Printer Friendly

On recent cuneiform editions of Hittite fragments (I).

Kei1schriftiexte aus Boghazkoi (1) (henceforth KBo) is one of the primary and oldest publication series for the Hittite cuneiform documents from Bogazkoy, and its first six volumes were edited by pioneer scholars H. H. Figulla, E. F. Weidner, O. Weber, E. Forrer, and F. Hrozny between the years 1916-21. They contain the copies of the most important and well preserved tablets stemming from the first excavation seasons at Bogazkoy under the direction of H. Winckler and Th. Makridi. The Second World War and its aftermath resulted in an extended hiatus of the publication of KBo. In 1954 H. Otten released volume 7 of the series, which offered the finds from the more systematically conducted excavations of K. Bittel. Since then, and for more than a half century, Otten alone and with his long-time colleague Chr. Ruster (Werner) continuously and prodigiously published a great deal of this series. With some exceptions (H. G. Guterbock, C. W. Carter, H. M. Kummel, G. Wilhelm, E. Neu), Otten was the person primarily responsible for work on the KBo editions.

Volume 45 (2003) represented a turning point for the series when scholars from the younger generation (G. Torn, J. L. Miller, D. Groddek) joined in the job of copying Hittite fragments. The appearance of volume 58 in September 2008 established the welcome fact that the reinforcements of new copyists have remarkably sped up the process of editing and disseminating previously unpublished written material from Bogazkoy, making them accessible to the scholarly community. Among these freshmen, J. L. Miller alone in the short time period between 2005 and 2008 has delivered four volumes of KBo (50, 53, 57, 58). The volume under review, from the year 2005, is his first publication in this category. It contains copies of 310 fragments made by him and twenty-six hand-copies by others (E. Neu, H. Otten, and Chr. Ruster).

We are extremely thankful to Miller for his useful but time-consuming pursuit, and hope that he will be able to continue his work copying Hittite fragments in the future as well. After the publication of KBo 53 Miller published several articles dealing with further joins and duplicates to the fragments from KBo 53 which will be mentioned in the present review under the relevant text numbers. He has also treated some religious texts belonging to the Mastigga ritual from KBo 53 (nos. 22-23, 25-27, and 29) in the course of his revised doctoral dissertation, Studies in the Origins, Development and Interpretation of the Kizzuwatna Rituals, StBoT 46 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2004).

KBo 53 has previously been reviewed by V. Haas, OLZ 100 (2005): 454-56.


According to the Vorwort of KBo 53 (p. III), Miller has developed a new copying technique which has enabled him to produce copies quickly. Despite the fact that KBo 53 is his very first "cuneiform" production, Miller has managed to deliver neat and accurate copies. The volume itself, as usual, exhibits a nicely and carefully done standard of production. Only a few technical errors are to be noticed:

Inhaltsubersicht, p. V (nos. 15 and 16): Why has the copy of the relevant and important duplicate 1209/u not been included, given that according to its inventory number it would fit perfectly in the range covered by the present volume?

p. VIII (no. 152): Read hapalze/ir.

p. VIII (nos. 207 and 213): Are these pieces duplicate or parallel texts?

no. 107 i 7: Correct the transliteration a-as-sa-an-zi to a-sa-an-zi.

no. 173 line 7' should be 8', since in the edition the previous line is left unnumbered.

no. 211 is superfluous; it had already been published as KBo 37.151.

no. 213 i 10 should be i 11, since in the edition the previous line is left unnumbered.

no. 223 is also superfluous; it is already available as KBo 37.71.


no. 4. 1. edge 3': Read U.MES-us (not [Gul.sup.MES]-us, Indices, p. XVIII).

no. 37 iv (colophon) 3': To be restored as [sup.URU.A]-an-[ku-ua]?

no. 62 line 3': Restore [LU.MES [sup.URS.Is]-t]a-nu-ua?

no. 84 line 3': The precise designation of the goddess is [sup.d.Hebat] halziy[auwas].

no. 91 obv.? 7': Read rather [sup.URU.U]-li-pa<-as> TUL-az "from the spring of the town Ulipa."

no. 101 1. col. 11': Read [URU.r.Tu]-u-sar[gamma]-[pa-at-ta].

no. 107 ii 6': read [sup.d.U].GUR.

no. 110 i 4': A personal name (f) Anninijami does not exist (pace Indices, p. XIX); read [sup.MUNUS.anniniyami]- "female cousin."

no. 113 rev.? 1': Perhaps HUR.SAG. Ha-h[ar?-ua?].

no. 155 line 1': Probably [[d.sup.T]]a-az-zu-u[a-si(-) ...] or [[sup.d.T]]a-az-zu-ua-s[i(-) ...].

no. 160 iv (colophon) 13': Read [HUR.SAG.Ga]-si-[...].

no. 164 1. col. 7"-8": Restore [[d.sup.Me-ez-Zu-u]l-la-an-na or [[d.sup.Hu-u]]1-la-an-na/akuw]anzi.

no. 189 obv. 1. col. 1: Read [[sup.ID.H]]a-sa-la-a.

no. 197 line 5': To be read [sup.d.GASAN]-ni-in?

no. 212 iv 7: A restoration [sup.rLU.SANGA.sup.[gamma]] [sup.d.[U AN-E]] is also possible (cf. iv 3).

no. 213 i 3: Read probably [[URU.sup.Ha-an-z]]u-u-us-ra.

no. 214 line 23': [sup.d.Si-u-ni] (for DINGIR-ni in line 18'?); line 24': read [sup.d.Zi-i][s- ...].

no. 216 i 13': Read [sup.d.U] [sup.URU.Kargarama] [sup.d.LAMMA] (not AN-E, Indices, p. XVIII); i 30': [sup.HUR.SAG.A-d][a.sup.?]-x-x.

no. 224 [rev.sup.?] (iv) 16': Alternatively read [sup.d.Tub-bi-x-[...]; (instead of [sup.d.Um-bi-x][...]); [rev.sup.?] (iv) 17': read [[sup.d.H]i-is-kal-li (not Iskalli, Indices, p. XVIII).

no. 241 line 9': [DINGIR.M]AH-as; 12': [sup.d?.I]r-ha-an-da-ua-as(-) [...]; 14': [sup.d ISTAR]-is.

no. 247 line 1': Read and restore [[sup.d.Is-ha-ra mi-h]][u.sup.!?]-mi-n[a-a(-) ... ] based upon the dupl. IBOT 2.81:5'; V Haas, OLZ 100: 456, interprets differently

no. 249 line 5': Read [[sup.m. ... ]]-x-zi-ti-is SES-ni; thus contrary to the Indices, p. XIX, the first word is not a geographical name.

