Printer Friendly

New copies by Leonardo after Pollaiuolo and Verrocchio and his use of an ecorche model: some notes on his working method as an anatomist.

The earliest surviving anatomical drawings by Leonardo da Vinci have been dated to about 1487 and show the master's interest in the nervous system, in the skeleton and in the myology of the upper and lower extremities and of the head and neck. On the basis of these earliest studies in human anatomy it has been concluded that, in addition to surface examination and received wisdom, Leonardo's knowledge of the subject was based on animal dissections. (1) The purpose of this essay is to propose additional sources for some of these studies, as well as later anatomical drawings, in order further to clarify, the working methods Leonardo adopted when he investigated the human body and sought to record his findings. I will argue that a number of his famous anatomical studies of the superficial muscles of a standing muscular nude are based on a three-dimensional anatomical model which Leonardo had made for his own use when dissection on a cadaver was not possible. If the reconstruction of this model is accepted, then it must be considered as the archetype of all successive ecorche models or scorticati, which played such an important role in the teaching of human anatomy to artists from the sixteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth. (2)

Since Paul Muller-Walde suggested, over a century ago, that many of Leonardo's figure studies show his indebtedness to Antonio del Pollaiuolo, the study of the relationship between the two artists' works has led to a number of comparisons designed to illustrate the connection. (3) The examples cited in the literature suggest that not only during the first Florentine period, but also many years later, when Leonardo's anatomical knowledge far surpassed that of Pollaiuolo, he continued to turn to the older artist's models for inspiration. (4) Given Leonardo's stylistic and intellectual development after 1500, especially around 1510 at the time of his collaboration with the young professor of anatomy Marcantonio della Torre, this practice might seem illogical and unnecessary. Such dependence would also be inconsistent with Leonardo's advice to painters never to imitate the work of others and to study nature directly. (5) Moreover, it has often been suggested that when Leonardo criticised those masters who, 'in order to appear great draughtsmen' show all visible muscles flexed simultaneously in a single figure, 'so that they seem a sack full of nuts', he hinted at Pollaiuolo's anatomically inaccurate renderings of the nude figure. (6) Yet the fact remains that the outlines of the nude Leonardo illustrated on the recto of fol. 15 from the so-called Anatomical MS A (Fig. 1), datable to about 1509-10, correspond closely to those of a standing nude that was copied after a lost drawing by Pollaiuolo; indeed, Leonardo even copied the figure's right hand holding a stick (Fig. 2). The identical posture of Pollaiuolo's David of about 1470, now in Berlin, demonstrates that the origin of this specific formula for the legs in Leonardo's drawing also derives from Pollaiuolo. (7)


In a similar manner Leonardo had previously relied on a figure study by Pollaiuolo when he started his anatomical studies around 1487. The outlines of the legs of a man which appear at the left of what may well be Leonardo's earliest known anatomical study (Fig. 3), are strikingly close to those of Pollaiuolo's Standing nude with folded arms in Bayonne (Fig. 4). More specifically, it is important to note that Leonardo borrowed from Pollaiuolo his characteristic diagrammatic rendering of kneecaps and continued to employ this schema in nearly all of his leg studies. (8)


Leonardo's borrowing from Pollaiuolo's figure study becomes even more evident in Albrecht Durer's copy after Leonardo's drawing, which shows the figure's right leg almost completely. Durer's copy appears on fol. 130 of his Dresden Sketchbook, which contains other copies after lost drawings by Leonardo. Pedretti's suggestion that Durer's studies of legs on fol. 131r may also record anatomical studies by Leonardo, possibly to be identified with a lost sheet from the above-mentioned series in Windsor, can now be supported by the fact that the lower half of a striding nude on the left-hand side of the sheet (Fig. 5), represents a fairly accurate copy after the recently rediscovered terracotta model in a private collection for the executioner in Verrocchio's relief of the Beheading of St John the Baptist for the Silver Altar of the Florence Baptistery, executed between 1478 and 1480, and now in the Museo dell'Opera del Duomo in Florence (Fig. 6). (9)


