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Old English 'hring' in Riddles 48 and 59.

Two of the Old English riddles in the Exeter Book (numbers 48 and 59), describe the object to be idendfied as a hring.(1) Various solutions have been put forward for these riddles, most of them suggesting that the hring is some soft of sacramental vessel. This note proposes an alternative solution. Riddle 48 reads:(2)

Ic gefraegn for haelepum hring endean,

torhtne butan tungan, tila Peah he hlude

stefne ne cirmde, strongum wordum.

Sinc for secgum swigende cwaeo:

"Gehaele mec, helpend gaesta." 5

Ryne ongietan readan goldes

guman galdorcwide, gleawe be pencan

hyra haelo to gode, swa se hring gecwaeo.

I heard of a hring speaking before men, bright without a tongue, (speaking) well

although it did not call out with a loud voice in brave words. The treasure, being

silent, spoke before men: |Save me, helper of souls'. Let men understand the

mystery, the magic utterance, of the red gold, wisely entrust their salvation to

God, as the hring said. Riddle 59 reads:

Ic seah in heaue hring gyldenne

men sceawian, modum gleawe,

ferppum frode. Fripospede baed

god nergende gaeste sinum

se pe wende wripan; word aefter cwaeo 5

hring on hyrede, haelend nemde

tillfremmendra. Him torhte in gemynd

his dryhtnes naman dumba brohte

ond in eagna gesiho, gif paes aepelan

goldes tacen ongietan cupe 10

ond dryhtnes dolg, don swa paes beages

benne cwaedon. Ne maeg paere bene

aeniges monnes ungefullodre

godes ealdorburg gaest gesecan,

rodera ceastre. Raede, se pe wille, 15

hu oaes wraetlican wunda cwaeden

hringes to haelepum, pa he in healle waes

wylted ond wended wloncra folmum.

I saw in the hall men gazing on a golden hring, prudent in their minds, wise in

their hearts. He who turned the band prayed to God the Saviour for abundant

peace for his soul; afterwards, in company, the hring spoke words, named the

saviour of those doing good deeds. It showed to him in his mind the name of

its lord; the dumb one brought it forth into the sight of his eyes if he knew how

to understand the sign (made) of noble gold and (understand) die wounds of the

Lord, (knew how) to do as the wounds of the ring said. The prayer of any man

being unfulfilled, his soul cannot attain the metropolis of God, the city of the

heavens. Let him who desires explain how the wounds of the wondrous hring may

have spoken to men, when it was twisted and turned by the hands of proud ones

in the hall.

In both riddles the object being described is called a hring. In Riddle 48, the word hring is used in the first and last line and the same object is described as sinc |treasure' (4). We are told that the hring is bright (z) and is of red gold (6). The hring has no tongue (2) and is silent (4), yet it speaks. What it |says' has therefore been taken to be a text inscribed on it. This text is given as |gehaele mec helpend gaesta' (|save me, helper of souls', 5).

In Riddle 5 9, the word hring is used three times, at the beginning, the middle and the end (1, 6, 17). The same object is described as wripa |band' (5) and as beag |ring' (11), a word which is often used in the context of treasure. The hring is dumb (8) and yet it speaks (5). What it |says' is to be understood through its wounds (benne 12, wunda i 6) which have been taken to be the incised letters of its text. The wounds of the hring are paralleled by |dryhtnes dolg' (|the wounds of God', 11), underlining the religious significance of the inscribed text. We are also told that the inscription names both God (6) and the lord of the hring (8), who may be either God or its earthly lord. Lines 17-18 describe the object's being turned in the hands of men. This could refer to the passing of the object from hand to hand, or to its being turned around so that the inscribed text could be read, or to some twisting process during its manufacture. It is, of course, possible that more than one of these meanings is intended.

Both riddles contain the paradox of the dumb object's |speaking' through the written word. This paradox occurs elsewhere in Old English, for example in Riddle 60.(3)

In both Riddles 48 and 59 the hring is a valuable object of gold, a piece of treasure, and is inscribed with a religious text. In addition, the hring of Riddle 59 may have a personal name inscribed on it and is small enough to be passed from hand to hand. The solutions to the riddles should fit these clues. By comparison with other riddles, it seems likely that the solutions will be familiar rather than unusual objects.

