On the diverse duties of the servants of Princes: Lorenz Beger (1653-1705), librarian, antiquarian, and court poet in Heidelberg.
Outlines of Beger's life are to be found in Jocher's Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon and in Zedler's Grosses Universal Lexicon, which provides a reference to the most detailed biographical source. This is Memoires Concernant les Vies et les Ouvrages de plusieurs Modernes Celebres dans la Republique des Lettres, by Mr Ancillon, one of the chief representatives of the Huguenot community in Berlin, an intellectual and lawyer, whose Memoires contain a section of over thirty printed sides dedicated to the life and works of Beger. (2) Ancillon provides little information about Beger's youth except that his father encouraged him to pursue his innate scholarly interests. Intending his son to enter the church, he prevailed upon Beger, a student at Heidelberg University, to exchange the study of law for that of theology. Beger clearly did not share his father's aspirations and after his death resumed his legal studies. Such was his progress that he caught the attention of Elector Karl Ludwig, who in 1675 decided to appoint the twenty-two-year-old student librarian to the electoral library. Ancillon remarks that this act of patronage required that Beger extend the scope of his studies to include the study of languages. Why Beger should find it necessary to acquire a knowledge of foreign languages in order to fulfil his new duties becomes clear when one examines his massive hand-written folio volume of over 650 sides in which he listed all the works in the electoral library. This catalogue, now held in the Landesbibliothek in Kassel, is illuminating for what it indicates about princely collections of the period and particularly for what it implies about the interests of Karl Ludwig. (3) The references to works by Lope de Vega, Ariosto, Guarini, Marino, Rabelais, Cyrano de Bergerac, Moliere, and Thomas and Pierre Corneille reflect the familiarity with Spanish and particularly with Italian and French cultures typical of an educated German nobleman of the period. Equally they support Karl Ludwig's reputation as a talented linguist who had a keen interest in poetry and theatre; the presence, for example, of an edition of Les Femmes scavantes published a year after the play's first performance in 1672 suggests that Karl Ludwig kept abreast of developments in French theatre. As one would expect, festival books are listed, among these descriptions of the festivities that celebrated the marriage of his father, Friedrich V, the future Winterkonig, to Elizabeth Stuart, daughter of James I of England, in 1613. (4) Given Karl Ludwig's connections with England, the fact that he spent a period of exile during the Thirty Years' War in London, and that his brother, Prince Rupert, was a leading commander in the Royalist army, it is not surprising that there should be a number of works listed that deal with the course of British politics at this time, among these England's Confusion during its Interregu, the end of this 'confusion' then signalled by the references to two accounts of the coronation of Charles II. The Elector's English heritage is also evident in the large number of English works in his collection. His appreciation of Shakespeare is well known and the catalogue duly contains references to various editions of Shakespeare's works. In addition to this, his library included the poetry of Donne and Herbert, various editions of Sidney's Arcadia, and Sir Walter Raleigh's Instructions to his Sonne. The presence of Fifty Comedies and Tragedies written by Francis Beaumont and John Fletcher Gentlemens, published in 1679, a year before the Elector's death, provides further evidence of the Elector's love of theatre. By contrast there are relatively few German works listed. The interest in drama is reflected in references to the comedies of Frischlin and Leo Armenius by Gryphius, with whom the Elector was acquainted, while the presence of Paul Fleming's Teutsche Poemata and Anton Ulrich's Christ Furstl. Davids Harpfen Spiel and an edition of Fortfuhrung der Pegnitz Schaferey may suggest a taste for German poetry. In addition, copies of Sigmund von Birken's Churfurstl. Brandenburgischer Ulysses and Donau-Strandt are listed.
In addition to languages, preferment by his patron led Beger to apply himself to other areas of study, imprecisely summarized by Ancillon as 'les sciences les plus belles et les plus utiles' (Memoires, p. 433). Further into Ancillon's account it becomes clear that among these was the study of the art of classical antiquity, a course determined by Karl Ludwig's decision to establish a collection of coins and other artefacts from Ancient Greece and Rome. The Elector's desire to create his own Kunstkammer is a manifestation of a cultural phenomenon characteristic of European rulers since the Renaissance. As the familiar synonym Raritatenkammer, and the title of one of the most famous sixteenth-century collections in the Empire, the Kunstoder Wunder-Camern of Archduke Ferdinand II of Tyrol, suggest, the princely Kunstkammer was based on a concern for the unique and the unusual. (5) The desire to amass what was rare and costly, be it coins, gems, clocks, mathematical instruments, porcelain, books, or paintings, has been interpreted in a variety of ways. Just as patronage of magnificent architecture reflected the grandeur of the prince, so the cultivation of a connoisseur's collection was a mark of princely prestige. It was a means by which a prince could achieve a form of personal memorial in posterity, the collections of individual princes bearing the stamp of their own particular interests. (6) Coupled with this was the belief that princely collections represented a microcosm; such collections brought together unusual natural phenomena, examples of technical skill as well as works of artistic merit, and as such could claim to reflect the world in miniature. (7) With the exploration of the Americas and Africa and the expansion of trade with the Orient, princely collections often brought together examples from diverse traditions in art, history, and science, which served only to underpin the claim to universality. (8) From this perspective the Kunstkammer functioned as an 'Enzyklopadie alles Wissbaren', a place of education helpful to scholars of all disciplines and to artists, for whom the collections provided an opportunity to study the technique of acclaimed masters. (9) Karl Ludwig's particular interest in coins was by no means unique. It was shared for example by his daughter, Elisabeth Charlotte, otherwise known as Liselotte of the Pfalz, sister-in-law of Louis XIV, by Queen Christine of Sweden, and by the Great Elector. It is perhaps helpful to view this interest in antique artefacts within the context of the seventeenth-century preoccupation with the heroes of classical mythology and the rulers of ancient Greece and Rome, regularly used by the rulers of the period and their artists to underpin the ideology of absolutism. This is as much evident in the statues and paintings of classical incorporations of princely virtues that decorate Baroque palaces and gardens as it is in the parallels drawn by court poets between Alexander or Caesar and their princely patron. (10) Given the seventeenth-century practice of depicting rulers a la antique, it seems likely that ancient coins were regarded as a useful source of information about the manner of presentation of rulers from antiquity. Moreover, the argument that these coins acted as a vehicle of morality also seems plausible, in that they highlighted the values and virtues attributed to individual rulers. (11)