no. 265: The following readings and restorations are to be suggested: line 1': [[sup.d.U.sup.URU]]Li-ih-[zi-na]; 3': [[sup.d.U.sup.URU.Z]i-ip-la-a[n-da]; 4': [[sup.d.U sup.URU] Ha-la-ap; 5': [[sup.d.U S]]A KA[R]AS; 6': [[sup.d.LAMMA.UR][sup.U.Garahn[a].

no. 267 line 8': [m ... ][sup.d.LAMMA]-an; 9': perhaps [sup.ID.S[e-e-ha]].

no. 269 1. col. 2': Read [[sup.URU.H]]a-at-te-na.

no. 271 line 7': Read probably [m] Ni-en-na-as (add to E. Laroche, NH [1966], no. 881); on this personal name see O. Soysal, BiOr 60 (2003): 44-45; cf. also M. Poetto, Le Museon 117 (2004): 5.

no. 278 line 2': Restore possibly [[d.sup.UT]]U [[sup.URU][TUL.sub.-na.]


I would like to dedicate this section to discussions of the individual fragments. It will mainly focus on the duplicates and joins, suggested readings and restorations, rare or new lexical entries to the recent Hittite dictionaries (CHD, HED, HEG, [HW.sup.2]) or sign lists (HZL), and the supplemental bibliographic references. I do not intend, however, to get into the CTH-generated and rapidly expanding text ensembles or into dating of texts, for which the reader is to be referred to the electronic resource prepared by S. Kosak, Konkordanz der hethitischen Keilchrifttafeln on the Hethitologie Portal Mainz:

no. 1 has now been joined to .KUB 33.21 iii 8'ff. by Miller, ZA 96 (2006): 236.

no. 3 rev. 11: The recent work of the Chicago Hittite Dictionary Project definitely confirms that(GIS)'sisiyamma- is not a tree, but an agricultural implement like hahhara-, muila-, intaluzzi-, and the galamma-tool of copper which accompany it (KUB 12.51 [i. ? ] 11'-12'//KUB 42.99 [i. ? ] 3'-4'). An additional occurrence of (GIS) Sisiyamma- is [ ... an]das (end of a participle) si-si-ya-a[[m-ma. ? ]]-as (pl. dat.; this reading is against V. Haas, AoF 34 [2007]: 29, 31, 34: dassisiyamnas) in the MH Allaiturahi Ritual KBo 31.143 [obv. ? ] 12', where the word appears beside the (GIS)tiddutri-tool, another agricultural implement.

no. 5 joins KUB 8.63; see now Miller. N.A.B.U. 2005 (no. 1): 10.

no. 9: Cf. also Soysal, ZA 95 (2005): 139 n. 18.

no. 10: The long-awaited MH prayer fragment of Arnuwanda I and Asmunikal presented here expands the content of this highly interesting composition:

ii 17: The profession [sup.LU.ENSI] "seer" is very rare and should be added to Chr. Ruster and E. Neu, HZL (1989), no. 40; elsewhere one finds always [sup.MUNUS.ENSI] "female seer."

ii 22'-25' (with unpublished duplicate 577/u ii 4'-9', from which I draw the restorations here) list members of the family circle of Arnuwanda I and his queen Asmunikal, certainly of historical importance: [[sup.m.Arnuanda LUGAL.GAL]]/U[sup.f.Asmunikal] MUNUS.LUGAL.GAL [m?]\Tuthaliya DUMU.LUGAL (tuhukanti)]/[[f.sup.S] [atandu] hepa [sup.m.Par][iyawatra (DUMU.NITA SANGA)]/[[ ... ? f Musuhep]] [a. ? katt] [a hassa (hanza)ssa ... (QAT)AMMA. ? ]] Satanduhepa was the (first) wife of Tuthaliya IT/III (who is t he son of Arnuwanda I and bears here his early title tuhukanti). Pariyawatra is known from several religious sources as well (e.g., KUB 45.47 i 40-41, ii 5-6, 10, iii 25, KBo 20.62 i 10'-11') with the same title DUMU.NITA SANGA as in this document. He was probably another son of Arnuwanda I beside Kantuzzili (O. Soysal, BiOr 60: 50 with bibi.). Finally, I would suggest the restoration [[sup.f.Musu-hep]]a for ii 25' based on the co-occurrence of Musuhep[a] and Pariyaw[atra] in KUB 34.58 ii rt. col. l'-4'; she would then have been attached to Pariyawatra as his sister or wife.

iii 8'--10': The three foreign words after the personal names Sunaili, Temitti, and Pazizi are hardly proper names (thus, Inhaltsubersicht, p. IV "Valersnamen(?)"), since they do not apply the personal determinative (m). I would consider piggappilu(-), pikudustenah, and pituntuna(-) more likely as epithets, nicknames, or designations of family or origin, whatever they might mean in their native language. All of them sound like good Hattian words (cf. gappilu, kudustenah. tuntuna), having a common plural-collective prefix pi=, which is not a simple initial part of Vatersnamen. A similar conclusion was drawn by E. von Schuler, Kask. (1965), 94 (under Beinamen), assuming, however, that pi= here is the Hattian locative prefix. These linguistic considerations would also be supported by the Hattian ethnicity of the city Kammama (iii 7'), where the persons in question were apparently resident.

no. 13: The verbs in ii 4'-5' are preserved only in this version and allow some corrections to the "conjectural restorations" posed by O. R. Gurney, AAA 27 (1940): 26. The verbal forms iter. pret. pl. 3 [m]a-al-le-es-ki-ir (ii 4') and defective pres. sg. 3 ma-al- <la/li>-z[i](5') are to be added to the occurrences of malla/i-, malliya/i- "to mill, grind" listed in CHD 3/2 (1983), 125.

no. 15 rt. col. 5'-9' and 16 obv. l'-5' are duplicate or parallel to unpubl. 1209/u: 5'-9'. Remarkable is the lexical interchange between [a]mmel is-har-[...] (KBo 53.16 obv. 3') and [ammel.sup.uzu]KAxAS-na?-sa-[x](eras.) (1209/u: 7'). This unique logogram from Bogazkoy, which is unknown in the Mesopotamian cuneiform system, is already listed in Chr. Ruster and E. Neu, HZL as no. 150 "Korperteilbezeichnung?." It may designate a human facial feature located around the mouth.