A number of different solutions have been proposed for most of the Old English riddles, and Riddles 48 and 59 are no exceptions. The solutions proposed for Riddle 59 are |chalice' and |communion cup'; those for Riddle 48 are |bell', |chalice', |chrismal', |paten', |pyx' and |sacramental vessel'.(4) The possibility of the hring's being a bell is discussed below, The remainder of these suggested solutions are all sacramental vessels or ecclesiastical objects of some kind. The majority of them would be circular in shape and of a size to be passed from hand to hand.

Very few sacramental vessels survive from Anglo-Saxon England. Of the few that do, none is gold and none is inscribed. The ninth-century Trewhiddle chalice, for example, is silver although part of it was gilded;(5) it is not inscribed. Uninscribed also is the gilt-bronze chalice from Hexham.(6) Contemporary Irish church plate is silver, sometimes with gold fittings. One such example, the Ardagh chalice, has an inscription engraved on the silver, including the names of three of the disciples, Bartholemew, Thomas and Matthew.(7)

From documentary evidence we know that, at least in the late Anglo-Saxon and early Norman periods, greater numbers of sacramental vessels existed than their survival-rate would suggest. AElfric, for example, in his letter to Wulfstan, describes how chalices may be made of various materials: |And witao, paet beo aelc calic geworht of myltendum antimbre, gilden oooe seolfren, glaesen oooe tinen. Ne beo he na hyrnen ne huru treowen.'(8) |And understand that each chalice should be made from molten material, (material) of gold or of silver, of glass or of tin; let it not be made (from material) of horn nor indeed of wood.')

Occasionally chalices are specifically described as golden; for example an entry in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (MS D) for 1058 mentions a golden chalice worth five marks.(9) Two inventories from the Abbey of Ely date from the late eleventh century.(10) The inventory Of I079 fists, among other treasures, twenty-three chalices and nineteen patens; by 1093 the number of chalices had risen to twenty-six, one of which was of gold. None of these has survived, and we do not know whether any of them were inscribed. Inscribed patens in England survive only from the late twelfth century, inscribed chalices only from the fifteenth century.(11) On the Continent, however, inscribed sacramental vessels survive from earlier periods. There is, for example, the eighth-century Tassilo chalice from Kremsmunster in Austria.(12) This chalice is gilt-bronze and is inscribed both with a religious text, alpha and omega, and with the name of Tassilo, Duke of Bavaria. The design of its ornamentation shows considerable Anglo-Saxon influence.

The German metal-worker Theophilus, writing in the twelfth century, described the making of chalices, patens, cruets, censers and other sacramental objects. He described, for example, how chalices, both large and small, could be made from silver. They could be decorated with engraving which then could be filled with niello or could be gilded.(13) The foot of the chalice could be made either from gold or from silver.(14)

There is thus much circumstantial evidence to suggest that many chalices were made in Anglo-Saxon England which have not survived. The hring of Riddles 48 and 59 could have been a sacramental vessel, made of gold (as mentioned by Aelfric), or gilded (as described by Theophilus). Like the Tassilo chalice, such an object could have been inscribed with both a religious text and a name, either the name of God or a personal name. The fact that no such object survives from Anglo-Saxon England does, however, make this argument less than compelling.

One starting-point in looking for an alternative solution is the possible range of meanings of the Old English word hring. Hring occurs quite frequently in the corpus of Old English, both in prose and in verse. It occurs, for example, once in each of five other riddles.(15) In these fiddles, however, unlike Riddles 48 and 59, the hring is not the object to be guessed, but refers to an adornment on the object or to treasure. These are two of the common meanings of OE hring, but at least eleven different meanings or shades of meaning can be distinguished.(16)

Most commonly, hring is used of an adornment or a piece of treasure of circular shape and, hence, of treasure in general. It is also used of a circular object, of a ring fastened on to another object (for example, on to a shrine), or of a circular part of the structure or decoration of a building. Hring can be used of a circular shape marked out on the ground or on one's body, of people standing or of birds flying in a ring, and of the circle of the year. It is used of natural phenomena, such as occur in the sky. It is used of chains and fetters and, mainly in Beowulf, of a corselet or other armour. This association may be with armour as having high value or with chain-mail as being composed of circular links, or with both. Finally, hring occurs four times in the poetic phrase wopes hring, refering to lamentation.(17) In this phrase, hring may refer to the circular shape of the eye or may be related to the verb hringan (see below) and hence refer to the sound of weeping. Compound nouns containing hring relate often, though not exclusively, to hring as an adornment or a piece of treasure or to hring as war-gear.