Whatever theoretical explanation underlies Karl Ludwig's collection, for Beger, initially ignorant in the art of antiquity but who had been singled out by Karl Ludwig to be trained as its custodian, the arrival in Heidelberg of the classical coins from Italy meant learning quickly. It was Karl Ludwig's wish that Beger study numismatics and the Elector even gave him instruction in this area himself. Some idea of the pressure on Beger is conveyed by an incident described by Ancillon. Having been ordered to arrange the collection chronologically, the as yet inexperienced Beger was the subject of public humiliation when the Elector, who had brought a company of distinguished guests to inspect his acquisitions, found fault with Beger's work. According to the report this criticism so mortified Beger that his health suffered and he afterwards applied himself with such determination to his studies that in a relatively short time he became an acknowledged authority in this area. In 1685 he published his first work in this field, Thesaurus ex thesauro Palatino selectus, a publication containing descriptions of the finest examples from the Palatine collection. (12) Also in this year significant changes occurred, affecting Beger's areas of responsibility. Karl Ludwig's heir, Karl II, the last representative of the Pfalz-Simmern line died. As a result the electoral library was despatched to the court of Hessen-Kassel, the home of Karl Ludwig's wife, and the collection of antiquities became the inheritance of his cousin, Friedrich Wilhelm of Brandenburg, who already possessed his own Antiken- Kunst- und Naturalienkammer. Friedrich Wilhelm's interests as a collector dated from a period of study in the Netherlands in the 1630s, during which he became acquainted with the artefacts from Eastern Asia brought back to Europe by the Dutch East India Company, examples of which he purchased for the Brandenburg Kunstkammer. (13) His collection of coins also dates from his period of residence in the Netherlands, his interest in classical artefacts being further stimulated by his stay immediately after his succession in 1640 in Cleves, a territory rich in Roman remains. (14) Of his collection of antiquities the coin collection represented a significant holding, an inventory of 1649 listing 4,900 coins. (15) Over the next twenty years the collection was increased by about a thousand pieces, and was then doubled at a stroke with the arrival of the Palatine collection in 1686. Beger was charged with the delivery of this collection to Friedrich Wilhelm, who was at the time residing in Cleves. The facts suggest that Beger's reputation as an authority was firmly established and that his competence was regarded as a commodity worth purchasing, for he was offered and accepted a position in Brandenburg service as 'Rath, Antiquario und Bibliothecario' (Zedler, III, col. 916). He remained in Brandenburg service from 1686 until his death in 1705. In 1688, under Friedrich Wilhelm's successor, Elector Friedrich III, later Friedrich I, King in Prussia, he was put in charge of the Antiken-Kabinett, and in 1693 he was appointed to the senior post of director (erster Kunstkammerer) with responsibility for nearly all the Brandenburg collections. (16)
The importance attached to the development of the arts and sciences during the reign of Friedrich III/I is well known. His establishment of the Societas Regia Scientarum in 1700, known as the Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften from 1711, is generally perceived as a reflection of his belief that the cultivation of learning was among the duties of a prince and that this patronage contributed to the greater glory of the patron. The Brandenburg collections also benefited from this conviction and were expanded massively at this time. Beger, who according to Ancillon was one of the first members of the Prussian Academy, was therefore in a propitious environment in which to further his own scholarship. Among his achievements in these years is his Thesaurus Brandenburgicus selectus, the three volumes of which appeared in 1696, 1698, and 1701, the final volume being dedicated to Friedrich on the occasion of his coronation in Konigsberg that year. (17) These volumes, which incorporated an amended and improved version of the Thesaurus ex Thesauro Palatino selectus, contained discussions of a large number of the coins and classical artefacts in Brandenburg possession. These objects were depicted in engravings, some taken from the original Thesaurus ex Thesauro Palatino and others by Beger's nephew and successor, Johann Carl Schott. The discussion took the form of dialogue in which the interested amateur, Archaeophilus, who had travelled to Berlin, asked questions of Dulodorus, the keeper of the collection, a figure thinly disguised as Beger himself. According to a contemporary critic quoted by Ancillon, this technique allowed Beger to pose those questions that demanded the answers he regarded as the most instructive for the reader (Memoires, p. 453). The critic outlines the substance of the work in these terms: 'Ce Tresor renferme abondamment des pierres precieuses gravees, tres belles et tres rares; des Medailles Greques et Romaines fort recherchees et curieuses; et plusieurs antiques, savoir Statues, Images, Bas-reliefs, Urnes, Lampes, Instruments des Anciens etc.' (Memoires, p. 452). A possible inference to be drawn from the fact that copies of the first two volumes were sent to Louis XIV is that Friedrich regarded the appearance of the Thesaurus as a means of publicizing Brandenburg's role as patron of the arts and learning. Certainly within learned circles Beger's works were well known and the Thesaurus provided fellow scholars in the art of antiquity with detailed knowledge of the Brandenburg collection. As a result of the publication of the Thesaurus Brandenburgicus, the collection of antiquities and coins ceased to be regarded as a part of the collections of other art works and natural phenomena, and became a discrete entity. Today Beger is credited with having established the first museum of antiquities in Northern Europe and is regarded as a direct precursor of Winkelmann (see Heres, p. 69, and Groschel, p. 97).
The relationship between Beger and his patrons described up to now highlights the positive if demanding impact of the court on Beger's career in encouraging his potential as a scholar. An incident at the Palatine court demonstrates how the service of princes could lead into more controversial areas. While the story of Karl Ludwig's two simultaneous marriages is relatively well known, Beger's involvement in this affair is not. (18) In February 1650 Karl Ludwig married Charlotte of Hessen-Kassel. In the first two years of this marriage two children were born, Karl, by all accounts a sickly child, and the more robust Elisabeth Charlotte (1652-1721). By 1653 tensions were developing between the couple. Charlotte, described by one contemporary source as a 'kraftige Amazone' (see Moersch, p. 362), took pleasure in horses, hunting, and a more extravagant way of life than her husband, whose own behaviour was characterized by a personal austerity determined by his duties as ruler of an impoverished territory. (19) As relations with his wife cooled, Karl fell in love with one of her ladies-in-waiting, Luise von Degenfeld (1634-77). After Charlotte's discovery in 1657 of a form of contract in which the Elector and Luise declared they loved and honoured each other as man and wife, a furore broke out, which led Karl, as head of his church, to take the contentious step of declaring a divorce between himself and Charlotte. Although Charlotte was adamant in her rejection of the divorce, the legality of which she disputed, the marriage of Luise and Karl Ludwig followed in January 1658. Obdurate, Charlotte remained in Heidelberg until 1662 when she returned to Kassel. In 1667 Karl Ludwig gave Luise the title of Raugrafin and their children, too, were raised to the rank of Raugraf or Raugrafin, Raugraf being a title of nobility associated with the Nahe region. Of the fourteen children born to the couple, eight survived, while Luise died in childbirth in 1677.
Karl Ludwig's predicament prompted him to reflect on the scriptural position on polygamy. Regarding himself as an authority on the scriptures, he believed he could argue that divine law did not prohibit polygamy. He consulted various authorities in his library and gave Beger the task of assembling the material that was felt to support his position. This Beger duly did, producing in 1679 a work of about 250 sides entitled Kurtze/ Doch unpartheyisch- und Gewissenhaffte Betrachtung Dess In dem Natur- und Gottlichen Recht gegrundeten Heiligen Ehstandes/ In welcher Die seither strittige Fragen vom Ehbruch/ Der Ehscheidung/ Und sonderlich Von dem vielen Weiber-nehmen/ mit allem beyderseits gegebenen Bewissthumb/ Dem Christlichen Leser vorgestellet werden. The work was produced in great secrecy with Beger using the pseudonym Daphnaeum Arcuarius, a choice based on the association between arcus, meaning arc or arch, and Boeger, an alternative spelling of Beger, meaning archer. Karl Ludwig, determined that the work should be read, personally took charge of the distribution of copies to all major libraries in Europe. Nobody, apparently, took issue with the subject-matter.