This reference to Verrocchio provides further evidence of the importance that Leonardo continued to attach to his master's models. It is reasonable to assume that, when Leonardo moved to Milan in 1482, he brought along copies he had made after Verrocchio's drawings and sculptures. (10) Unlike Durer's copy on fol. 130v of his Dresden Sketchbook, which represents the original in reverse and suggests his use of an engraving or a reversed copy after Leonardo's drawing, in this case the orientation of the copy must have corresponded to the original. If the legs illustrated on the right side of the Dresden sheet also record lost originals by Leonardo, then these probably belonged to the same early series. As the rendering of the kneecaps recalls Pollaiuolo's manner, they may well have been based on a design by him. (11)

In 1939, Bernhard Degenhart proposed that the highly influential drawing by Antonio Pollaiuolo in the Louvre, depicting a Nude warrior seen from three angles (Fig. 7) records an exemplary sculptural model he had designed to illustrate human proportions based on Alberti's 'Exempeda" (man's total length divided into six feet). Subsequent students of Pollaiuolo have pointed out that his characteristic reuse of figural poses, studied from various angles, can be explained by his use of sculptural models; more recently, however, this view has been challenged. (12) Degenhart linked Pollaiuolo's approach to the human figure, as illustrated in the Louvre drawing, to a number of figure studies by Leonardo in Windsor, though he denied the possibility that Leonardo drew from sculptural models, a practice he assigned to Pollaiuolo and his circle only. (13) Leonardo's use of sculptural models as study devices for working out compositions, or for studying facial physiognomy and the actively posed human figure, has been a subject of recent scholarly interest. (14) Given the obvious advantages, it should not come as a surprise that Leonardo may have employed his skills in sculpture to record the results his scientific researches. Evidence for this practice with regard to Leonardo's study of human anatomy can be gathered from the drawings and notes that I will now discuss.


It has often been pointed out that in his anatomical drawings Leonardo aimed to represent the human form from multiple viewpoints to allow for the greatest possible clarity. According to his own words, 'the true knowledge of the shape of any body will be arrived at by seeing it from different aspects'. (15) By explaining his system of demonstration, Leonardo challenged the didactic usefulness of observing an actual dissection, claiming that this enables the student to obtain knowledge of some parts only, whereas his drawings present a synthesis of anatomical knowledge based on various dissections for which he had studied each part from different viewpoints. (16) Given the importance Leonardo attached to this method of research and anatomical demonstration, it is surprising that his activity as a sculptor of anatomical models has only been superficially studied despite the references to the making of such models in his writings. One of these references, datable to c. 1506-1508, alludes to the making of a wax model: 'Nathomia. Il modello debbe esser facto chon bussto di ciera' ('The model must be made with the bust of wax'). (17) Leonardo often used the term 'notomja' to indicate his anatomical studies, but he also used it to refer to the actual practice of dissection as it was then commonly understood. (18)

It is well known that Leonardo intended to have his anatomical drawings published, and this explains the high degree of accuracy and finish characteristic of a number of drawings from Anatomical MS A. (19) Such drawings are undoubtedly based on rougher sketches or working studies he had made of dissections. However, given the sculptural effect Leonardo sought to produce in these finished drawings, one wonders to what extent he may have copied from wax or plaster models of flayed limbs. While apprenticed to Verrocchio, Leonardo must have been familiar with his teacher's practice of making plaster casts of parts of the human body for study purposes. Especially with regard to myology, the aspect of human anatomy most relevant to the painter, the use of casts of individual muscles, joined together, would have facilitated not only the examination of the way in which their structure is disposed across a number of planes seen from different angles, but also their convincing rendering in relief on paper. In a like manner, as we know from Leonardo's notes, he had made a wax cast of the ventricles of the brain to study their forms and planned to construct an anatomical model of a man's leg in which the muscles and tendons would be represented by copper wires. (20)