The infinitive hringan, and other verbal forms derived from it are, however, used with reference not to circular objects but to sound -- for example, of weapons clashing or of bells ringing. The only exception is the verbal adjective hringed, which refers not to sound but to a hying as a physical object; that is, hringed means |ringed' not |rung'.

With the exception of the, mostly verbal, forms related to hringan |to sound', and with the possible exception of hring in the phrase wopes hring, all the instances of OE hring, both alone and in combination, have one element in common; this element is the notion of circular shape. It therefore seems likely that the hring of Riddles 48 and 59 is Of circular shape. The descriptions in the riddles suggest that the hring is a discrete object, not the circle of the year or a circular mark on the ground. The hring, at least in Riddle 59, is small enough to be passed from hand to hand. The hring of both riddles is golden and inscribed. The solution to both riddles seems thus to be a small, circular, golden (or gilded) object bearing an inscription of a religious nature and possibly also a personal name. There are various existing Anglo-Saxon artefacts that could fit this description: the hring could be a coin, a bell, a brooch or a finger-ring. These possibilities will be discussed in turn.

Anglo-Saxon coins are circular, exist in large quantities and were passed from hand to hand. In addition, almost all Anglo-Saxon coins bear an inscription, very often including two personal names, that of the king or other issuer, and that of the moneyer. There are, however, two objections to the hring of the riddles being a coin. First, although Anglo-Saxon silver coins are indeed plentiful, coins of gold are rather rare. There are a few dating from the seventh century but only the occasional one from later, compared with the many thousands of silver coins produced from the late seventh century onwards. Secondly, the texts on coins seldom contain more than the names of the issuer, the moneyer and the mint. Such texts are clearly secular even when they occur on coins which include a cross in their design. The occasional coin contains a text which could be described as religious. Two silver pennies of Alfred (871-99), for example, contain the letters ELI MO, presumably for elimosina |alms';(18) the short-lived issue of agnus dei coins of AEthelred II (978-1016) contain texts, A:G:, or AGN:, labelling the agnus dei figure.(19) Such religious coin texts are extremely rare. In general, it is difficult to reconcile coin-legends with the religious significance and importance of the inscribed texts described in the two riddles.

The second possibility is that the hring of the two riddles refers to a bell. A bell would presumably be sufficiently circular to be described as a hring, and a small bell could perhaps be passed from hand to hand. The verb hringan |to sound' can refer to bells(20) and the compound bel-hring |bell ringing' is recorded.(21) The use of the simplex hring to refer to a bell would then embody a neat pun well suited to a riddle, on hring, a circular object, and hringan, to ring. An instance of similar deliberate ambiguity occurs in Beowulf 1521, where the poet tells us that |hring-mael agol' (|the ring-sword rang out').

There are, however, two objections to taking hring in the riddles as a bell. First, although bells were certainly made in Anglo-Saxon England, none has survived. We know what some, but not all, were like. Some were large and inscribed, as is indicated by the survival of a fairly large number of pieces of clay bell-mould from the making of bells. Bell-mould would necessarily survive in pieces, as the clay mould had to be chipped off the finished bell. Amongst the large quantity of uninscribed bell-mould fragments found at Winchester and at Gloucester, there are a few with inscriptions. One of the Gloucester fragments contains a religious text, a monogram alpha and omega.(22) These fragments are clear evidence that large inscribed bells were made in Anglo-Saxon England: this Gloucester bell was probably some 32 cm in height.(23) Several manuscript sources suggest that small bells were also made, at least in late Anglo-Saxon England. For example, the inventory of church goods from Sherburn-in-Elmet, dated by Robertson to 1020-30, distinguishes between handbellan and hangende bellan.(24) Since neither handbellan nor mould fragments from their manufacture have survived, we do not know if they were ever inscribed.