All was well in Beger's discharge of his duties as librarian, antiquarian, and apologist of polygamy in the service of his Elector until Karl Ludwig died in 1680, when he was succeeded by his heir and Charlotte's son, Karl II. Profoundly distressed by the hostility between his parents, Karl was never close to his father, after whose death he invited his mother to return to Heidelberg. Understandably, he viewed Beger, the author of the Gewissenhafte Betrachtung, with particular disfavour. For his part Beger, apparently determined not to be defeated by the new constellation at court, distanced himself from the content of the work, protesting that he had produced the book only in response to the instructions of Karl Ludwig. In an attempt to gain the new Elector's favour he agreed to write a refutation of the offending document, an act that appears to have appeased the Elector, who confirmed his position as librarian and antiquarian.
There was yet another way in which Beger was able to commend himself to his new master. The Elector was known to have a high regard for poetry and, according to Zedler, Beger wrote poems in order to please him. However the earliest poems that I have come across were, I suspect, written not for the Elector but to ingratiate himself with the Dowager Electress after her return to Heidelberg. As mentioned above, after Karl's death in 1685 the electoral library, which then included Beger's works, was bequeathed to Hessen-Kassel and was kept secure in Kassel, where it was ultimately integrated into the Kasseler Landesbibliothek, until the bombing of the Second World War. This was responsible for the destruction of vast quantities of works, including the majority of Beger's poetic oeuvre. Yet among those documents that have survived are unbound copies of two printed poems; the first, dated September 1681, was composed to celebrate Charlotte's arrival in Heidelberg after visiting a spa, the second was written a month later on the occasion of her happy return after parting from her daughter, Elisabeth Charlotte. (20) The first poem presents Charlotte in conventional terms as the 'Schutz-Gottin' and the 'strahlende Krone des Landes', whose return stirs the poet to life. While the poem provides Beger with the opportunity to express his 'schuldigsten Eyffer' to Charlotte, it suggests nothing of the tensions that marred Charlotte's relationship with the Pfalz. This is not the case in the second poem, which contains veiled references to Charlotte's unhappy past. Her present happiness is perceived as heaven's reward for withstanding tribulation with Christian fortitude:
Ja! Ja! wem sich zu Dienst des Himmels Gute lencket/
Dem wird vor Ungestumm
Und duncklen AEols-Grimm/
Doch endlich susser Freud ein volles Maass geschencket.
Dich hat/ Durchleuchtigste/ nach seufftzendem Verlangen/
Nach Wolcken-voller Nacht/
Der Sonnen guldner Pracht
Mit tausendfachem Strahl erfreuten Augs umbfangen.
The poem then concludes with a reassuring vision of the future longevity and wellbeing of her family, an image which, given the constant threat to the Pfalz posed by the aggressive policies of Louis XIV and the early death of her son only four years later, is laden with irony:
Willkommen Pfaltzer Trost! Willkommen diesen Auen!
Es lasse dich das Gluck
Mit vollem Jubel-Blick
Viel Jahr noch Deine Zweig im reichen Wohlstand schauen!
The remainder of this article treats Beger's activities as a poet at the court of Karl: that is, from 1680 until the Elector's death aged thirty-five in 1685. Ancillon's hyperbole assures us of Beger's talents in this sphere but otherwise he deals very fleetingly with this area of Beger's activities and supplies no specific details. Those works of Beger that have survived suggest that his talents as a poet were primarily devoted to the short-lived revival of court festivities in this period. Festivities were never the work of one single individual, as they required the combined efforts of poets, musicians, singers, and stage-designers. This is perhaps one reason why the names of those involved in the organization of such festivities were only rarely supplied. However, Friedrich Walter argues in his Geschichte des Theaters am kurpfalzischen Hofe, published in 1898, that Beger was responsible for the majority of festivities at Karl's court. (21) There is only one occasion where this is stated unambiguously, but there is evidence to support Walter's view. The appearance of Beger in a number of festivities in the pivotal role of major domo suggests his close involvement in the proceedings. A more telling detail is the composition of the festivities, which is so similar that it seems likely that one man took overall responsibility for their organization. That this man was Beger is supported by parallels between the anonymous festivities and the one work known to be by him. In addition, it is stated that he wrote a number of poems recited in the course of the entertainments.
Before the Thirty Years' War the court in the Pfalz supported a notable festive culture. The most memorable expression of this is the reception of Elizabeth Stuart, Friedrich V's new bride, in Heidelberg in the summer of 1613. The festivities included the erection of triumphal arches, fireworks, and tournaments as well as feasting and dancing. That the festivities were lavish is not surprising, given that the marriage represented the union of the leader of the Protestant German princes with the daughter of James I, who was perceived to be supporting the Protestant powers in Europe by this alliance. An event of great political significance, it was attended by the leaders of Protestant Germany. The opulence characteristic of the 1613 wedding remained a hallmark of the Palatine court. This manifested itself in a variety of ways. According to Brockpahler, Friedrich V maintained one of the most prestigious court orchestras of the period, and other arts also found patronage. (22) The cultivation of drama was supported by Elizabeth, who was 'passionately addicted to all forms of theatre' and whose presence drew English players to Heidelberg. (23) While specific details of individual festivities are difficult to establish, the architecture of the castle in Heidelberg hints at an enthusiasm for dance and theatre. Merian's description of 1620, for example, refers to a 'Dantzplatz im letzten Geschoss des dicken Turms', while Frances Yates speculates whether the two amphitheatres shown in Merian's engraving of the castle and gardens served as settings for 'pageantries or theatrical displays of some kind'. (24) This impression of the court as a centre of cultural activity is sustained by a comment made by Liselotte of the Pfalz about her grandmother's interests; apparently Elizabeth was not particularly preoccupied by the politics of Bohemia, but thought 'nur ahn commedien, balleten und romanlessen'. (25) After the war the situation was very different. Karl Ludwig, confronted with the task of repopulating and rebuilding his territory, neither commanded the tax yield nor wished to resume a prestigious festive tradition. For him his army served as a vehicle of princely prestige, while the strict economy that governed his own lifestyle also influenced his expectation of others: when in 1652 academics enjoyed a lavish feast after the reopening of the university in Heidelberg, the Elector did not hesitate to express his disapproval (see Moersch, p. 359). It was not until 1671 that major festivities lasting several days were held at Karl Ludwig's court. These were to celebrate the wedding of Karl to Wilhelmine Ernestine, the daughter of Friedrich III of Denmark, a marriage encouraged by Karl Ludwig's sister, Sophie of Hanover. (26)
The character of the court changed considerably under Karl, who is known to have reacted against the practices of his father. Although a shy, apparently weak man, and as a ruler ill-prepared and lacking in self-assurance, Karl had extravagant tastes. (27) Under his rule expenditure on the court nearly doubled and it is clear he promoted court festivities. The Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbuttel, holds accounts of thirteen festivities performed during his reign, and Walter lists others, of which no descriptions appear to have survived. Among the festivities to enjoy particular popularity were masquerades or verkleidete Aufzuge, which took the form of masked processions through the castle in Heidelberg. Held to celebrate carnival or to mark the presence of visiting princes, these festivities fall into two separate groups, each with a slightly different aim. A description of two such masquerades provides an impression of the type of entertainment represented by one group of festivities.