no. 17: The spelling [s]a?-ku-ua-as-sar-as-at-mu "it (is) [e]ntire ... to me" (obv. 4) and the verbal form iter. pret. sg. 3 as-[sa]-nu-us-ki-it "he arranged" (rev. 8') appear here for the first time.

no. 19 line 4': Note the unique spelling [s]u-[]-sa "and you (gods)."

no. 20 lines 4'-5' are to be reconstructed in the light of similar phrases in the prayers KUB 60.156 obv. 15-16 and KBo 22.81 rev.? 3'-4', 9' as follows: [takku ninkanza] ua-as-ta-ah-hu-un tak-k[u-ma ... wastahhun nu wastaus=mus har-ni-i]k "(O mercy, (you) Storm-god!) [If] I committed a sin [by being drunk], (or) i[f I committed a sin by being ..., then please destro]y [my sins]."

no, 21: A transliteration is now found in B. Christiansen, StBoT 48 (2006), 69-70.

no. 24 line 4': This version omits the next sentence after [(an-ne-es)]-ki-mi, available in the dupl. KUB 12.58 + KUB 7.53 ii 57.

no. 26 iv 6': The unexpected occurrence of ti-es(eras.)-sa-d[u(-) ... ] here instead of proper ti-ua-ri-ia in four duplicates should be understood as the result of scribal error, as the erasure also may indicate. Neither semantically nor materially does it have any connection with tiwariya- (pace Miller, StBoT 46,123), which is a designation or classification of the "plant of the Sun(-god)." On the contrary. tissadu- refers to an unfavorable entity which must be removed from the body of the ritual client and destroyed. tissadu- is constructed of a combination of wools and tallow and manipulated in the ritual as a replica (e.g., KBo 39.8 i 44-49, KUB 12.34 i 5-10).

no. 29 line 6': Despite Miller's reservations in StBoT 46, 141 and 191, I do not hesitate to emend the participle ti-ta-an-za to ti- <it> -ta-an-za and to attribute it to tittiya-/tittai- "to set, assign," since lines 4'-6' exhibit other scribal errors, and the duplicate KBo 43.319 i 12' uses the semi-synonym hantanza "arranged, determined" in the place of tit<t> anza.

no. 31 line 2': To be emendcd to ANSE.GIR.NUN <NA>.HI.A!.

no. 33 has now been joined to KBo 6.34 + KUB 48.76 iii 22-26 by Miller, ZA 96: 237-38.

no. 34 line 1': [su-u]h-ha-ma! +kan! (written as one sign) is intended for su-uh-ha-ma-kan, as it appears in the par. KBo 10.45 iv 38; line 3' reads [a-a]r-si-iz-zi, which stands for a-ar-zi(!) in KBo 10.45 iv 39 and for a-ar-as-zi "flows" in KUB 41.8 iv 37.

no. 35: Cf. Miller, ZA 96: 238.

no. 36 lines 3'-4': The copy shows a clear [a]pel la-at-t[i] and apel la-at-ti p[iran tianzi] "they place in front of his latti-" (restoration taken from par. Bo 4171 + KUB 46.46 i? 4', which uses SU-TUM instead of latti; see H. Otten and Chr. Ruster, ZA 68 [1978]: 271). Thus, against CHD 3/1 (1980), 47 and 48, the word latti is found here in its complete form and in the sg. d.-l. case. I am not sure if the context of the present ritual text (CTH 448) would support the established meaning "tribal troops, tribe" for latti-, or if it may refer here to a (tribal) symbol, emblem, or even a locality. Nevertheless, we find in the same composition the related expression lattien guls- "to write down the latti-" (KUB 17.18 iii 14-15; see CHD 3/1, 48).

no. 37 i 7'-10' with a scene of blood sacrifice: [1 [GU.sub.4].MAH]=kan ANA [d.sup.Paray[a sipandanzi]]/[n=an=ka]n hattesni katt[anda haddanzi]/[SA [GU.sub.4]].MAH eshar udanz[i ... ]/[n=at a]nda lahuwanzi "[They sacrifice a bull] to the deity Paray[a. They slit it (i.e., the bull in its throat)] down[wards into] the hole in the ground. They brin[g] the blood [of the b]ull, [ ... and] they pour it [i]n [...]; cf. KUB 29.4 iv 35-36.

no. 42 iii 3': Due to insufficient context it is unclear if ma-ri-i-is here is to be booked under (GIS)mari- "spear" or <NINDA>mari- "bread stick, baguette?". In any case, this form would be one of the rare occurrences of sg. nom. com. for either lemma; cf. Soysal, BiOr 63 (2006): 566.

no. 44 lines 1-5' are similar to KUB 47.35 iv 7'-12' (CTH 500). Note the alternation between [LU.sup.HAL] "seer, diviner" (here line 1') and the synonym [LU.sup.AZU] (KUB 47.35 iv 7').

no. 46 1. col. 8': DINGIR.MES DUMU.MUNUS.MES "daughter(!) deities" immediately after [DINGIR.MES] [LU.MES] "male deities" (complete form is present in line 6') is so far peculiar and should be interpreted as a scribal error: DINGIR.MES <<DUMU>>MUNUS.MES "female deities."

no. 47 obv,? l'-3': The multiplicative %-anki 8 "eight times eight" referring to the food rations and pots is mentioned by H. A. Hoffner and H. C. Melchert, A Grammar of the Hittite Language (Eisenbrauns, 2008), 163, 169. Note also hassi=tti "in/to your brazier" in obv.? 6'. Narration in pret. sg. 3 in obv.? 2', 5'(dais, peda[s]) would fit a mythological composition as well.

no. 48: According to its introductory lines (esp. obv. 1: E-TIM GIBIL "new house"), this is more likely a foundation ritual.

no. 49 1. col. 4'ff. contain a ritual performed in the presence of the king? (4': [LUGAL-us] ?) and the army (5': ERIN.MES.HI.A sic!); 1. col. 10' reads [ud-d]a-na-as-sa-mu EN-a[s ?].

no. 50 is a religious fragment in MH ductus with some unique lemmata and forms: alwanzesnanza (lines [3'], 5', on which see H. Otten, ZA 66 [1976]: 101 and Soysal, in CRRAI 53 [Moscow, forthcoming]); nominal hallissar of unknown meaning (10'); [GIS.sup.UD].MUNUS.HUB "a kind of large jug" (14'), as already listed by Chr. Ruster and E. Neu, HZL, no. 316.