The second objection concerns the material from which Anglo-Saxon bells were made. The bell-pits and bell-mould fragments discovered at Gloucester and Winchester accord well with the account of bell-founding given by Theophilus.(25) The metal from which Anglo-Saxon bells were made is not known, but Theophilus said that the metal should be four parts of copper to one part of tin.(26) Theophilus did not mention the possibility of making bells from gold, although he described the methods of manufacture of many other golden and gilded objects. We cannot altogether exclude the possibility that the Anglo-Saxons made tiny golden or gilded bells with religious inscriptions on them, but there is certainly no actual evidence that they did so.

The third possibility is that the hring of the two riddles is a circular ornament like a brooch. OE hring may on occasion have such a meaning, as perhaps in the Epinal-Erfurt Glossary, where fibula is glossed by hringiae and hringae.(27) Circular gold bracteates exist in some quantity from the early Anglo-Saxon period, but these are uninscribed. Also uninscribed are gold and jewelled brooches of the sixth and seventh centuries; uninscribed too are the armlets of gold from the later Anglo-Saxon period, which were probably |not so much a work of art as a piece of bullion'.(28) The well-known Alfred Jewel does to some extent fit the description in the riddles in that it is made of gold (and of crystal), is a piece of treasure and is inscribed.(29) It is not, however, circular, and its text, although containing a personal name, has no obvious religious significance.

A number of inscribed brooches survive from Anglo-Saxon England.(30) All are circular, are of a size to be passed from hand to hand and could be described as pieces of treasure. However, not one of these inscribed brooches is of gold or is gilded; all are made from other metal -- silver, pewter, bronze or copper alloy of some sort. Moreover, most of the inscribed brooches are coin-brooches, incorporating either an actual coin or a coin-copy. Their texts are thus often similar to coin-legends and, like coin-legends, do not suit well the accounts of the inscriptions given in the two riddles.

Three of the silver brooches do, however, have texts which fit the riddlers' descriptions rather better than do those of the other brooches. Those from Cuxton and Sutton contain the name of the owner of the brooch, that from Canterbury the name of the brooch's maker. In each case this personal name might be the |dryhtnes naman' of Riddle 59 (line 8), if a secular name is intended. The Sutton brooch also contains a curse against a would-be thief, a curse invoking the name of God as drihten. The Canterbury brooch also has a religious text, |nom[ine] [d]om[ini]' (|in the name of the Lord). These three brooches fit the descriptions given in the two riddles better than do other brooches or bells or coins. The existence of inscribed silver brooches might perhaps suggest that inscribed gold brooches were also made. It is certainly, however, an argument against taking the hring as a brooch that not a single example of a circular inscribed brooch either gilded or made of gold has been found.

The fourth possibility is that the hring of the riddles is a finger-ring. The word hring does on occasion refer to a finger-ring, as for example in the Rule of Chrodegang, |7 heora fingras hringum scinon' ('and their fingers shone with hringum).(31) Anglo-Saxon gold finger-rings exist in fairly large numbers and are clearly of an appropriate size and worth to fit the descriptions in the two riddles. Fourteen surviving Anglo-Saxon finger-rings are inscribed, of which ten are made of gold; there was also one further inscribed gold ring which is now lost.(32)

Several of these eleven finger-rings have texts which suit the accounts given in the riddles, although none has a text identical to that given in Riddle 48, line 5. The text given there uses the pronominal form mec for the more usual OE me. OE mec occurs in various Anglo-Saxon inscribed texts and notably four times on these eleven rings, in the texts of the rings from Bodsham, Steyning and Lancashire (twice). All these finger-rings, with the exception of the one from Driffield which is now lost, contain a personal name. In some cases the name is that of the owner of the finger-ring; for example the Steyning text reads |aescwvlf mec ah' (|Aescwulf owns me'). In other cases the personal name may be that of the owner, maker, commissioner or donor of the ring. Any of these could be described as the drihten of the hring (Riddle 59, line 8), if this is an earthly drihten.

In addition, four of the finger-rings have texts of religious significance, as did the lost ring from Driffield. These four are the rings from Bossington, Sherburn and Swindon and the unproveninced |eawen' ring. The Swindon text has alpha and omega, a reference to Revelation xxii. 13. The Driffield ring apparently read |+ ecce agnv[s] di', the reference being to John 1.29. The Sherburn text contains A and D, presumably referring to the agnus dei depicted in the decoration. Both alpha, omega and agnus dei are, of course, names of God, suiting Riddle 59, line 8, if the drihten mentioned there is indeed God. The |eawen' ring has a text of obscure, but clearly Christian, meaning, possibly to be translated |Eawen owns me; may St Peter the rock choose her.' The text of the Bossington ring reads |in xpo nomen c[u]lla fic', perhaps to be understood as |in Christ (my) name is changed to C[u]lla'. Although none of these texts is the same as that given in Riddle 48, they are of a similar religious import. That an inscribed object should contain a text not exactly paralleled elsewhere is not a cause for concern; it is in fact the norm amongst Anglo-Saxon inscriptions.