Raguseische Kirchweyh, performed in February 1682, involved the enactment by the court of the visit of a Turkish delegation to the Dalmatian city Ragusa (now Dubrovnik), with the request to the city council that the Ragusans should maintain their neutrality in the conflict between the Turks and their enemies, the Maltese and Venetians. (28) At the same time a Ragusan market complete with travelling players was depicted. This scenario demanded that the fifty-two courtiers who took part in the entertainment assumed a great variety of roles, including those of the Turkish ambassador and his retinue and the Ragusan civic dignitaries, as well as the merchants, actors, acrobats, and jugglers present at the market, the distribution of these roles being determined for the most part by drawing lots. Seen from one perspective, the entertainment reflects the ceremonial procedures of the period. To the sound of trumpets and cornets the mayor and his council, accompanied by pages and a bodyguard, made their way to a room in the castle transformed for the evening into the town hall of Ragusa, after which the Turkish envoy, Amurath Bassa, followed by his entourage, proceeded to the accompaniment of drums to a room decorated as a Wirtshaus. Attention is given in the report to the manner in which the Turkish envoy was received; after a certain amount of conferring between representatives of the mayor and the envoy, a member of the council was sent 'umb die ganze Gesandschaft abzuholen/ und in die Stadt zu begleiten; welche demnach ihren Einzug in prachtiger Kleidung und schoner Ordnung durch den Marckt nach dem Rath-Hauss hielte. Vor der Thur wurde sie von dem Burger-Meister empfangen und in die Rathstube zur Audientz gefu hret' (Raguseische Kirchweyh, p. 35). After this the Turkish request for Ragusan neutrality was read out in Latin, as was the reply given by the council, although the report contains summaries written in German, and finally an agreement was reached. At this point the character of the festivity altered entirely and became a vehicle apparently encouraging courtiers to escape the constraints of court ceremonial, at least for a short while. Those courtiers dressed as Turks and councillors made their way to two further rooms in the castle in which market stalls and four stages had been arranged. Here they encountered other courtiers attired as players who performed a comedy, the main source of comic effects arising from a scene in which one of their number removed the wig of another. Also present were a conjurer who performed tricks with cards, a quack doctor advertising his cures, an acrobat, and merchants from England, Holland, and Italy, all talking in their own languages 'wie es auf rechten Jahr-Marckten zu geschehen pfleget'. Finally Mercury appeared, a role probably taken by Beger, calling in verse for the trading to cease and announcing to the company that they should proceed to the inn and 'nach Kauffmans-Brauch an Reicher Taffel masten' (Raguseische Kirchweyh, p. 37). After the meal the entertainment was brought to a close with dancing.
A month later another verkleideter Aufzug took place. (29) At six in the evening male courtiers assembled in the apartments of the Elector where they divided into four groups, each dressed in distinctive fashion as shepherds representing the four seasons. They then made their way to the Electress's apartments to collect the ladies of the court, who were divided into four similar groups attired as shepherdesses. Together the groups processed in 'solennen Zug' accompanied by the music of shawms to a hall where the Schafer-Haus had been erected (Schafer-Freude, p. 42). This comprised four arcades, each decorated with a painting representing one of the four seasons. Each group positioned itself in the appropriate arcade, after which musicians performed a song celebrating in idyllic terms a shepherd's life. When this ended, Mercury entered to announce in a poem of fifty-seven alexandrines that of all the seasons with their various attributes the goddess Gluck had decided on this occasion to celebrate the merits of winter. Those shepherds and shepherdesses representing winter then led the company to a banquet and, as with Raguseische Kirchweyh, the entertainment ended with a ball.
At one level there is nothing particularly extraordinary about these festivities. In his discussion of the preferred court festivities of the period, Julius Bernhard von Rohr refers to the popularity of the masqued procession. (30) In many ways the Heidelberg festivities are strikingly reminiscent of masquerades held at the Wolfenbuttel court in the 1650s, in which courtiers were required to process through the castle inWolfenbuttel in a variety of costumes. Designed by the Duchess Sophie Elisabeth, these domestic trionfi revolved around a unifying theme involving the enactment of a plot, however slight, which was occasionally supported by modest stage scenery. (31) As in Heidelberg, music and song were important components. But there is one notable point of difference. In Wolfenbuttel the themes of the masquerades were chosen to reflect the particular character of that court. At the time August, the bibliophile and scholar, was ruling duke. It was therefore entirely appropriate that on one occasion his wife should present herself as Minerva, the goddess of Wisdom, and on another as the Queen of Sheba, who, accompanied by her retinue of courtiers attired as sibyls and various kings of Arabia, came to visit August, the second Solomon. As Jorg Jochen Berns has argued, this type of festivity provided an opportunity for the court to demonstrate and endorse the norms on which it was based: in this case the Wolfenbuttel court is celebrating or projecting itself as a centre of learning and wisdom, as a home of the princely virtue sapientia. (32) Seen from this perspective, the masquerade acts as a vehicle of absolutist propaganda in that it focuses on a specific virtue that distinguishes the prince from other men. This element is absent from the Heidelberg Aufzuge of the type outlined above. There is no indication that these processions act as a manifestation of some unifying principle or ideal, nor that they have the propagandistic intent commonly associated with courtly entertainments; this type of festivity offers no clear statement about the character of Karl as ruling prince or about the nature of his court. On two occasions, for example, Karl appears as an arcadian shepherd, and on another as a Swiss, roles to which no obvious princely virtues can be ascribed. To what end then were such festivities organized? Karl suffered from ill-health, he was prone to what today would be termed depression, and reputedly his marriage to the wealthy but domineering Wilhelmine Ernestine was not a source of happiness to him. Given this background, it seems probable that Beger, and those who helped him, devised these entertainments as a form of distraction for a melancholy ruler, a contention supported by the regular appearance of the terms 'divertieren' and 'kurtzweilen' to describe the aim or impact of the events described.
A second group of festivities provides a more distinct picture of the Palatine court, of the ideals to which it subscribed, and of the interests of the Elector. Das Phobische Reich, (33) held in May 1682, is similar in structure and organization to the processions already described, but with the distinction that it was held outdoors and on horseback. The Elector, two of his courtiers, and the French ambassador, dressed as Alexander the Great, Cyrus, Ninus, and Caesar respectively, processed through Heidelberg from four different points, followed by mounted troops in seventeenthcentury approximations of classical dress. The 'ansehnliche Troupen', accompanied by the music of drums and trumpets, converged on the Marstall in which a Lust-Hauss had been erected for the occasion (Das Phobische Reich, p. 4). In this the guest of honour, Johann Friedrich, Margrave of Brandenburg-Onoltzbach, dressed as Phoebus, was seated: after receiving the homage of the four monarchs, he mounted a carriage and the whole company processed in grandiose fashion through the gardens surrounding the castle. They passed a mock Mount Parnassus decorated with foliage and laurels, on which nine court musicians clad as the nine muses were seated, and came to a halt at the 'Tempel der Ehre', another construction erected for the occasion, in which thrones were positioned. Here the company was greeted by the ladies of the court, who presented themselves as Amazons, and by the Margravine in the role of Daphne. Once the Margrave and Margravine had ascended their thrones, verses were recited expressing the loyalty of the four monarchs to the omnipotent 'Sonnen-Furst' (Das Phobische Reich, 3). The report of the occasion concluded on a lighthearted note with a poem, recited on Phoebus's behalf by Beger in the guise of Mercury, in which he commanded the monarchs to embrace the Amazon of their choice. As was the case with the entertainments outlined above, the festivity was punctuated by interludes of music and song.