On the recto of fol. 27 from Anatomical MS B, a sheet datable to c. 1509, Leonardo drew the torso of a nude man seen from the back next to a similar study showing only the right half of the body with the right arm likewise extended (Fig. 8). (21) Leonardo used parallel curved lines which follow the form of the strongly marked surface muscles in order to suggest their roundness and solidity. It is my view that the emphasis on the musculature and its volumetric values was not the result of Leonardo's wish to idealize the Herculean type, as Carlo Pedretti has argued, but originates from the fact that he was drawing from an ecorche he may have modelled in wax. (22) That Leonardo rendered the muscles so evidently demonstrates that he wanted their position, interrelation, and shape to be easily understood. Since this emphatic manner of modelling serves a didactic function within the context of Leonardo's anatomical investigations, it does not conflict with his criticism of those masters whose muscular nude figures in narrative paintings seem like 'a sack full of nuts'.


The so-called Libretto di Raffaello in Venice, datable to the first half of the sixteenth century, contains several sheets with copies after drawings by Pollaiuolo. On fol. 33 (Fig. 9) four studies of an extended muscular arm are shown, seen from two different angles, while another view of the same arm is shown on fol. 34. (23) The arm with clenched fist is nearly identical to the right arm of the left-hand nude in Pollaiuolo's drawing in the Louvre (Fig. 7) which is repeated at the right of the sheet. The different viewpoints from which the arm is shown in the two copy drawings seem to provide further evidence in support of the theory that Pollaiuolo's nude records a sculpted model with moveable limbs. (24) Moreover, the arm sketched twice at the upper half of fol. 33 (Fig. 9) is close in type to the arm of the ecorche illustrated in Leonardo's drawing from Anatomical MS B (Fig. 8), including the slightly raised index finger, which strongly suggests that he worked after a sculpted model very similar to that of Pollaiuolo.


The standing nude male Leonardo briefly sketched twice, seen from different angles, at the lower left corner of a sheet in Windsor, with diagrams of geometrical studies datable to c. 1509-10, may well reflect the complete model. The figure has his arms extended in the same position as the model illustrated in the drawing of the same date reproduced in Fig. 8. That Leonardo sketched this figure twice for anatomical purposes is suggested by the static pose and the words 'de neruj' ('of nerves') and 'delle uene' ('of the veins'). (25) Interestingly, the figure's static pose recalls that of the anatomical figure of a man Leonardo drew about 1490 to illustrate the 'tree of the veins'. Though this relatively crude drawing appears to be anatomically inaccurate, the figure has been repeatedly related to Leonardo's plan of about 1492 to construct a didactic, possibly anatomical model for demonstrating human proportions. (26)

When comparing Leonardo's studies of the dissection of the superficial muscles of a man's leg of c. 1509-1510 (Figs. 1 and 10) to his studies of its surface anatomy of c. 1506 1508 (Figs. 11 and 12), it becomes clear that the configuration of the complex musculature is almost identical. Thus these drawings appear to provide views of the successive stages of the dissection of a leg, beginning with the removal of the skin. (27) However, the drawings showing the leg's surface anatomy are usually dated some years earlier than those showing the underlying muscular structure. Given the lack of preservative agents, the fact that these drawings illustrate the same type of muscular leg from different angles, and show successive layers of anatomical structure, strongly suggests that they are based on sculptural models. The manner in which the leg is cut off at the groin in some of these drawings recalls the ecorche wax models of legs formerly attributed to Michelangelo in the Victoria and Albert Museum. (28)