From the foregoing discussion, there seems little doubt that the Anglo-Saxon artefacts that best fit the clues given about the hring of the two riddles are finger-rings. Since, however, one of the attested meanings of OE hring is |finger-ring', there might seem little purpose in posing a riddle that gives the solution in the first line. There are several answers to this objection. First, the word hring has such a wide semantic range that mentioning it in the first line does not instantly make clear the solution; further dues are necessary.

Secondly, there are several Old English riddles that do in fact begin by stating the solution. One example is Riddle 47 which starts |moooe word fraet' Ca moth ate words) and whose solution is a book-moth.(33) Another is Riddle 23, whose first line reads |agof is min noma eft onhwyrfed' (|agof is my name turned backwards');(34) agofis for agob, the reversed spelling of boga |bow', which is the solution to the riddle. Thirdly, and leading on from these examples, several of the Old English riddles are not really enigmas, in the sense of requesting the reader to guess a difficult solution. Instead, some riddles have fairly obvious solutions but require the reader to consider the paradoxes and perplexities of these everyday objects presented in an unusual light. It may be that in Riddles 48 and 59 the riddler is less concerned to make the answer difficult to guess than to encourage the audience to ponder the religious significance of the inscribed hring.(35)

In conclusion, I propose that the hring of Riddles 48 nd 59 is a finger-ring. This proposal has the attractions both of fitting all the clues provided by the riddler and of being based on the actual evidence of existing Anglo-Saxon artefacts.