no. 52 line 7': Note the rare spelling ke-es-sa-an for kissan "thus," also found in KBo 2.4 iii 17' and KUB 7.3:17'.

no. 53 should more likely be assigned to the MH composition CTH 691-692; line 5': perhaps [[man EN.SISKUR.sup.L]][sup.U.MASDA=ma] "But [if the sacrificer is a] poor [m]an"; cf. KUB 17.24 ii 16 (CTH 691.2).

no. 64 rev. 1 and 9: Read and restore u-e-te-na-az "with water"; rev. 4: [UD.x.KA]M tuhhusta "[the ... t]h [day] is finished"; rev. 8: read [GIS.sup.[ER]]IN "[ce]dar." It is not certain if this fragment should be affiliated with a ritual (CTH 470) or a festival (CTH 670). Interesting is the mention of the cult functionaries [[sup.LU.MES.hi-l]]am-mi-ia-as-s(a) (suggested reading; pl. nom. or rather dat.) in rev. 2, who also appear elsewhere in connection with water (KBo 17.93:6') and with the cult action of "taking a bath" (KBo 20.51 i 16'); cf. here rev. 6: warpanzi.

no. 69 line 6': pres. pl. 3 sa-a-ki-ia-an-zi should be added to the occurrences of sakiya/e-"to give a sign" listed in CHD S/1 (2002), 41.

no. 70 obv.? includes many unique nominal spellings: [[GADA.sup.gaz?-za-a]]r-nu-ul-la (obv.? 1); [NINDA]u-i-is-ta-ni-es-sa (3'); [LU][a?][-ku-ut-tar-as-sup.o] (5').

no. 76 line 3': Note the sg. nom. form of the bread designation [[s]], which is found elsewhere as [sup.NINDA hu-u-ri-is], e.g., in KUB 43.55 iv 3'.

no. 81: Note the partially preserved A-az park[unu-] "to clean(se) with water" in obv. 7', otherwise only in KBo 24.41 i 9': witenaz arha par[kunu-] "to clean up with water," which is likewise incomplete.

no. 82: There is no solid clue to identify this fragment as CTH 470 "ritual fragment." In respect to its contents in which the narration is phrased in various persons (sg. 1 and 2, pl. 1 and 3), it could be any text genre, e.g., a letter.

no. 85: Because of the phrases api hes[anzi] "[they] open up an offering pit" and karuilias [DTNGIR.MES] "ancient [gods]" in the lines 4'-5', this fragment should be assigned to CTH 492 and not to CTH 500 (Indices, p. VI) or to CTH 485 (Kosak, Konkordanz); cf. KUB 45.28 + KUB 47.59 + KUB 39.97+ obv. 12.

no. 86 lines 5'-6': To be reconstructed as [EGIR-a]nda=ma kuies namma [DINGIR. M] [ES]/[ANA ... as]sawes n-us ekuzi "[Ne]xt, whichever deitie[s are] additionally [ple]asant [to the ... ], he drinks them."

no. 92 rt. col. 5': On the Hurrian offering term in dative putihi=ya (same spelling also in dupl. KBo 35.220:4'), see V. Haas, ChS 1/9 (1998), 239 with n.221.

no. 93: Mention of the Hurrian cult profession [] (sg. nom.) in line 9'; add this occurrence to J. Tischler, HEG l (1983), 584.

line 11': To be read [MUNUS]-[TU.sub.4] [KIR.sub.14] haddanza "[woman] (whose) nose is slit," known from other Hurrian religious texts, e.g., KBo 33.167 iii 10', KUB 10.63 ii (21'), KUB 29.7 obv. (38), 48, and KUB 47.65 iii (3'). Most recently Th. van den Hout, JAOS 127 (2007): 347, has discussed this female class, taking it to mean "women with pierced nose." I believe, however that the verb hattat- "cut open, slit" in Hittite may reflect a cutting action with more severe results on the human body than a cosmetic action such as piercing. I do not want to exclude the possibilities that these women were either punished after committing a serious crime or ritually marked during initiation into certain (Kizzuwatnan?) cultic duties by the physical mutilation of nose-slitting, whereby they were then considered clean (parkui-as emphasized in KUB 29.7 obv. 38, 48). My colleagues R. H. Beal and D. Campbell have drawn my attention to the practice of ritual mutilation among various cultures, in particular, the practice of cutting or piercing the nose of a male crosswise through the septum by a cassowary-bone dagger; see F. Poole's contribution to Rituals of Manhood: Male Initiation in Papua New Guinea, ed. G. Herdt (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1982), 127; on the practice of ritual mutilation in general, see A. van Gennep, The Rites of Passage (Univ. of Chicago Press, 1960), 71-74.

no. 95 obv?. 2: Read [[]]-ru-uh-ha-as "a tree? and its wood."

no. 97 obv. 2: [...](-) [ha]-zu-un-zu (or [[KU.sub.6]] zu-un-zu) is unknown and does not appear to be Hittite. The sign traces in the edition seem not particularly in favor of an alternative reading [[1.sup.NINDA!]] zu-un-zu, for which compare the (incomplete) bread designation [sup.NINDA.zu-un-z[u(-) ... ]] in KBo 10.52 obv.? 11'; cf. H. A. Hoffner, AlHeth (1974), 192, and P. Taracha, Ersetzen (2000), 124.

no. 101 1. col. 15': Here the scribe intended to write PANI [sup.GIS!.SUKUR] (not DINGIR-LIM as claimed in Inhaltsubersicht, p. VI), since the identical sentence is present in line 11' as well.

no. 102 line 10": Perhaps a verbal form [l]e-e-la-ri-in-ti as Luwian pres. pl. 3. Its relation to lelas "conciliation" in the next line and to the iterative lilaresk- "to conciliate" else-where (CHD 3/1, 59) is highly possible.

no. 103 has been joined to KUB 5.6 + KUB 18.54 iv 27 37 and left edge 1-2 by Miller, ZA 96: 239-40.

no. 106 line 4': [su]-ra-as-su-u-re-e-es-s[a] is a rare pl. nom. occurrence for this oracle bird.