It seems that during his first Milanese period Leonardo had already modelled legs in clay. This he claimed to have enjoyed doing in a passage from a now lost manuscript he had written on the subject of the paragone at the request of Lodovico Sforza, which was transcribed by Gian Paolo Lomazzo in his Trattato della pittura and published in Milan in 1584. Leonardo s drawings of a man s leg in Turin and Windsor, which are datable to c. 1487-90, may well be related to the making of these clay models. (29) Interestingly, in Lomazzo s Libro dei Sogni, a series of fictitious dialogues which were not published until recently, Lomazzo has Leonardo speaking to his interlocutor Phidias about the works he had executed in sculpture; he mentions: molte gambe, torsi, brazzi e schenne e cavagli, si di scorticati, come de polposi e carichi di carne' ('many legs, torsos, arms, and backs and horses, not only flayed, but also plump and heavy with flesh'). In light of Leonardo's well-known concern with comparative anatomy, he may well have used his sculptural models of flayed horses for comparison with those he had made of flayed men. The confirmation of the existence of such anatomical models as study aids, most probably made of wax or clay, is provided by Ambrogio Mazzenta, the owner of thirteen Leonardo manuscripts, who around 1630 recorded that among the studio items Leonardo left to Francesco Melzi after his death were 'disegni, modelli, plastice, anatomie'. (30)

In a note accompanying a study of the surface anatomy of the lower extremity of a model with the same muscular legs as those illustrated in the drawings mentioned above (Fig. 12), Leonardo wrote: 'dimostrazione seconda infra l'anatomia e 'l vivo' ('A second demonstration of a comparison between an anatomy and a living body'). (31) Here one is reminded of his programme of anatomical representation of c. 1508-1509, according to which he would build up the human figure progressively from bone to flesh. Leonardo writes: 'fatal prima la spina del dosso, di poi va vestendo a gradi l'un sopra dell'altro di ciascun di questi muscoli, e poni li nervi all' arterie e vene a ciascun muscolo per se ...' ('First make the spine of the back; then clothe it step by step with each of these muscles, one upon the other, and put in the nerves, arteries and veins to each individual muscle...,). (32) It is not without significance for the present argument that Leonardo's reference to this procedure occurs in a passage written below the buttocks of the muscular torso illustrated in Fig. 8. Moreover, this procedure corresponds exactly to the progressive reconstruction of an ecorche. As noted by R.P. Ciardi, from the early fifteenth century a similar method of adding layer upon layer on a sculptural structure was adopted for the study of drapery. Given Leonardo's familiarity with these working methods, as attested by Vasari, it is therefore reasonable to assume that he constructed an ecorche figure of a muscular man. This would explain why in these drawings the muscular structure of the model is rendered very much in relief. (33)

In pose, muscular type and proportions the model illustrated in Fig. 12 of c. 1506-1508 is very similar to that of the model Leonardo depicted seen from the back at the upper right of a sheet in Windsor with studies of legs and comparative anatomy of the same date (Fig. 13). (34) As has often been noted, this model recurs, also seen from the back, in the upper right corner of a famous drawing in Turin which has invariably been connected to Leonardo's mural of the Battle of Anghiari and therefore dated to c. 1503-1505 (Fig. 14). (35) In addition, comparisons have been drawn to Leonardo's drawing of a Standing Hercules, also in Turin and datable to about 1506-1508. The theory, advanced by Pedretti in 1958, that this drawing is connected to Leonardo's project for a Hercules statue has gained ground after the recent rediscovery of a double-sided sheet showing the front and back view of a Standing Hercules. (36)


All this further supports the hypothesis that the muscular nude figure, illustrated in the drawings here discussed, is related to a sculptural model. It may not be a coincidence that Leonardo's study in Windsor of a standing male nude with raised right arm, seen from the back and the front (no. 12631v), and generally believed to represent a statuette, was originally joined to a drawing of the above-mentioned type of muscular leg studied from two angles (no. 12633r). Similarly, a drawing in Windsor of a Herculean nude seen from the back (no. 19043v), which is believed to have been conceived in preparation for a statue of a standing Hercules, was originally joined to the drawing here illustrated in Fig. 8 which, I have argued, may plausibly record an ecorche model. (37)

