the Croatian text (ST) and compared them with their translation pairs in the English text (TT) in order to detect any evidence of overlap on the syntactic level. Adjectival resultatives needed to fulfil the criteria for the use as an adjective. The criteria provided the acceptability for adjectival resultative reading. To do this we framed our analysis and discussion in the works of Wasow (1977), Bresnan (1982), Kratzer (2000), Embick (2004) and Belaj (2002, 2004).

Although verbal and adjectival passives are morphologically very close to each other, certain morphological and syntactic environments clearly distinguish between them. This study has provided evidence of adjectival resultatives and their occurrence in the two parallel legislative texts, the corpus sample of 33. We applied the following diagnostics: negative adjectival prefix un (ne), adjectival gradation, coordination with prototypical adjectives, degree modification by very, and presence of durative adverbial. The study shows that most tests for adjectival resultatives work in Croatian. However, the key to understanding the adjectival resultatives in the ST is the durative adverbial, already recognised by Belaj (2002, 2004). The action represented by the past participle is not set in the present time frame, the external argument is not accessible, but the action materialises in the cognitive domain of the speaker and signals a correlation between the passive and active. In other words, adjectival resultatives include in the interpretation an event which is reconstructed in order to accommodate the role of the external agent.

Looking at the evidence from this small corpus, and considering the findings of the analysis, we may say that our study differs from Embick (2004) who does not consider the inclusion of a verbal head with an agentivity feature in his interpretation of resultatives. At this point, however, we may agree with Kratzer (2000) who usefully distinguishes between target and resultant state passives applying the still (immer noch) diagnostic test where target state passives describe states that are reversible, which is what the adverb still requires. They are also gradable and they permit the degree modifier very.

The results of this study also show that the extracted sentences in the ST responded positively to adjectival resultative diagnostics. Apart from the durative adverbial, coordination with prototypical adjectives, prefixing of un (ne), degree modification by very and adjectival gradation, additional contextual support reinforced the adjectival resultative reading of the studied sentences. It was also important to observe the behaviour of un-prefixation in the TT. Their occurrence increased in the TT and as a result such adjectival resultatives responded to the five-item diagnostics for the use as an adjective in the TT.

7. Conclusion

The focus of the article was the nature of adjectival resultatives in two parallel texts: Croatian (ST) and English (TT). This study has found strong evidence that adjectival resultatives occur in both legislative texts. The evidence was provided by the crosslinguistic analysis of behaviour that adjectival resultatives display with regard to their responses to the diagnostics for the use as an adjective.

Following the findings presented in the Results section, there is every reason to conclude that the adjectival resultatives in the two texts imply a state that is the result of a previous event. In the ST, they mostly respond to the durative adverbial diagnostic testing and they also overwhelmingly respond to the coordination with prototypical adjectives diagnostic. While in the TT, they largely respond to the un-prefixation and durative adverbial diagnostics. Yet, the adjectival gradation diagnostic scores lowest in both texts.

Another point we would like to make, and it is a challenge for any study, is that adjectival resultative passives are generally shaped and determined by pragmatics. We can conclude that the formation depends more on the context than the grammar or lexicon and that it would be misleading to judge adjectival resultative passive formation on grammatical grounds only. The context, cognitive domain and interpretation are important. Furthermore, to understand the relation between grammar and pragmatics is essential when approaching semantics.

There is also the question of occurrence within particular types of written text: most passives occur in technical and legislative texts. The fact that this study is able to show passive is an integral characteristic of the genre, and as genres reflect different environments it is interesting to investigate the occurrence of specific grammatical categories in specific contexts.

The findings of the presented study are significant for several reasons. They stem from the corpus study and as such they provide solid evidence for the existence of adjectival resultative passives. But they also highlight the important role of cognitive domain in the interpretation of adjectival resultative passives. It is also an attempt to attach weight to the contextual conditions in which adjectival resultatives occur. Although the construction under consideration is complex, we hope that we have made a further contribution to the debate of past participles by offering evidence from a small corpus of legislative pair texts. This is another in a series of our attempts to study the positioning and frequency of past participles within a particular genre.

8. Directions for further research

The research results put forward areas for further research. Adjectival passives discussed in the paper are semantically close to se passives with qualitative-generic meanings, for example: Nakon smjestaja broda na mjesto zaklonista, clanovima posade broda nije dopusteno slobodno kretanje kopnom (After accommodating the ship in a place of refuge, the ship's crew is not permitted to communicate with the shore ...) / ne dopusta se slobodno kretanje brodom. The question for further research would be to investigate the nature of structures with qualitative meaning.