Various functions can be ascribed to this festivity. It is to my knowledge the first that involved the court's appearance outside the walls of the castle. This gave Karl the opportunity to display his troops and himself to watching subjects and to the visiting Margrave. It is known that Karl took great pride in his army and the festivity reflects this enthusiasm, as well as a desire to present his court as a centre of military prowess. Evidence from other festivities lends weight to this view that Karl wanted to project a military image of his court. Another verkleideter Aufzug, performed in July 1682, took the form of a tournament. (34) Karl, his courtiers, and sections of his army, dressed as Hungarians and Turks, acted out a battle, based on the victories of Janos Hunyadi, famous for his resistance to the Turks in the fifteenth century. Central to the tournament was a display of equestrian and military expertise. The exercises performed by Karl and his army support the thesis that such equestrian festivities provided an opportunity for the practice and display of the skills required by the cavalryman of the period: the armies for example did not fight just with lances, the weapon traditionally associated with the tournament, but with the weapons of contemporary warfare, the pistol and sabre. (35)
Yet when seen within the context of the Pfalz's military vulnerability at this time, the pomp and splendour of such festivities can be interpreted only as an attempt to camouflage (or even to deny momentarily) a less than secure reality. In the 1670s and 1680s the Pfalz was drawn into the struggle between the Bourbons and the Habsburgs and was at the mercy of the expansionist policies of Louis XIV. Despite, or more exactly, precisely because of the Pfalz's efforts to maintain its neutrality in the French war against the Dutch in the 1670s, the territory drew upon itself the wrath of Louis XIV. The subsequent threatening and bullying behaviour of French troops drove the Pfalz into an alliance with the Emperor, an action that resulted not in increased security but in Louis's order in 1674 that his troops should devastate Karl Ludwig's territory. After these hostilities were concluded by the Peace of Nimwegen in 1678-79, the Pfalz's impotence was highlighted yet again by Louis's policy of reunions or annexations. The complex legal argument justifying France's claim to sovereignty over certain areas of land was based on a new interpretation of clauses in the Treaty of Westphalia and on old feudal rights. (36) Consequently the ruling families of Pfalz-Zweibrucken and Pfalz-Veldenz were forced to renounce their claim to sovereignty in favour of Louis, who also laid claim to territory belonging to the Elector Palatine. Despite initial protests made by the Palatine ambassador at Versailles, there was ultimately no other viable course for Karl but to accept the French claims. An indication of the actual situation as opposed to the projected image of military strength is evident in the distribution of roles in Das Phobische Reich and the presence of Comte Charles de Schomberg, sent by Louis to Heidelberg to bring about Palatine acquiescence to French policy. Against this background it is possible to read Schomberg's appearance in the role of Caesar as an acknowledgement of French authority.
These entertainments on horseback represent a revival of the tradition of equestrian festivities cultivated by the Pfalz and other Protestant courts before the Thirty Years' War. (37) There is evidence to suggest that Beger was aware of this tradition and introduced aspects of it into the festivities of the 1680s. As librarian he had access to the descriptions of the marriage festivities of 1613, which included equestrian festivities and which, as mentioned above, are listed in his catalogue of the electoral library. Also listed are descriptions of the tournament in Stuttgart held to celebrate the marriage of Johann Friedrich of Wurttemberg to Barbara Sophie of Brandenburg in 1609, as well as other more general works on equestrian entertainments. The inclusion of Hungarians and Turks, and of Romans and Amazons in the Waffen-Spiel and Das Phobische Reich respectively, figures popular in the pre-war equestrian festivities of the Protestant Union, suggests a familiarity on Beger's part with this tradition. Perhaps more conclusive proof of this familiarity is evident in the presentation of Karl in the role of invincible hero, as Alexander the Great or the Champion of Christendom, as in the Waffen-Spiel. This imitates the practice of his grandfather, Friedrich V, who, invested with the authority of the leader of Protestant Germany, consistently presented himself as a famous military hero, be it as Jason in the Heidelberg tournament of 1613, or as Scipio Africanus in a tournament held at the Stuttgart christening festivities in 1616 to mark the birth of a son to Johann Friedrich and Barbara Sophie. The heroic presentation of Karl is particularly evident in the one festivity where Beger declares his authorship, Die Uber alle Tugende Triumphirende Tugend Der Bestandigkeit, a dramatic presentation of five incidents from classical antiquity involving operatic interludes and scenes of ballet. (38) In the course of one evening Karl appeared as Mutius Scaevola, whose heroism and self-sacrifice saved Rome, the Roman general, Afranius, and one of the Horatii. It is possible that Beger, in providing his prince with an opportunity to appear as a hero in the manner of his grandfather, was attempting to evoke the former status of the Elector of the Pfalz, who before the Thirty Years' War was regarded as one of the chief secular princes in the Empire. Clearly Karl would have been aware of the previous authority of the Pfalz and of his father's efforts to reassert it, not least by marrying Liselotte into the French royal family. (39) Yet whatever Beger may have intended, it was impossible for the festive illusion to conceal the reality of the situation, that the Pfalz had suffered an irrevocable decline as a consequence of the Thirty Years' War. Indeed, a hint of this is apparent in the distribution of roles in Das Phobische Reich. Here it is the Margrave, the representative of Brandenburg, who is cast in the pivotal role of the sun god, not his host, who as Elector occupied, theoretically at least, a much higher position within the hierarchy of the Empire. While this can be interpreted as a gesture towards an honoured guest, the Margrave's appearance as the omnipotent Phoebus also points towards the increasing importance and military might of Brandenburg at the time and reflects, admittedly in veiled fashion, the relative powerlessness of the Pfalz amidst the struggle for power of other more dominant states.