no. 107 i 11,(13) and ii 11' mention lu-lu-u-ti du-us-[ka.sub.4]-ra-te/ti "(in)to the lulu(t)- (a desirable condition) and to the delight" as two favorable locations in the snake oracle; ii 5', 9' read MUS.IR-kan (not MUS-ir-kdn as wrongly proposed in Inhaltsiibersicht, p. VII), perhaps in the sense of "the snake of the (oracle) request," which is to be added to Chr. Ruster and E. Neu, HZL, no. 342. This text with its join-piece KUB 50.72 has recently been studied by D. Lefevre-Novaro and A. Mouton, Anatolica 34 (2008): 33-36, for which I suggest the following corrections and readings; i 9: hur-da-[is], i 11 and ii 4': HAD.DU.A-za (not ud-da-a-za), i 13: SAG.DU)-kan lu-lu-[u sub.1]'-[ti], i 14: IR-za-ma-kan la-ah-l[a-hi-ma], i 16: [g]a-re-es-ki-iz-zi, i 18: liar-kan-ni US-ni pa-i t, ii 1': [N]US[I] [G sub.5]- u.GUR: AS (= INA) ii 7' GlSDIM (not GIS SES-tar), ii 11' (end of line): H[AD.DU.A-za], ii 12' [S]AG? pid-du-li-ia-as ii 13': se-es-k'a'n-zi NU.SE-d[u], iii 7': [G]UNNI (not x IZI), iv 3': [A-N]A 1 GAL DUB.SAR.GIS, iv 4': [A-N]A mSag-ga-pi (cf. Chr. Ruster and E. Neu, HZL, no. 192).

no. 110 ii 6': On the use of Akkadian ANZILLU "taboo" in Bogazkoy, see Soysal, JNES 65 (2006): 130.

no. 115 line 4': Read a-pa-a-a[s] e-es-sa-u "let him do/finish!"

no. 120 has been joined to KUB 53.32 obv. 4' -8' by Miller, ZA 96: 240-41. With the restorations taken from the duplicate KBo 10.25 vi 19' - 21' the present text KBo 53.120 obv. 8' can be further reconstructed as 'EGIR-SU AM.SI u-[(iz-zi) pi-r]a-an UGULA LU.ME[([sup.S.UR].[GI.sub.7]) hu-(i-ia-an-za)] "Thereafter comes (the image) of an elephant; the chief of the dog-men (or: hunters) is [ru]nning [bef]ore (it)." Against Miller's handcopy the traces of an u-sign are still to be seen in KUB 53.32 obv. 8'. One may recognize a broken AM.SI also in the duplicate KBo 10.25 vi 19'. If the reading AM.SI for both texts is correct, this would be the first occurrence of the logogram AM.SI for "elephant" to be found as an independent logogram in the Hittite corpora; it otherwise always appears in the compound designation [ZU sub.9].AM.SI "tooth of elephant = ivory." This reading would furthermore support the idea of J. Puhvel, StBoT 45 (2001), 561-62 (inspired by an early suggestion of V. V. Ivanov), that the Hittite lexicon possessed two lemmata: peri- (c.) "elephant" (simply borrowed from Akkadian piru) and lahm/pa- (c.) "ivory," since the description in KBo 10.25 vi 19'-24'//KBo 53.120 obv. 8'-10' with mention of AM.SI, [sup.LU.MES] [ALAM.ZU.SUB.9], and [ZU sub.9].AM.SI is similar to that in KBo 17.43 iv 5'-6': peris uizzi [LU.MES ...] peran SIR-RU lahmas/paizzi UGULA [sup.LU.MES]AL[[AM.ZU.sub.9] ...]. The Hittites may have never met the elephant physically, but they knew this animal by its name from the Mesopotamian written tradition, and also as the source of ivory.

no. 121: I see no reason why this MH fragment should be classified as CTH 635. In lines 5'-8' it better resembles KBo 38.28 rev. 11'-13' (CTH 646.15), which is likewise written in the MH ductus. In regard to the context relating cult music with [sup.GIS]TIBULA here (line 6'), cf. also KBo 22.206: 8'-10'.

no. 125 lines 6'-18' duplicate VBoT 89 i 6'-22' 9(CTH 628); line 13': after comparison with VBoT 89 i 14' read and restore f.[ ... (-x-zu-u)]a-as I ku-gul-la-as GA KIN.AG.TUR "..., one [lump.sup.?]/[ball.sup.?] of small cheese"; the entry "cheese," however, has dropped out in VBoT 89.

line 14': The writing ta-ma-al-ki here now confirms the emendation of sa-ma-al/an-ki in VBoT 89 i 9', 16' to ta-ma-[degrees], as proposed in CHD S/1, 112 based on a collation. This word seems to be a Hurrian offering term, and its forms tamalki/tamanki were perhaps simply phonetic variants.

no. 127 lines 2'-6' (with mention of SALMUTIM "whole, entire" in line 2') may have some textual connection with KBo 21.55 rt. col. 7--12 (CTH 670).

no. 128 rev. 3:[sup.d Ka]-tah-zi-[uu.sub.u]-u-ri and no. 129 1. col. 6': faulty writing [sup.d.Ka]-tah-z]i-[ua.sub.a]-u-ri are renderings of the Hattian name of the Hittite/Luwian goddess Kam(ma)rusepa, on which see Soysal, in CRRAI 53 (Moscow, forthcoming).

no. 133: Cf. also D. Groddek, KBo 54, p. IX with n. 21.

no. 134 obv. rt. col. 2:[sup.MUNUS.MES]ha-az-ka-ra-ri exhibits a defective spelling for the female cult profession [sup.MUNUS]hazkarai-, which has recently inspired many studies: H. A. Hoffner, JCS 50 (1998): 37-40; S. RoBle, in: GsForrer (2004), 557-69; E. Rieken, in GsForrer, 535; G. Torri, SEL 23 (2006): 99-106. The origin of the word will be discussed elsewhere by the reviewer in FsSinger (forthcoming).

no. 136 [obv.SUP.?] (ii) 9: On the female cult functionaries [sup.MUNUS.MES] zinlufiiyas, see L. Jian, JAC 9 (1994): 82-94; G. Giorgadze, Caucasica 3 (1999): 21-27; Y. Arikan, AnAr 5 (2002): 11-51.

no. 140 line 6': Note the spelling [i]m-mi-en-zi "they mix" and add to J. Puhvel, HED 1-2(1984). 362f.

no. 141 line 2': Read and restore [[sup.CIS.BAN]]SUR-i si-im-m[a-al?-lu? ], a further occurrence for sim(m)al(T)u- "a foodstuff made of milk"?

no. 152 1. col. l'-8' are duplicate to KUB 2.6 v 5-14 (CTH 598.1.A). Note the interchange between [TU.sub.7]hapalzir (a rare form attested only in this text) and [TU.sub.7]hapalzil.