It seems that Leonardo could bend his anatomical model and adjust the position of the legs and arms or detach them. This dimension of flexibility is suggested by comparing the 'cut off' right leg illustrated in Fig. 11 to the right leg of the model illustrated in Fig. 12. It becomes evident that the legs in these drawings, which were originally joined together as a single sheet, are neither shown from exactly the same angle, nor do they stand in the same position. Hitherto unnoticed, the master of the so-called Libretto di Raffaello, mentioned previously, made a copy of what may well have been a Leonardo drawing, now lost, which closely resembled the drawing here illustrated in Fig. 12, although both the model's legs are placed wider apart. (38) In addition, in drawings by Leonardo and his followers the entire muscular model recurs set in slightly different poses with or without arms. (39)

If the armless ecorche figure at the upper right of the Turin drawing (Fig. 14) represents the same model Leonardo illustrated at the upper right of the drawing reproduced in Fig. 13, then the nude figure appearing at the lower left of this sheet provides a lateral view of this model. The position of the legs is different, while the model's articulate lumbar curve, recalling the central nude in Pollaiuolo's drawing (Fig. 7), recurs in the Turin drawing and in other illustrations of this muscular model. (40) Though the nude warrior at the top centre of the drawing in Turin appears to represent the same model as the one illustrated at the right, albeit with less articulate musculature and the presence of both arms, the movement of the upper part of his body and the position of his legs are slightly different. In view of their close resemblance to Pollaiuolo's three-dimensional model with adjustable arms (Fig. 7), these differences suggest Leonardo's use of a similar malleable sculptural model.

Besides Pollaiuolo's model, other sources have been proposed for the warrior holding a sword, but these have proved to show no more than a generic similarity (for example, with one of the Dioscuri of Monte Cavallo). (41) A possible source has thus far been overlooked: the right-hand torturer in Monte di Giovanni's illumination of the Flagellation of Christ, appearing on the verso of fol. 150 of Bargello, Missal 67, datable to 1474-76 (Fig. 15). (42) Interestingly, in reverse the figure's pose is very close to that of the officer with the mace, seen from the back, in the right foreground of Verrocchio's relief of the Beheading of St John the Baptist for the Silver Altar of the Florence Baptistery, executed between 1478 and 1480 and now in the Museo dell'Opera del Duomo in Florence. (43) One wonders if Verrocchio derived this figure from the torturer in Monte's illumination or whether both figures share a common, perhaps classical source. The latter possibility is strongly suggested by the strikingly close resemblance of the officer's pose to that of the nude warrior, seen from the back, on a sheet by Amico Aspertini with studies after an antique sarcophagus of Meleager's murder of the sons of Thestius (Fig. 16). (44) Whether or not these representations share an antique model as a common source, the nature of the figure's action in Leonardo's drawing in Turin makes it unlikely that he had a Hercules or a warrior for the Battle of Anghiari in mind, as is often assumed. Accordingly, the figure's connection to Leonardo's battle-piece no longer seems plausible. (45) That Leonardo may have borrowed the pose of the warrior at the centre of the Turin sheet from Monte's torturer, Verrocchio's officer or directly from an antique model would seem to be an illustration of the same practice he adopted when he copied the outlines of Pollaiuolo's male nude figures for the anatomical studies discussed above (Figs. 1 and 2). For all his apparent dependence on other artists' models for a figure's outlines, while its interior modelling is completely Leonardo's, he may well also have made ecorche figures and limbs which enabled him to create an optimal sculptural effect on paper as he sought to 'describe and represent' each anatomical object from various viewpoints. (46)