There is a further festivity that supports the hypothesis that Beger was involved in reworking pre-war traditions. At the christening of 1616 Friedrich also appeared in a foot tournament, on this occasion in the guise of Arminius, the German vanquisher of the Romans, a figure whose presence lent emphasis to the quintessentially German, anti-imperial stance of the tournaments of the Protestant Union. (40) That Friedrich appeared as Arminius reflects his prominent position among the Protestant princes. In January 1683 his grandson also assumed the role of Arminius in Die unuberwindlichste Tomyris, (41) another verkleideter Aufzug whose formal similarities to other festivities of the period lead one to assume Beger's authorship. The subject-matter mirrors the military enthusiasm of the court; the female members dressed as Amazons and processed behind their queen, Tomyris. None the less the festivity cannot be described as heroic. For all that the male courtiers appeared in various heroic guises, they were led through the castle chained together as slaves. A slave market then ensued, in the course of which each Amazon inspected the slaves, finally buying the one of her choice. Predictably the poetry accompanying the festivity comments on the familiar Baroque theme of the captor becoming captive, ensnared by love. One cannot but draw the conclusion that this festivity trivialized the significance of the Arminius-figure. Absent from the seventeenth-century Damenwahl is any notion of the patriotic fervour and pride traditionally associated with this national hero. Karl's appearance as Arminius may suggest his awareness of his heritage and of the Pfalz's former significance, but at the same time this festivity only highlights the contrast between his position and his grandfather's status. Karl was not in a situation where he could act as a successful defender of German territory; instead, he was forced to accept a situation where he agreed to the annexation of tracts of the Pfalz by the French in exchange for money. It is also clear that his health was a source of serious concern; at the time, negotiations were taking place to establish who should succeed Karl, whose marriage was childless. Karl was not, nor was he ever likely to be, in a position where he would be a leader of German princes, except perhaps in his own fantasy. He died in the spring of 1685, after having contracted a fever the previous summer during a peculiarly seventeenth-century form of war game when he led his troops in a mock siege of one of his own castles, which had been decorated as a Turkish fort.
In view of the weakness of Karl's political position and the frailty of his health, the relationship between Beger and Karl appears to be more complex than the entry in Zedler suggests. While Beger may certainly have written poetry in order to please his patron, his festive oeuvre went beyond this to provide Karl with opportunities to indulge in a fantasy world of heroics, so offering him momentary escape from a reality that was anything but heroic.
(1) While Rudolf Vierhaus comments on this phenomenon in general terms when discussing the role of the court as a patron of the arts, Jorg Jochen Berns points to the specific example illustrated by the career of Justus Georg Schottelius, whose employment at the court of Braunschweig-Wolfenbuttel as princely preceptor, philologist, and lawyer allowed him to make his major contribution to the codification of and enhancement of the status of the German language and to achieve substantial material wealth (Vierhaus, Deutschland im Zeitalter des Absolutismus, Deutsche Geschichte, 6 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1978), p. 58; Berns, Justus Georg Schottelius 1612-1676, Ein Teutscher Gelehrter am Wolfenbutteler Hof, Ausstellungskataloge der Herzog August Bibliothek, 18 (Braunschweig: Waisenhaus-Buchdruckerei, 1976), p. 45). In her analysis of Gryphius's Horribilicribrifax Teutsch Jolanda Lotscher interprets the character of Palladius as an example of the middle-class student whose education enables him to secure a position within the courtly administration (Andreae Gryphii Horribilicribrifax Teutsch: Formanalyse und Interpretation eines deutschen Lustspiels des 17. Jahrhunderts im soziokulturellen und dichtungstheoretischen Kontext (Bern: Lang, 1994), p. 120).
(2) Christian Gottlieb Jocher, Allgemeines Gelehrten Lexicon, Erster Theil A-C (Leipzig: Gleditsch, 1750; repr. Hildesheim and New York: Olms, 1981), cols 911-12; Grosses Universal Lexicon Aller Wissenschaften und Kunste, welche bisshero durch menschlichen Verstand und Witz erfunden worden, Verlegts Johann Heinrich Zedler, 64 vols (Halle and Leipzig: Zedler, 1733), III, cols 915-16; Memoires Concernant les Vies et les Ouvrages de plusieurs Modernes Celebres dans la Republique des Lettres, Par Mr Ancillon, L'un des Membres de la Societe Roiale de Berlin (Amsterdam: Wetstein, 1709), pp. 432-68 (hereafter Memoires). Ancillon represented the Huguenot community on the occasion of the state entry into Berlin of the newly crowned Friedrich I, King in Prussia.
(3) Catalogus uber Churfurst und Pfaltzgrafens Carol. Hochseel. Andenkens hinterlassene Bibliothec s. durch L. Beger Hochged. Churfstl. Dhl. Bibliothecarium. Kassel-Landesbibliothek, manuscript collection, shelfmark 2[degrees] MS. hist. litter. 5.
(4) The work whose title suggests the most detailed description is an apparently anonymous account published in the same year as the marriage: Les Triomphes entrees, Cartels, tournois ceremonies & autres magnificences, faites en Angleterre et au Palatinat pour le mariage et reception de Frideric V. Comte Palatin & de Madame Elisabeth a Heidelberg 1613.
(5) Ferdinand II used this term to describe his famous collection in the castle of Ambras in the Tyrol. For a discussion of the role of the Habsburgs as collectors and of the collection of Ferdinand's nephew, Emperor Rudolf II, see R. J. W. Evans, 'The Austrian Habsburgs: The Dynasty as Political Institution', in The Courts of Europe: Politics, Patronage and Royalty 1400-1800, ed. by A. J. Dickens (London: Thames & Hudson, 1977), pp. 121-45 (p. 142).
(6) An analysis of the functions of the Kunstkammer in the sixteenth and seventeenth century is provided by Christian Theuerkauff, 'Anmerkungen zum Begriff der Kunstkammer im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert und zur Berliner Sammlung um 1700', in Die Brandenburgisch-Preussische Kunstkammer: Eine Auswahl aus den alten Bestanden, ed. by J. Hildebrand and C. Theuerkauff (Berlin: Reiter-Druck, 1981), pp. 9-11.
(7) An example taken to illustrate this point is the Pommersche Kunstschrank. The cabinet, which was produced between 1611 and 1615 in Augsburg under the direction of Philipp Hainhofer for Philipp II of Pomerania, was designed to represent the world in miniature. Among its contents were numerous examples of technical expertise, including clocks and other instruments, as well as artefacts made from a variety of precious materials. For further details, see Claudia Meckel, 'Der Grosse Kurfurst und die Brandenburgische Kunstkammer', in Der Grosse Kurfurst 1620-1688: Sammler, Bauherr, Mazen, ed. by Hans-Joachim Giersberg, Claudia Meckel, and Gerd Bartoschek (Potsdam: Druckerei Markische Volksstimme, 1988), pp. 60-64. See also Theuerkauff, pp. 10-11.
(8) An example of this tendency is provided by the collections of Friedrich Wilhelm of Brandenburg. He received presents of South American artefacts from his Statthalter in Cleves, Johann Moritz of Nassau-Siegen, who as governor of the Dutch West India Company had lived in Brazil. Through the Dutch East India Company, Friedrich Wilhelm obtained examples of oriental art. These included artefacts from Japan, India, Ceylon, and the Moluccas, in addition to which his library contained a rare collection of Chinese books. For further details, see Hans-Joachim Giersberg, 'Nach Holland und in die Welt', Hans-Erich Teitge, 'Schatze aus Nah und Fern', Helga Keller 'Die chinesischen Bucher der Bibliothek des Grossen Kurfursten', and Claudia Meckel, 'Der Grosse Kurfurst und die Brandenburgische Kunstkammer', all in Der Grosse Kurfurst 1620-1688, pp. 38-45, 51-55, 56-60, 60-68.
(9) See Theuerkauff, p. 10, and Meckel, 'Der Grosse Kurfurst und die Brandenburgische Kunstkammer', p. 60.