We would like to thank Anne Marie Foerster Luu for her invaluable comments on a draft of this paper.


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Bozana Knezevic

Irena Brdar

Faculty of Maritime Studies, Rijeka,

(1) The term external argument is used as in Levinn & Rappaport (1986). "It appears external to the AP headed by the related adjectival passive participle (ibid: 624)".

(2) In the interpretation of the sample as an adjectivised passive with a durative adverbial jos uvijek (still) the importance of the context is observed. We can assume that the context refers to every ship and every crew. It is not explicitly stated that the ship has or has not been previously accommodated in a place of refuge. The context is also short of explicitly stating whether the crew was permitted to communicate with the shore if the ship had previously been accommodated in a place of refuge. Two contexts and two interpretations would thus be possible. One referring to the first accommodation of the ship in a place of refuge where the jos uvijek (still) interpretation would not be acceptable--the crew aboard a ship underway could not have communicated with the shore, and the other conveying the meaning that the ship has first entered a port but the crew was not permitted to communicate with the shore. The ship was then accommodated in a place of refuge where the crew was still not permitted to communicate with the shore.

(3) This context did not verify the diagnostics. In a different context, however, a ship could be exposed to a more or less intense threat. Such a case would then verify the diagnostics.
Table 1 Verbal (eventive) and adjectival (stative) passives

Diagnostics                       Sample sentence

Mora biti                 Svako premjestanje broda iz       Verbal
odobreno od ... /         mjesta zaklonista mora biti       (eventive)
must be approved by ...   odobreno od dezurnog sluzbenika
                          Nacionalne sredisnjice.
(presence of an
agent and the event       Any relocation of a ship from
represented by the        the place of refuge must be
participle implies        approved by the on-duty officer
that the task is          of the RCC.

Clanovima posade          Nakon smjestaja broda na mjesto   Adjectival
broda nije (jos           zaklonista, clanovima posade      (stative)
uvijek) dopusteno ... /   broda nije dopusteno slobodno
the crew is (still) not   kretanje kopnom, osim za
permitted.                obavljanje nuznih poslova na
                          odrzavanju sigurnosti broda
The state (the crew is    odnosno sprecavanju ili
still not permitted)      uklanjanju oneciscenja. (2)
is the result of a
previous event:           After accommodating the ship in
permission to             a place of refuge, the ship's
communicate with the      crew is not permitted to
shore was not given at    communicate with the shore,
some point.               except in the event of
                          conducting essential activities
                          on maintaining the safety of
                          the ship or preventing or
                          removal of pollution.

Table 2 Overall response to diagnostics in the ST


                                   1.                          3.
                                Negative                  Coordination
Total                          adjectival        2.           with
number of                        prefix      Adjectival   prototypical
sentences                       un (ne)      gradation     adjectives

            Number of cases        10            7             17
             that pass the

19                                 10            7             17

Total                            Degree          5.
number of                     modification    Durative
sentences                       by very      adverbials

            Number of cases        11            19
             that pass the

19                                 11            19

Table 3 Diagnostics of adjectival resultatives

              Diagnostics                    Sample sentence

1-5   1. ako je nezaklonjeno;       Odredeno mjesto ili morsko
      2. ako je zaklonjenije;       podrucje valja smatrati
      3. ako nije ni zaklonjeno     neprimjerenim za smjestaj broda
         ni sigurno;                ako:
      4. ako nije jako
         zaklonjeno;                * nije zaklonjeno od
      5. jos uvijek nije              prevladavajucih vjetrova i
         zaklonjeno.                  valova; ...

                                    A place or a sea area shall be
                                    considered unsuitable for
                                    accommodation of a ship if:

                                    * it is not sheltered from
                                      prevailing winds and waves; ...

2-5   1. * ako je zapovjednik       Zahtjev za dodjelom mjesta
         neuvjeren;                 zaklonista valja smatrati potpunim
      2. uvjereniji;                ako je zapovjednik:
      3. ako je zapovjednik
         uvjeren i siguran;         * prikupio podatke o stanju broda,
      4. ako je zapovjednik           okoline i mozebitnoj prijetnji
         jako uvjeren;                ljudima, brodu i morskom
      5. ako je zapovjednik jos       okolisu;
         uvijek uvjeren.            * procijenio stupanj opasnosti i
                                      zakljucio da ne postoji
                                      neposredna i ozbiljna prijetnja
                                    * uvjeren da bi nastavak putovanja
                                      znacio izlaganje broda povecanim
                                      opasnostima ...