The Turin drawing has long been regarded as a very important document for the study of Leonardo's style at the beginning of the sixteenth century as it developed towards a more classical monumentality of form. The two robust and muscular nudes on this sheet have also been interpreted as Leonardo's response to Michelangelo's depictions of the male nude. Yet a comparable muscular nude model, seen from the chest down in profile to the left, appears on a sheet that has been dated to about 1487-90, and which contains the note: 'li nudj fortj voliano essere mvscolosi e grossi/quellj e sono dj pocha forteza sarano laciertoso essottjlj' ('robust nudes will be muscular and thick. Those who are of less strength will be lacertous and thin'). (47) Furthermore, the anatomical model illustrated in Fig. 1 is dated to about 1509-10, but in outline still relies on Pollaiuolo's formulae for the human figure. With the exception of those few drawings that may be related to the hypothetical project for a Hercules statue, none of the figure and leg studies related to Leonardo's studies in myology discussed here, reappear in preparatory drawings for the projects he worked on at that time, between c. 1506-1510, nor was this so called Herculean figural type ever translated into paint, in fact, the static pose of the muscular nude and the flayed model illustrated in these drawings clearly demonstrates that they are autonomous studies in which Leonardo sought to record and elaborate the findings of his anatomical investigations, which he intended to have published. That in the process Leonardo's style of figural &awing changed seems to have been the logical consequence of a deepening knowledge not only of human anatomy but also of the practical fact that, in addition to an increasing interest in antique sculpture, he was drawing from a three-dimensional anatomical model. (48)

An earlier version of this essay appeared in Dutch in Desipientia, vol. VII, no. 1, 2000, pp. 4 11. I wish to thank Carmen C. Bambach for her useful suggestions and Dennis Geronimus for kindly checking my English and making helpful comments.

(1) K. Clark, The Drawings of Leonardo da Vinci in the Collection of Her Majesty The Queen at Windsor Castle, 2nd revised edition with the assistance of C. Pedretti, 3 vols., London and New York, 1968-69, vol. I, nos. 12608r, 12609r; 12610; 12611; 12613r-v; 12617r; 12620; 12626r and 12627r-v, all datable to c. 1487 on the basis of style and the use of pale blue prepared paper. For a discussion of this group of early anatomical drawings, see CD O'Malley and J.B. Saunders, Leonardo da Vinci on the Human Body, New York, 1952, p. 20, and C. Pedretti in K. Keele and C. Pedretti (eds.), Leonardo da Vinci: Corpus degli Studi Anatomici hello Collezione di sua Maesta la Regina Elisabetta II nel Castello di Windsor, 3 vols., Florence, 1980-1985, vol. III, pp. 797 810. Under ultra-violet light, Windsor no. 12613v, a drawing of a skeleton, has been revealed at the upper right. According to Keele and Pedretti, ibid., vol. II, p. 2, it is anatomically the most notable of the group of early anatomical drawings and shows that Leonardo had a more them partial knowledge of the human skeleton.

(2) For a discussion of sixteenth century dcorch8 figurines, see Z. Ameisenowa, The Problem of the Ecorche and the Three Anatomical Models in the Jagiellonian Library, translated by A. Potocki, Wroclaw, Warsaw and Krakow, 1963, and L.P. Amerson, The Problem of the Ecorche: A Catalogue Raisonne of Models and Statuettes from the Sixteenth Century and Later Periods, PhD dissertation, The Pennsylvania State University (1975), Ann Arbor, MI, 1975, p. 9, who states that 'the extant anatomical models date from no earlier than the second half of the sixteenth century'. See also R.P. Ciardi, in R.P. Ciardi and L. Tongiorgi Tomasi (eds.), Immagini Anatomishe e Naturalistiche nei Disegni degli Uffizi Secc. XVI e XVII, exh. cat., Gabinetto disegni e stampe degli Uffizi, Florrence, 1984, pp. 9 30, especially pp. 16-17. See also R.P. Ciardi, 'Intus et extra: In studio dell'anatomia nell'Accademia dei Carraccf, Accademia Clementina: Attie Memorie, vol. XXXII, 1993, pp. 209 22, especially pp. 212-13.