(10) In a poem written to commemorate the coronation of Friedrich I, King in Prussia, the court poet Johann von Besser (1654-1729) seeks to convey an imposing image of Friedrich, the son of the Great Elector, by comparing him to Alexander the Great. He points to the predicament shared by the two leaders; as the sons of famous fathers both have felt daunted by their fathers' successes. Yet by bringing about the elevation of the Hohenzollerns to kings, Friedrich, like Alexander, achieves even greater fame than his father; see Johann von Besser, Preussische Kronungs-Geschichte/ Oder Verlauf der Ceremonien/ Mit welchen Der Allerdurchlauchtigste/ Grossmachtigste Furst und Herr/Herr Friedrich der Dritte/ Marggraf und Churfurst zu Brandenburg/ Die Konigliche Wurde Des von Ihm gestiffteten Konigreichs Preussen angenommen (Colln an der Spree: Liebpert, 1702), C verso.
(11) See Hans-Dietrich Schultz, 'Der Grosse Kurfurst als Sammler antiker Munzen', in Der Grosse Kurfurst 1620-1688, pp. 73-79 (p. 73).
(12) Thesaurus ex Thesauro Palatino selectus; sive Gemmae & Numismata Cimeliarchi Elect. Palatini elegantiori aeri incisa & commentario illustrata (Heidelberg: Delborn, 1685).
(13) This collection had originally been started by Elector Joachim II (ruled 1535-71), but its contents were lost in the course of the Thirty Years' War and Friedrich Wilhelm is now regarded as the founder of the Brandenburg collection.
(14) For further details on Friedrich Wilhelm's interest in the art of ancient Greece and Rome and on his collection of coins, see Gerald Heres, 'Der Grosse Kurfurst als Antikensammler', and Hans-Dietrich Schultz, 'Der Grosse Kurfurst als Sammler antiker Munzen', both in Der Grosse Kurfurst 1620-1688, pp. 69-72, 73-79, respectively. In 1614 the city and duchy of Cleves came under the control of Brandenburg. For further details, see Margaret Shennan, The Rise of Brandenburg Prussia (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), pp. 4-5.
(15) According to the 1649 inventory the overwhelming majority of coins were of imperial Roman origin. Also listed were engraved gems, bronze figures and ornaments, and ceramics.
(16) For further details of Beger's progress in Brandenburg service and of his work in Berlin, see Christian Theuerkauff, 'Zur Geschichte der Brandenburgisch-Preussische Kunstkammer bis gegen 1800', in Die Brandenburgisch-Preussische Kunstkammer, pp. 13-33 (pp. 15-19).
(17) Thesaurus Brandenburgicus selectus: Sive Gemmarum et Numismatum Graecorum in Cimeliarchio Electorali Brandenburgico, Elegantiorum Series, Commentario Illustratae a L. Begero (Colln: Liebpert, 1696); Thesauri Electoralis Brandenburgici Continuatio: Sive Numismatum Romanorum, quae in Cimeliarchio Electorali Brandenburgico asservantur, tam Consularium quam Imperatoriorum, Series selecta, Aere expressa, et Commentario illustrata (Colln: Liebpert, 1698); Thesauri Regii et Electoralis Brandenburgici Volumen Tertium: Continens Antiquorum Numismatum et Gemmarum, Quae Cimeliarchio Regio- Electorali Brandenburgico nuper accessere, Rariora: Ut & Supellectilem Antiquariam Uberrimam, id est Statuas, Thoraces, Clypeos, Imagines tam Deorum quam Regum & Illustrium; Item Vasa & Instrumenta varia, eaque inter fibulas, Lampades, Urnas: quorum pleraque cum Museo Belloriano, quaedam & aliunde coemta sunt, Dialogo illustrata a Laurentio Begero (Colln: Liebpert, 1701). For further details about these works, see Sepp-Gustav Groschel, 'L. Beger, Thesaurus brandenburgicus selectus Band I-III, in Die Brandenburgisch-Preussische Kunstkammer, pp. 96-97.
(18) For a full account of Karl Ludwig's marriage, see Meinrad Schaab, Geschichte der Kurpfalz, 2 vols (Stuttgart, Berlin and Koln: Kohlhammer, 1992), II, 128-31, and Karl Moersch, Geschichte der Pfalz von den Anfangen bis ins 19. Jahrhundert (Heidelberg: Pfalzische Verlagsanstalt, 1987), pp. 362-66.
(19) Apart from expenditure on his army the Elector's manner of government was characterized by a thriftiness that extended to his own personal sphere. In the years after his return to the Pfalz he lived in a relatively small number of apartments in the castle in Heidelberg, attended by an entourage he had reduced in size. His concern for the finances of his territiory is believed to explain in part his refusal to grant his mother, Elizabeth, permission to return to the Pfalz after the war. In his view the territory was not in a position to support her financially (see Schaab, p. 129). With the promise of religious toleration and reduced taxation, Karl attempted to encourage those who had fled the Pfalz in the course of the Thirty Years' War to return, and immigrants from Switzerland and the Tyrol, Holland, France, and Scotland to make their home there. For further details of the measures taken to bring about the revival of agriculture and trade, see Moersch, pp. 355-59, and Schaab, pp. 134-38.
(20) These poems are entitled: Gluckwunschender Freuden-Triumph Der Durchleuchtigsten Furstin und Frauen Frauen Charlotten, Pfaltzgrafin bey Rhein und Churfurstin/ Hertzogin in Bayern etc. etc. Wittiben Geborner Landgrafin zu Hessen/ Furstin zu Hirschfeld/ Grafin zu Catzenelnbogen/ Dietz/ Ziegenhayn/ Nidda und Schauenburg etc. etc. Als Ihre Chur-Furstliche Durchleucht/ Den 21. Septembr. Anno 1681. Nach glucklichst zu Spaa vollbrachter Wasser-Cur/ Durch die Gnade Gottes bey guter Gesundheit/ Wiederumb zu Heidelberg angelanget/ Aufgerichtet von Ihrer Churfurstlichen Durchleucht Unterthanigst gehorsambsten L.Beger, Chur-Pfaltz Bibliothecario;/ Unterthanigste Gluckwunschung Der Durchleuchtigsten Furstin und Frauen Frauen Charlotten, Pfaltzgrafin bey Rhein und Churfurstin/ Hertzogin in Bayern etc. etc. Wittiben/ Gebohrner Landgrafin zu Hessen/ Furstin zu Hirschfeld/ Grafin zu Catzenelnbogen/ Dietz/ Ziegenhayn/ Nidda und Schauenburg etc. etc. Als Ihre ChurFurstliche Durchl. Nach einer Der Durchleuchtigsten Furstin und Frauen Frauen Elisabeth Charlotten, Hertzogin zu Orleans, Valois und Chartres, Gebohrner aus dem ChurFurstlichen Stamm der Pfaltzgrafen bey Rhein/ Hertzogin in Bayern etc. etc. Dero hertzgeliebten Frauen Tochter gethaner Hochst-erfreulichen Besuchung Den 20sten Octobr. 1681. Wieder zu Heidelberg glucklich angelanget. Ubergeben von Ihrer ChurFurstl. Durchl. Unterthanigst gehorsamsten L. Beger, Chur-Pfaltz Antiquario und Biblioth. Kassel-Landesbibliothek Signatur 4[degrees]H gen 22 Charlotte 1681.