no. 153 iv 1 -4 are to be reconstructed as [nu? L]UGAL-us [sup.E]hale[ntuwa]\[p]aizzi dun-nakk[isna]/[pa]izzi [sup.NINDA]saramma/[hal ]ziya "[and? the k]ing [g]oes to the pala[ce-complex]; he [go]es [into] the inner chamber, (and) [ca]lls saramma"; cf. similar KBo 21.70 i 5'-7', KBo 17.74 ii 26.

no. 154: If line 1' is to be read [su-up-pi-ia]-ah-ha-a[n-zi] "[they consecra]te," the closest offering descriptions to lines l'-5' here are found in KUB 2.6 iv 26-33 (CTH 598.1.A), KUB 10.23 iii 2-8 (CTH 612.b.C), and KUB 41.40 iv 24'-28' (CTH 669.32), among many others.

no. 155 lines 3'-5' are parallel to KBo 20.10 i 12-15 and ii 9-12 (CTH 669).

no. 159 i 7': Against the clear copy ma-u-e-ra-an one would prefer to read ku-u-e-ra-an (sg. acc.) as a unique spelling for (A.SA) kuera- "field."

no. 160 iv 11' possibly reads [a-pe]e-en-za-an [sup.GlS]ZA.LAM.GAR.HI.A-as"[th]eir (i.e., of the gods in the previous line) tents"; cf. the sg. usage apel [sup.GlS]ZA.LAM.GAR-as in KUB 45.77 obv. i? 16'.

no. 161 rt. col. 7'-9' have a description similar to KBo 53.164 rt. col. 6'-9', where the chief cook presents to the king a sample of liver. After reciprocal restorations with KBo 53.164 the passage here reads as follows: GAL [sup.LU.MES]MUHALDIM SA QATI U[[sup.ZU]NIG.GIG LUGAL-i]/para epzi LUGAL-u[s tuaz QATAM]/dai "The chief of the cooks presents [to the king] t[he liver] of the hand. The kin[g] holds [(his) hand at a distance (to it)]." For SA QATI [sup.uzu]NIG.GIG "liver of the hand, i.e., just for holding, touching," see KBo 30.54 i 14f., KBo 41.94 i 6'f., KUB 10.79:8'ff., all the same rite including the participation of the king and the chief cook.

no. 165 rt. col. 4'-6': A description of [sup.NlNDA]taparwa[sub.a]su by the chief royal body guard as part of a festival; see most recently Soysal, JANER 4 (2004): 86 n. 12, and Anatolica 31 (2005): 196 n. 26. The closest parallel to this phrase appears in KUB 11.13 v9'-11' (CTH 613.l.A).

no. 166 line 8': Read sar-la-a-at-t[a(-) ...] "praise offering" also in connection with the bread designation NINDA mulati- (line 6'); see CHD S/2 (2005), 276.

no. 168: In addition to the possible Identification as a festival (CTH 670), one should not exclude a cult inventory (CTH 530) for the genre of this fragment.

no. 169 i 1-4 describe the hand-washing rite of the king in the vicinity of the halentuwa-building: [LUGAL-us] [sup.E.halituwas]/[p/sar] a paizzi/[DUMU]. MES.E.GAL watar pedanzi/[LUGAL-us QA-TI]-SU a-ar-ri "[The king] goes [forth/u]p to the palace-complex. The palace [attendant]s carry water. [The king] washes his [hands]." The closest description to this is found in Bo 6106 ii 12'-14'; cf. S. Alp. Tempel (1983), 304-5.

no. 174 1. col. 3'-4': To be reconstructed as UGULA [sup.LU.MES] zili[puriyatallas hattili]/maldi "the chief of the zili [puriyatalla)-men recites [in Hattian]"; cf. KUB 1.14 ii 13'-14'.

no. 177 rt. col. 3'-6': The poorly preserved scene here with a priest may be compared to the Hisuwan festival KBo 15.37 v 4-6 (CTH 628.II.1), where a priest strikes first the "back(side)" (iskisa) of the divine statue with staffs three times, and then the king kisses (kuwaszi) those staffs, while here the "feet" (GIR.HI.A) of the statue are treated instead of "back(side)."

no. 183 lines 2' and 5': Restore the cult profession [sup.LU] ta-az-zi-il-li-is, on which see now Y. Arikan, FsKosak (2007), 33-58.

no. 184: [sup.d] UTU [sup.URU] Himuwa is attested only here and is to be added to B. H. L, van Gessel, Onomasticon II(1998), 887.

no. 193 features descriptions of "honoring the deities by cult drinking" and "offerings with takarmu-bread." [sup.NINDA]takar(a)mu, on whose designation see recently Soysal, BiOr 63 (2006): 568, is widely utilized in festivals from various cults, but the members of the pantheon listed here (Mezzu[lla], Hull[a], Inar in lines 5', 8', 11') clearly point to a Hattian back-ground of the present festival, like CTH 630, 638, and 648 (all with takarmu-breads).

no. 198 rt. col. 2'-3': Read and restore [EGI]R-S'U'-ma-as-s i 10 [sup.UME]ha-a-pe-e-es]/[sup.UPU] Ha-at-ti i-i a-a[n-ta-ri] "[Afte]r him/her ten [hapiya-]m[en] from Hatti [are] marching." The restoration of the profession follows lines 4'-5', and its ethnic designation by [sup. URU]Hatti here is known also from KUB 59.16 obv. iii 9-10: 15 [sup.LU.MES]hapes [sup.URU]Hatti/EGI R-passit isgara nt es "Fifteen hapiya-men from Hatti are lined up in position after him/her"). I suspect that both fragments go back to the same composition, CTH 649.

no. 200 rt. col. 11'; 4 NINDA MISLU [sup.NINDA] saramnas "four half loaves of bread allotments?"; for MISRU "half," see CHD S/2, 242.

no. 204 line 4': Read [ANA ... A.D]A.GUR GUSKIN anda tarnan[za] "a golden [drinking] tube is inserted in [...]."

nos. 207 and 213 are discussed in detail by V. Haas, OLZ 100 (2005): 455.

no. 209 lines 4', 8': [sup.GIS]halmuti- is a graphic variant of the cult object [sup.GIS]halputi- of Hattian origin; see my study, JANER 8/1 (2008): 58-65.

line 8': The Akkadian word SAPU "thick" is found in Bogazkoy only as part of the designation [sup.KUS]NIG.BAR SA-(A-)PU-U "sturdy leather drape"; cf. J. Klinger, StBoT 37 (1996), 684. The spelling SA-A-PU-U appears only in this fragment.