NOTES

(1) The Exeter Book, ed. by G. P. Krapp and E. van K. Dobbie, The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records, 3 (New York; London, 1936). Riddle 48 is on pp. 205-6 and Riddle 59 on pp. 209-10. (2) The texts are taken from The Exeter Book, ed. Krapp & Dobbie. The translations are mine but I have consulted all editions of the riddles, including the most recent, The Old English Riddles of the Exeter Book, ed. by C. Williamson (Chapel Hill NC, 1977). (3) The Exeter Book, ed. Krapp & Dobbie, 225. (4) See D. K Fry, |Exeter Book riddle solutions', Old English Newsletter, XV.1 (1981), 22-33 (5) D. M. Wilson, Anglo-Saxon Ornamental Metalwork 700-1100 in the British Museum (London, 1964), pp. 54-5, 179-81 and figs. (6) D. M. Wilson, The Anglo-Saxons (London, 1960), p. 66. (7) See R. M. Organ, |Examination of the Ardagh chalice -- a case history, in A Science in Examination of Works of Art, ed. by W. J. Young (Boston, Mass., 1973), p. 258, figs . 45, 46, 68, 69. (8) The text is taken from MS D, ff. 161-2, printed in Die Hirtenbriefe Aelfrics...,ed. by B. Fehr, 2nd edn (Darmstadt, 1966), p. 12.6; the translation is mine. (9) Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel.... ed. by C. Plummer, Vol. I (Oxford, i (10) See C. C. Oman, English Church Plate 597-1830 (Oxford, 1957), p. 15. (11) Ibid., pp. 54-8. (12) The Making of England: Anglo-Saxon Art and Culture AD 600-900, ed. by L. Webster and J. Backhouse (London, 1991), no. 131, p. 168 and fig. (13) Theophilus: |De Diversis Artibus'. |The Various Arts', ed. and trans. by C. R. Dodwell, (Oxford, 1986), pp. 76-94. (14) Ibid., pp. 94, 108. (15) The Exeter Book, ed. Krapp & Dobbie, Riddle 4, line 2 (p. 183); Riddle 20, line 23 (p. 190); Riddle 71, line 8 (p. 232); Riddle 91, line 4 (p. 241); Riddle 92, line 5 (p. 241). (16) These meanings have been ascertained by checking all instances given in A. diPaolo Healey and R. L. Venezky, A Microfiche Concordance to Old English (Toronto, 1980). (17) The instances are and Andreas 1278, Christ 537, Elene 131 and Guthlac 1339. See the discussion in Gynewulf's |Elene', ed. by P.O.E. Gradon, rev. edn (Exeter, 1977), note to line 1131 (p. 67), and die references given there. (18) Anglo-Saxon Art and Culture, ed. Webster & Backhouse, nos. 150 (a and b), p. 192 and figs. (19) The Colden Age of Anglo-Saxon Art. 966-1066, ed. by J. Backhouse et al. (London, 1984), nos. 206-7 (p. 179 and figs). (20) See, e.g., Benedictine Rule, ch. xlvii (Die angelsachsischen Prosabearbeitungen der Benedctiner ed. by A. Schroer, Vol. II (Kassel, 1888), p. 72. (line 11)). (21) See, e.g., Benedictine Rule, ch. xliii (Benedictinerregol, ed. Schroer, p. 67 (line 20, belhrin (22) E. Okasha, |A supplement to Hand-List of Anglo-Saxon Non-Runic Inscriptions', Anglo-Saxon England, XI (1983), no. 167 (pp. 92-3 and fig.). (23) Carolyn Heighway, in a personal communication. (24) Anglo-Saxon Charters, ed. by A.J. Robertson (Cambridge, 1939), p. 248; see also the notes on pp. 496 and 413. For other lists mentioning handbellan, see ibid., pp. 72, 228. (25) De Diversis Artibus, ed. Dodwell, pp. 150-8. (26) Ibid, p. 154. (27) Old English Glosses in the Epinal-Erfurt Glossary, ed. by J. D. Pheifer (Oxford, 1974), p. 23 (lines 410, 411); cf. notes on pp. 23 and 87. (28) D. A. Hinton, |Late Anglo-Saxon metal-work: an assessment', Anglo-Saxon England, IV (1975), p. 177. (29) E. Okasha, Hand-List of Anglo-Saxon Non-Runic Inscriptions (Cambridge, 1971), no. 4: Athelney (pp. 48-9 and figs.). (30) They are described and illustrated, and the texts transliterated, in Okasha, Hand-List. no. 19: Canterbury I (pp. 58-9 and figs.); no. 27: Cuxton (p. 63 and fig.); no. io4: Rome II (p. 108 and figs.); no. 113: Sulgrave (p. 116 and fig.); no. 114: Sutton (pp. 116-17 and fig.); no. 139: Winchester II (p. 127 and fig.); no. 141: Winchester IV (p. 128 and fig.); no. 154: |eadward' brooch (pp. 135-6 and fig.). (31) Rule of Chrodegang, LII (The Old English Version of the Enlarged Rule of Chrodegang ..., ed. by A. S. Napier, EETS, os, 150 (London, 1916), p. 64 (line 35)). (32) Ten of the eleven gold inscribed finger-rings are described and illustrated, and the texts transliterated, in Okasha Hand-List. no. 13: Bodsham (p. 55 and figs.); no. 14: Bossington (p. 55 and figs.); no. 33: Driffield (p. 67 and figs.) (now lost); no. 66: Lancashire (p. 89 and figs.); no. 70: Laverstock (pp. 91-2 and figs.); no. 86: Llysfaen (pp. 98-9 and fig.); no. 193: Rome I (pp. 107-8 and fig.); no. 107: Sherburn (pp. 112-13 and figs.); no. 115: Swindon (p. 117 and figs.); no. 155: |eawen' ring (p. 136 and figs.). The Steyning ring will appear in E. Okasha, |A second supplement to Hand-List of Anglo-Saxon Non-Runic Inscriptions' (forthcoming); see also D. R. M. Gaimster etal., |Medieval Britain and Ireland in 1989', Medieval Archaeology, XXXIV (1990), 216. (33) The Exeter Book, ed. Krapp & Dobbie, p. 205. (34) Ibid., p. 192. (35) See further P. Neville, |Modes of instruction in the Exeter Book riddles' (unpub. MA diss., University College, Cork, 1990), pp. 145-7. I am most grateful to Pat Neville for permission to make use of his thesis in this article.
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Title Annotation:Exeter Book
Author:Okasha, Elisabeth
Publication:Medium Aevum
Date:Mar 22, 1993
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