                                    The request for granting of a
                                    place of refuge should be
                                    considered complete if the

                                    * has gathered data about the
                                      state of the ship, environment
                                      and possible threat to human
                                      lives, the ship and marine
                                    * evaluated level of danger and
                                      concluded that there is no
                                      direct and serious threat to
                                    * is convinced that continuation
                                      of the voyage means exposing the
                                      ship to more serious danger ...

1,    1. ili je neusidren;          Popravak stroja, trupa ili druge
3&5   2. * ili je usidreniji;       opreme obavlja se u pravilu u
      3. ili je usidren i           granicama teritorijalnog mora na
         siguran;                   brodu koji pluta ili je usidren,
      4. * ili je jako usidren;     prema zahtjevu zapovjednika. Kada
      5. ili je od jucer usidren.   je to moguce u slucaju potrebe
                                    plutanja duzeg od 4 sata ili
                                    tijekom noci brod treba sidriti.

                                    The repair of the ship's
                                    machinery, hull or other equipment
                                    on the ship floating or anchored
                                    shall normally be conducted within
                                    the borders of the territorial
                                    sea, according to the request of
                                    the shipmaster. When this is
                                    possible, in the case of floating
                                    longer than 4 hours or during
                                    the night, the ship should be

Table 4 Presence of durative adverbials (selected samples)

               Diagnostics                    Sample sentence

3&5   1. * neprikazani su;             Svi brodovi koji traze mjesto
      2. * prikazaniji su;             zaklonista moraju imati
      3. prikazani su i vidljivi u     osiguranje do granica
         prilogu;                      ogranicenja odgovornosti
      4. * jako su prikazani;          sukladno Protokolu iz 1996.
      5. jos uvijek su prikazani u     godine na Konvenciju o
         prilogu.                      pomorskim trazbinama, 1976.
                                       Primjeri potvrde o
                                       financijskom jamstvu i P&I
                                       osiguranju prikazani su u

                                       All ships requesting a place
                                       of refuge must have insurance
                                       to the amount of the
                                       limitation of liability in
                                       accordance with the Protocol
                                       from 1996 on the Convention on
                                       limitation of liability for
                                       maritime claims, 1976. An
                                       example of a certificate of a
                                       financial security and P&I
                                       insurance is shown in the

      1. * Je li sidro nespusteno?     Je li sidro spusteno?
      2. * Je li sidro spustenije?
      3. --;
      4. * Je li sidro jako
      5. Je li sidro jos uvijek        Anchor released?

Table 5 Overall responses to diagnostics in the TT


                                   1.                          3.
                                Negative                  Coordination
Total                          adjectival        2.           with
number of                        prefix      Adjectival   prototypical
sentences                       un (ne)      gradation     adjectives

            Number of cases        16            9             14
             that pass the

16                                 16            9             14

Total                            Degree          5.
number of                     modification    Durative
sentences                       by very      adverbials

            Number of cases        10            16
             that pass the

16                                 10            16

Table 6 Adjectival resultative-to-adjectival resultative
translation (unchanged form)

Total                Diagnostics                 Sample sentence

7       1-5   1. is unsheltered;           Odredeno mjesto ili morsko
              2. is more sheltered;        podrucje valja smatrati
              3. is not sheltered nor      neprimjerenim za smjestaj
                 safe from ... ;           broda ako:
              4. is not very sheltered;
              5. is still not sheltered.   * nije zaklonjeno od
                                             prevladavajucih vjetrova
                                             i valova; ...

                                           A place or a sea area shall
                                           be considered unsuitable
                                           for accommodation of a ship

                                           * it is not sheltered from
                                             prevailing winds and
                                             waves; ...

3       1-4   1. is unexposed;             Procjenu okolnosti obavlja
              2. * (threats to which       dezurni sluzbenik
                 it) is more exposed       Nacionalne sredisnjice.
                 (context);                Procjena okolnosti sastoji
              3. (threats to which it)     se od:
                 is exposed and open;
              4. (threats to which it)     * prikupljanja podataka o
                 is very exposed;            brodu, njegovim opcim
              5. it is still exposed.        obiljezjima te
                                             prijetnjama kojima je
                                             izlozen ... (3)

                                           The assessment of
                                           circumstances shall be
                                           conducted by the on-duty
                                           officer of the RCC. The
                                           assessment of the
                                           circumstances consists of:

                                           * collecting data about
                                             the ship, its general
                                             characteristics and
                                             threats to which it is
                                             exposed ...