no. 211 is a duplicate or parallel to KUB 48.8 obv. 3ff. and 92/v (now edited as KBo 54.227) 2'ff.; cf. already Soysal, HWHT (2004), 49.

no. 216 iv 30': [sup.MUNUS]zi-ih-hi-i[n- ...] (in this form more likely incomplete) is a hapax denoting a hitherto unknown female profession in cult.

no. 218: In this tiny fragment there is nothing indicating Hattian language except incomplete [... (-) h]u-u-uz-z[i(-) ...] in line 6'.

no. 219 line 5': a-an-as-ta is obscure. One may strongly doubt the unsatisfactory explanation of this word as a possible error for astayaratar "something unfavorable" as proposed in Inhaltsubersicht, p. IX.

no. 223 lines 10'-11' are in Hattian; cf. KUB 28.112:7', 10' (CTH 743.4). Line 8': [...]-V-x-si-u is copied here more accurately than in the old copy, KBo 37.71.

no. 224 obv.? (i) 11': Read and restore [1 ANSE.GIR.NU]N.NA.MAH 1 ANSE. MAH [...]; both logograms for "stud/brood mule and donkey" occur here for the first time and are to be added to Chr. Ruster and E. Neu, HZL, no. 302; rev.? (iv) 3': reads [UZUT]I.HI.A ku-u-ra-as-ki-iz-z[i] "he chop[s the r]ibs."

no. 225 obv. 1: The rare logogram SISKUR.GE (6) is attested in KBo 31.20:5' as well, for which P. Dardano, StBoT 47 (2006), 266, proposes the meaning "night ritual"; add to Chr. Ruster and E. Neu, HZL no. 156. Alternatively, SISKUR.GE (6) "dark ritual" could be the antonym of SISKUR parkui- (=? BABBAR, ZALAG) "clear ritual," e.g., in KUB 13.29:9', KUB 15.32 i 51-52, and KUB 15.34 ii 3, referring to a ritual in which possibly (black) magic with evil forces is practiced.

no. 228 lines 6'-8' are written in Luwian: the i-stem EME-is (sg. n. c.) refers to the Luwian word lali- "tongue; slander," and in the following lines it reads: u-la-an-tal-l[i- ...] "mortal" and pa-ri-'i(-)is' [...]. On the other hand, EN.SISKUR/SISKUR "sacrificer" (lines 2', 3') and [a]nda pussai[zzi] "he chop[s] up/crushe[s]" (4') recall CTH 480; cf. KUB 29.7 + KBo 21.41 rev. 24-25, 30-33.

no. 239 line 4': The archaic genealogical term ABI ABI LUGAL "grandfather of the king" otherwise occurs only in the Zalpa-Text, KBo 3.38 obv. 8', (12'), (19').

line 6': [sup.m.Wa.sub.a.pwa.sub.a.ili] exhibits a typical Hattian name (*[; for this formation, cf. [] in KBo 37.89 rev. 9').

line 7": [... (-)a]r-ha-as KUR-e, if not acephalic, would mean "border land."

no. 241: If my reading [[sup.d.I]rhandawas(-)[...] for line 12' is correct, this could be the dative or genitive form of the name of the divine group (d)Irhant-, which is always plural (d)Irhantes/Irhandus or a Luwian variation of it; add to the occurrences in B. H. L. van Gessel, Onomasticon I (1998), 193.

no. 242 may be an instruction or a protocol; 1. col. 3': read [te-ek-ku]-us-sa-nu-ud-du "let him [rev]eal."

no. 244 line 3': Read and restore [i-da-a[sup.?]-l]u tak-ki-is-ki[- ...] "to commit [evi]l."

no. 247 lines l'-4' are dupl. to IBoT 2.81:5'-8' (CTH 500), as well as similar to KBo 23.15 iii 30'ff. (CTH 701).

no. 249 is to be assigned to the cult inventory fragments (CTH 530), rather than to CTH 832.

no. 251: To the lines 2'-3' with bread designations, cf. KBo 10.52+ obv.? ii 11'-12' (CTH 448.4.3.b).

no. 253 (CTH 458): Line 3' has one of the very rare usages of the logogram "wool" in Hittite with the phonetic complement SIG-an (sg. acc.; Hitt. huliyan or *hulanan), which is otherwise known only from KBo 48.94:3'. The two tests are, in fact, duplicate or parallel (KBo 53.253: 3'-5' = KBo 48.94: 3'-5'). After some restoration on the basis of KBo 48.94, our fragment reads as follows: (1') [LU]GAL-us x-[...] (2') [ha]r-sa-na-az si-[...] (3') [[sup.NINDA]har-si-i]n SIG-an (II SIG-an-na) sa-ak-[...] (//'I?-[...]) (4') [ha-ap-pi]-na (//ha-ap-pe-e-ni) pe-es-si-ia-z[i] (5') [...] x (//an identical sign is erased here) ma-ma-al-[za-ki-it-ta] (//ma-am-ma-al-z,a-ki-i[t-ta]) "[The k]ing [...]/from the [h]ead [...]/[He/she smears? a thick-brea]d and wool with? fa[t ...,] / throw[s them] into [the flame]/ [ ... He/she] recit[es]." The middle form mam(m)alzakitta for pres. sg. 3 to mammalt- "to recite" is to be added to the occurrences in CHD 3/2, 138 and J. Puhvel, HED 6 (2004), 36.

no. 257 line 3' should possibly be restored: [mahha]n [GE.sub.6]-za k[isari] "[whe]n it b[ecomes] evening"; line 5': [i]s-pi-ia-nu-zi (pres. sg. 3) is so far the only occurrence for a finite verb ispiyanu- "to satiate, saturate"; line 9': see also Soysal, BiOr 63 (2006): 568.

no. 262: [s]u? -ua-a-iz-z[i] (line 2') and KU.BABBAR (3') would at first seem to suggest a fragment of the Hittite Laws, but 'DINGIR.MES' (1') does not fit the content of that legal composition.

no. 265 lists the divine witnesses of a treaty (CTH 212). For the restored and suggested proper names, see under "Additions and Corrections to Indices."

no. 267 appears to concern a political issue about Arzawa. Line 8': [[sup.m] ... ].[sup.d]LAMMA-an, 9': IDS[eha?]. Furthermore, lines 1l' - 12': [n?]=an pedi=ssi(-)[...] "[and] him in his place"/[EGlR?-and]a=ma=kan kui[s] "but [afterward]s wh[o]" would seem to refer to installation on a throne and a loyalty clause. Thus, this text may be strongly considered to be a treaty (CTH 212).