(21) See Friedrich Walter, Geschichte des Theaters und der Musik am Kurpfalzischen Hofe (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1890; reprinted edition Hildesheim: Olms, 1968), p. 34.
(22) See Renate Brockpahler, Handbuch zur Geschichte der Barockoper in Deutschland (Emsdetten: Lechte, 1964), p. 225.
(23) This point is made by Frances A. Yates in her assessment of the cultural climate to which Elizabeth was accustomed in London and of the impact of her arrival on the Palatine court. See Frances A. Yates, The Rosicrucian Enlightenment (London and New York: Routledge, 1972; repr. 1996), p. 13. John Spencer's troupe of English players is reported to have spent a period of time at the Palatine court in the years 1613-14. See E. Herz, Englische Schauspieler und englisches Schauspiel zur Zeit Shakespeares in Deutschland, Theatergeschichtliche Forschungen, 18 (Hamburg and Leipzig: Voss, 1903), pp. 44-52 (p. 47) and Karte IV (Appendix).
(24) Merian's comments are reported by K. Freund, 'Die Theater an den churpfalzischen Hofen in Heidelberg, Mannheim und Schwetzingen (1500-1800)', Zentralblatt der Bauverwaltung, 43 (1923), 601-07, 616-19 (p. 602). See also Yates, p. 68.
(25) Quoted by Johannes Bolte, 'Schauspiele am Heidelberger Hofe 1650 bis 1687', Euphorion, 31 (1930), 578-91 (p. 579).
(26) For further details, see Carl Speyer, 'Zwei Ballett-Auffuhrungen im Heidelberger Schlosse 1670 und 1671', Mannheimer Geschichtsblatter, 26 (September 1925), cols 173-81.
(27) For reasons of economy, Karl Ludwig refused Karl's request to act as governor in Kreuznach, a position that would have enabled him to gain experience of government (Schaab, p. 143).
(28) Raguseische Kirchweyh/ In Einer Verkleidung Auff dem Schloss Zu Heidelberg Den 16ten Februarii 1682 Vorgestellet. Herzog August Bibliothek Signatur Lo 264 (8) 4[degrees]. The page references quoted for this festivity and other Heidelberg festivities are those written by hand in the HAB edition of the text.
(29) Schafer-Freude Wie Dieselbe In Einer Verkleidung Verschiedener Winter-Fruhlings-Sommer-und Herbst-Schafer/ Den 16. Martii 1682. Auff dem Schloss zu Heydelberg gehalten worden. Herzog August Bibliothek Signatur Lo 264 (9) 4[degrees].
(30) See Julius Bernhard von Rohr, Einleitung zur Ceremoniel-Wissenschaft Der grossen Herren (Berlin: Rudiger, 1733), ed. by Monika Schlechte (Weinheim: Acta humaniora, 1990), p. 819.
(31) Sophie Elisabeth's court entertainments appear in Sophie Elisabeth, Herzogin zu Braunschweig und Luneburg Dichtungen, ed. by Hans-Gert Roloff (Frankfurt a.M., Bern, and Cirencester: Lang, 1980), I: Spiele. For an analysis of these entertainments see my Doppelte Freude der Musen: Court Festivities at the Court of Brunswick- Wolfenbuttel 1642-1700, Wolfenbutteler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung, 19 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1989), pp. 58-96.
(32) See Jorg Jochen Berns, 'Die Festkultur der deutschen Hofe zwischen 1580 und 1730: Eine Problemskizze in typologischer Absicht', Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift, 34 (1984), 95-311 (p. 306).
(33) Das Phobische Reich Als Dess Herrn Marggrafen Joh. Fridrichs zu Brandenburg-Onoltzbach etc. etc. Benebenst Dero Frau Gemahlin Eleonora Erdmuth Loysen Geborner Hertzogin zu Sachsen etc. etc. Hoch-Furstl. Hoch-Furstl. Durchl. Durchl. Den Chur-Pfaltzischen Hof Mit Dero Hoch-geneigten Gegenwart beehrten Den 22 May 1682. Auff dem Schloss zu Heidelberg In einem verkleideten Auffzug vorgestellet. Herzog August Bibliothek Signatur Lo 284 (11)4[degrees].
(34) Waffen-Spiel Wie Dasselbe in einem verkleideten Auffzug verschiedener Ungarn und Turcken/ Den 3. Julii 1682 In dem Chur-Furstlichen Statt-Garten zu Heydelberg praesentirt und Gehalten worden. Herzog August Bibliothek Signatur Lo 264 (12) 4[degrees].
(35) The case that the tournament was used as an opportunity to practise military skills is argued by Helen Watanabe-O'Kelly, 'Tournaments and their Relevance for Warfare in the Early Modern Period', European History Quarterly, 20 (1990), 451-63.
(36) The impact of the Dutch War on the Pfalz and details of the French policy of reunions are given by Moersch, pp. 378-85, and Schaab, pp. 141-42.
(37) A detailed discussion of the tournaments held at the courts of the Protestant Union is to be found in Helen Watanabe-O'Kelly, Triumphall Shews: Tournaments at German-Speaking Courts in their European Contexts 1560-1730 (Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1992), pp. 37-63.
(38) Die Uber alle Tugende Triumphirende Tugend Der Bestandigkeit/ Wie dieselbe Bey Anwesenheit verschiedener Hoch- Furstlich-Furstlich-und Graflicher Persohnen Den Februarii 1684. Auf dem ChurPfaltzischen Residentz-Schloss zu Heydelberg Vorgestellet und praesentiret worden. Herzog August Signatur Lo 264 (18) 4[degrees].
(39) The intensity with which Karl Ludwig attempted to guard the pre-eminence of the position of the Elector Palatine is evident in the period leading up to the election of Leopold I in 1658, when the Empire was without an Emperor. Believing that the office of Reichsvikariat, or imperial administrator, should be his of right, he responded with fury to claims made by the Bavarian Wittelsbachs that the office should be theirs. The two territories came close to hostilities, and at a meeting of the electoral college the Elector vented his spleen on the Bavarian representative by hurling an inkwell at him.
(40) See Helen Watanabe-O'Kelly, 'The Iconography of German Protestant Tournaments in the Years before the Thirty Years War', in Image et Spectacle dans l'Europe de la Renaissance: Actes du XXXIIe Colloque International d'Etudes Humanistes, Chloe: Beihefte zum Daphnis, 15 (1991), pp. 47-62 (p. 60).
(41) Die unuberwindlichste Tomyris In einem verkleideten Auffzug verschiedener Amazonen und Sclaven Den 8ten Januarii 1683 Auf dem Schloss zu Heydelberg vorgestellet. Herzog August Bibliothek Signatur Lo 264 (13) 4[degrees].
<ADD> SARA SMART UNIVERSITY OF EXETER </ADD>
|Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback|
|Publication:||The Modern Language Review|
|Date:||Oct 1, 1999|
|Previous Article:||Two paths to the boom: Carpentier, Asturias, and the performative split.|
|Next Article:||Female language theory in the age of Goethe: Three case studies.|