(3) P. Muller-Walde, 'Beitrage zur Kenntnis des Leonardo da Vinci. IV', Jahrbuch der Koniglichen Preussischen Kunstsammlungen, vul. XIX, 1898, pp. 255-59; especially p. 258. B. Degenhart, 'Unbekannte Zeiehnungen Francescos di Giorgio', Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte, vol. VIII, 1939, pp. 117-150, especially p. 134, concluded that Pollaiuolo's method of presentation of the nude figure constituted the basis for Leonardo's anatomical studies. For a review of the literature on the relation between Pollaiuolo and Leonardo up to 1978, as well as a study of this issue, see L. Fusco, The Nude as Protagonist: Pollaiuolo's Figural Style Explicated by Leonardo's Study of Static Anatomy, Movement, and Functional Anatomy, PhD dissertation, New York University (1978), Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1978. Recently, Johannes Nathan pointed out that Leonardo used formulae for the construction of parts of the human figure in which he shows his indebtedness to Pollaiuulo; see J. Nathan, 'Motiv und Methode: Zur Wechselwirkung yon Arbeitspraxis und Denkweise bei Leonardo da Vinci', in F. Fehrenbach (ed.), Leonardu da Vinci: Natur im Ubergang. Betrage zu Wissenschaft, Kunst und Technik, Munich, 2002, pp. 347-370, especially pp. 353-62.

(4) Muller-Walde, op. cit., p. 258, note 1, suggested that Leonardo had taken engravings by Pollaiuolo along with him to .Milan, though he noted that Leonardo had also assimilated some of Pollaiuolo's motifs. See also Degenhart, op. tit, pp. 133-34, and Fusco, op. cit., p. 221. B. Berenson, The Drawings of the Florentine Painters, 3 vols., Chicago and London, 1938, vol.1 p. 167, stated that Pollaiuolo's drawings influenced Leonardo's manner of drawing the human figure and that this influence is especially manifest in Leonardo's late anatomical studies, However, only Clark or. cit., vol. I, p. 25, believed that 'Pollaiuolo's direct influence passed towards the end of the 1480s'.

(5) See Leonardo da Vinci, Treatise on Painting [Codex Urbinas Latinus 1270], translated and annotated by A.P. McMahon with an introduction by Ludwig H. Heydenreich, 2 vols., Princeton, 1956, vol I, paragraph 77.

(6) Ibid., paragraph 329.

(7) See Clark, op. cit., vol. III no. 19014r. Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence, no. 269Ev (school of Polloiuolo). Degenhart. op. cit., p. 134, pointed out that Pollaiuolo's drawings inspired the pose of the model Leonardo illustrated in Windsor drawings nos. 12592v-12597. This static pose, showing a man full face with his arms stretched down and legs spread apart, however, does not occur in Pollaiuolo's works. Only in Windsor no. 12597 does the figure's pose, one foot in near profile, one pointing forward, and the manner of drawing the legs demonstrate Leonardo's dependence on Pollaiuolo. See Fusco, op. cit., p. 221, for additional suggestions for comparison For Pollaiuolo's David, see N. Pons, I Pollaiuolo, Florence, 1994, p. 98, no. 10. The pose of David recurs twice in Pollaiuolo's Martyrdom of St Sebastian in the National Gallery, where it is seen from the front and the back.