no. 269 1. col. l'-2' is suggestive of KUB 6.45 ii 50-51 (CTH 381).

no. 271: Outside of this text (lines 5', 8'), the proper name [sup.m]Innarauwa appears only in KUB 48.105+ obv. (5'), 11 (A. Archi and H. Klengel, AoF 7 [1980]: 143, 157). However, it belongs to one of the oldest attested traditions of name-giving in ancient Anatolia, as amply documented in the Cappadocian cuneiform sources as I-na-ra-wa (CCT 3.40b:7, CCT 5.14b:10, etc.).

no. 273: If the sentences in obv.? 6", 9", and 11" end with 'aki' "dies," this fragment is an omen (CTH 560.II).

no. 275 joins directly to KBo 3.24 (CTH 39.1); treated by O. Soysal, N.A.B.U. 2006/1: 15-16, with some comments on Old Hittite history.

no. 276 lines 5'-7' mention [sup.LU]tarpalli- "substitute," on which see recently A. Mouton, N.A.B.U. 2004/2: 54-55; Soysal, JANER 4 (2004): 103-4 nn. 11 and 12.

no. 280 appears to be a mythological text of Hurrian origin (CTH 370). The lexemes dassauwaza (line 2'), nepisi (3'), [URU.sup]Nenuwa (4') and [a]lpus GADA-it "[in the heaven? someone wipes? the c]louds with a cloth" (5') may suggest the Hedammu Myth (CTH 348); cf. J. Siegelova, StBoT 14 (1971), 58, text no. 16, lines 3-5.

no. 285: If [LU.sup]u-ra-an(-)[...] (rev. 3) is to be related to ura- "great," this is its first occurrence with the [determinative.sup.Lu].

no. 288 obv. 1: [DUG.sup]pussale[s] occurs here for the first time, and is to be added to the Hittite dictionaries. The word in question is a close cognate of pussali- (a garment for leg or foot), and it may therefore denote a shoe or boot-shaped vessel. A variety of these kinds of vessels have been discovered in many excavations in Anatolia including those at Bogazkoy; see F. Fischer, Die hethitische Keramik von Bogazkoy (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1963), 79-80, pl. 131 (nos. 1241-43).

no. 289 lists damaged (cult) objects: (line 3') [a]'rha' arrira[n(-) ... ] "scrape[d o]ff," (4') [ ... S]A' ME-SE-[TI.sub.4] GUSKIN GAR.[RA] "[ ... o]f the lance inla[id] with gold," (5') [a]rha=ya=at d[uwarnan(-) ... ] "it (is) b[roken o]ff."

no. 291 (CTH 39): The phrases [UR]U.DIDLI.HI.A "the [cit]ies" (line 2'), [natt]a? pahsanuan(-)[...] "[no]t protected" (3'), and especially [k]a-a-pat-ua "right/only [h]ere"(5'), remind one strongly of the OH historical composition KUB 31.64+ (CTH 12); cf. O. Soysal, AoF 25 (1998): 17, 23, 32; idem., ZA 95 (2005): 134.

no. 296 line 3' reads [GIS.sup]u-ra-la, and not [GIS.sup]u-ra-at- (pace V. Haas, OLZ 100 [2005]: 456). Except for this text, [GIS.sup]urala- is attested only in KBo 35.246 obv. 5'//KBo 21.30 i 7'-8' in an object description: [l-(NUTIM)] [GIS.sup]u-ra-a-la SA [TI.sub.8]MUSEN nu=ssan lahmas GUSKIN=ya anda [...] "[One] urala-set of an eagle on which ivory and gold (are) [inlaid?]." I. Wegner, ChS 1/3-3 (2004), 139': "bestimmte Wertgegenstande (Kollektiv)."

no. 301 is Palaic and seems to belong to CTH 751 "la parole des pains"; line 2': The royal title [t]abarnas always appears in Palaic with initial t; cf. Soysal, Anatolic a 31 (2005): 192-93; line 4': 'a'?-an-ta su-ua-a-[an-da] "and the fu[ll ... ]"; line 5' is to be analyzed as kuwais=a=ti; cf. O. Carruba, StBoT 10 (1970), 61; line 7': perhaps [s]u?--ua-an-ti-i[s asandu?] "[let them be f]illed."

no. 302 1. col. 5': Read perhaps [T][UG.sup] NIG.LAM.MES SA N[1.T]E "sumptuous garments of the b[od]y."

no. 303 belongs to CTH 378.1, and obv.? (now rather rev.!) lines 3'-7' duplicate KUB 14.14+ rev. 47' - 51'. This allows some small restorations and corrections to the transliteration of the First Plague Prayer of Mursili II edited by R. Lebrun, Hymnes (1980), 198. Rev. 47': SA [m.sup]Du-[u(t-ha-li-ia)], 48': u-e-i-ia-[(al-ten na!-a)]t, 49': da-at-ten [(nu-kan KUR)]-e an-da, 50': u-ua-ah-h[(a-ru)], 51': u-e-ia-[a(t-te-en)].

no. 304 CTH 39: If [l/tab]arna (line 3') and [m.sup]Huzz[iya] (4') do not refer to a great king Huzziya (I or II), on may suggest that this fragment reflects the conflict of Hattusili I with his son Huzziya known from CTH 6.

no. 308: Read and restore: [...]-es-kir (line 1'), [k]ar-as-sa-an (2'), [hal-k]u-i-es-sar-ra (3').

This is a review article of: Texte aus dem Bczjrk des Grosser/Tempels V. Ry JARED L. MILLER. Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi, vol. 53. Berlin: GEBR. MANN VERLAG, 2005. Pp. xx + 46. [euro]27 (paper).

(1.). Abbreviations employed here are those of The Chicago !Unite Dictionary. Add: Caucasian The Journal of Caucasian Studies. Tbilisi.


COPYRIGHT 2009 American Oriental Society
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2009 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

Article Details
Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback
Author:Soysal, Oguz
Publication:The Journal of the American Oriental Society
Article Type:Report
Geographic Code:70MID
Date:Apr 1, 2009
Previous Article:On torture and the Achaemenids.
Next Article:The Blackwell Companion to the Qur'an.

Terms of use | Privacy policy | Copyright © 2018 Farlex, Inc. | Feedback | For webmasters