6       1,    1. is unfounded;             Mjesto zaklonista uz obalu
        3&5   2. * is more founded;        nece se predloziti ako:
              3. not founded nor
                 complete;                 * zahtjev nije utemeljen
              4. * the request is very       ili zapovjednik broda
                 founded;                    odbija pruziti potrebna
              5. the request is still        objasnjenja i podatke;
                                           A place of refuge along the
                                           coast shall not be proposed

                                           * the request is not
                                             founded or ...

Table 7 Un-prefixation in the ST and the TT

Total               Diagnosis                    Sample sentence

              ST                TT

        1. * ako je       1. is             Zahtjev za dodjelom mjesta
           zapovjednik       unconvinced;   zaklonista valja smatrati
           neuvjeren;     2. is more        potpunim ako je
        2. uvjereniji;       convinced;     zapovjednik:
        3. ako je         3. is
           zapovjednik       convinced      * prikupio podatke o
           uvjeren i         and sure;        stanju broda, okoline i
           siguran;       4. is very          mozebitnoj prijetnji
        4. ako je            convinced;       ljudima, brodu i morskom
           zapovjednik    5. is still         okolisu,
           jako              convinced.     * procijenio stupanj
           uvjeren;                           opasnosti i zakljucio da
        5. ako je                             ne postoji neposredna i
           zapovjednik                        ozbiljna prijetnja
           jos uvijek                         ljudima,
           uvjeren.                         * uvjeren da bi nastavak
                                              putovanja znacio
                                              izlaganje broda
                                              opasnostima ...

                                            The request for granting
                                            of a place of refuge
                                            should be considered
                                            complete if the

                                            has gathered data about
                                            the state of the ship,
                                            environment and possible
                                            threat to human lives, the
                                            ship and marine
                                            * evaluated level of
                                              danger and concluded
                                              that there is no direct
                                              and serious threat to
                                            * is convinced that
                                              continuation of the
                                              voyage means exposing
                                              the ship to more serious
                                              danger ...

Table 8 Adjectival resultative-to-adjectival resultative
translations from the ST into the TT

Total               Diagnosis                    Sample sentence

              ST                TT

        1. clanovima      1. the crew is    Nakon smjestaja broda na
           posade            unpermitted    mjesto zaklonista,
           broda je          to;            clanovima posade broda
           nedopusteno    2. * is more      nije dopusteno slobodno
           slobodno          permitted;     kretanje kopnom, osim za
           kretanje;      3. * it is        obavljanje nuznih poslova
        2. * nije            neither        na odrzavanju sigurnosti
           dopustenije;      permitted      broda odnosno sprecavanju
        3. * clanovima       nor            ili uklanjanju
           posade            acceptable;    oneciscenja.
           broda nije     4. * it is
           dopusteno ni      not very       After accommodating the
           pozeljno          permitted;     ship in a place of refuge,
           slobodno       5. it is          the ship's crew is not
           kretanje;         still not      permitted to communicate
        4. * nije jako       permitted.     with the shore, except in
           dopusteno;                       the event of conducting
        5. jos uvijek                       essential activities on
           nije                             maintaining the safety of
          dopusteno.                        the ship or preventing or
                                            removal of pollution.


Table 9 Adjectival resultative-to-adjectival resultative
translation--increased diagnostics

Total               Diagnosis                     Sample sentence

               ST                TT

        1. * koje je       1. which is       Mjesto zaklonista jest
           kao takvo          unlisted       luka, dio luke ili
           nenavedeno u       as such;       zaklonjeno pristaniste
           poglavlju 5;    2. * which is     ili sidriste odnosno
        2. * navedenije;      more listed;   drugo zaklonjeno podrucje
        3. koje je         3. which is       koje je kao takvo
           kao takvo          listed and     navedeno u poglavlju 5.
           navedeno i         visible;       ovog Plana.
           vidljivo u      4. * which is
           poglavlju 5;       very listed;   A place of refuge means a
        4. * koje je kao   5. which is       port, part of a port or
           takvo jako         still          sheltered pier or
           navedeno;          listed.        anchorage or other
        5. koje je kao                       sheltered area which is
           takvo jos                         listed as such in chapter
           uvijek                            5 of this Plan.

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Author:Knezevic, Bozana; Brdar, Irena
Publication:Suvremena Lingvistika
Date:Jul 1, 2010
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