(8) See Clark, op. cit., vol I, no. 12613v. For Pollaiuolo's drawing, see J. Bean, Los Dessins Italiens de la Collection Bornat, Paris, 1960, no. 20. Indicative of the exchange of motifs between the workshops of Pollaiuolo and Verrocchio is the recurrence of this pose in a painting of Christ on the Cross between Sts Jerome and Anthony Abbot, partially attributed to Verrocchio and Argiano, for which, see G. Passavant, Verrocchio, Sculptures, Painting and Drawings: Complete edition, London, 1969, p. 188, no. 20, plates 75-77. For examples of Leonardo's use of Pollaiuolo's schema for kneecaps, see the legs illustrated in Windsor, nos. 12593; 12594; 12597; 12622; 12629; 12630; 12631r; 12633v; 19002r; 19014r-v; and 19035v. The similarity of the knees and the feet of the model illustrated in Windsor no. 12631r, to Pollaiuolo's drawings was noted in Berenson, op. cit., vol II, p. 134, no. 1205. Leonardo also used Pollaiuolo's schema for kneecaps in a famous drawing in Venice illustrating the Proportions of the human body (after Vitruvius), datable to about 1490. See L. Cogliati Arano, Leonardo: Disegni di Leonardo e della sua cerchia alle Gallerie dell'Accademia, exh. cat., Gallerie dell'Accademia, Venice, 1980, pp. 32 33, no. 9. Compare also Pollaiuolo's rendering of kneecaps in his pen and ink drawings of Adam mad Eve in the Gabinetto disegni e stampe degli Uffizi in Florence (no. 95F and 97F). According to Nathan, op. tit., p. 360, the legs seen in profile in Pollaiuolo's drawing of A nude warrior seen from three orgies in the Louvre (for which, see below) inspired Leonardo's series of profile views of a muscular leg.

(9) Keele and Pedretti, op. cir., vol. III, pp, 797-98. For the terracotta model for the executioner, see A. Butterfield, The Sculptures of Andrea del Verrocchio, New Haven and London, 1997, p. 122. F. Windt, 'Verrocchio's "Enthauptung des Johannes" ', Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, vol. XXXVII, 1993, pp. 130-39, especially pp. 135-36, suggests a book illumination of the Martyrdom of S Reparata by Francesca d'Antonio di Francesca del Chlorite, dated 4470, as a possible source for Verrocchio's scene and in particular for the figure of the executioner. She argues (pp. 135-36) that Francesca d'Antonio based his figure of the executioner on a bronze statuette of a standing nude male, known as 'II Pugilatore', now in the Museo Nazionale del Bargello in Florence, which, she further suggests, could also have inspired Verrocchio's dynamic male figure. Butteffield, op. cit., pp, 125-26, attributes this bronze to Verrocchio. It has not been noted that the statuette's pose, evidently inspired by antique sculpture, occurs in a number of trecento frescoes: it is found in the foreground of Altichiero's Martyrdom of St George in the Oratorio di S Giorgio, Padua, datable between 1380-84, and in the foreground at a fresco representing Christ Meeting the Three Mattes on the Way to Calvary by the so-called 'Champagne' of Simone Martini in the Collegiata at San Gimignano.

(10) The list of drawings given on fol. 888r (formerly 324r) of the Codex Atlanticus includes: "molti nvdi [in] teri' and 'molte bracts, ganbe piedi e attitudini'; quoted after J.P. Richter, The Literary Works of Leonardo da Vinci Compiled & Edited from the Original Manuscripts, 2 vols., London, 1970, vol. I, paragraph 680. Although it is always assumed that these items all refer to drawings of his own invention, they may also have included Leonardo's copies after works by Venocchio and Pollaiuolo.

(11) See also Leonardo's study of the legs of a man lunging forward (Windsor, no. 12623r) of a 1506 which recalls the classical pose of the left hand nude in Durer's copy, dated 1495, after a lost drawing by Pollaiuolo, in E. Panofsky, The Life and Art of Albrecht Durer, 2 vols., Princeton, 1948, vol. II, fig. 53.

(12) Musee du Louve, Paris, Departement des Arts Graphiques, no. 1486. Degenhart, or. cit., pp. 128 35 (he regarded the Louvre drawing as a Florentine copy after Pollaiuolo's lost original); L. Fusco, 'The Use of Sculptural Models by Painters in Fifteenth-Century Italy', Art Bulletin, vol. LXIV, 1982, pp. 175-194; and more recently, P.L. Rubin and A. Wright, Renaissance Florence. The Art of the 1470s, exh. cat., National Gallery, 1999, pp. 244-45, no 50, with reference to J. Nathan who in his unpublished PhD thesis, The Working Methods of Leonardo da Vinci and their Relation to Previous Artistic" Practice (Courtauld Institute of Art, University at London, 1995) notes that the outlines of the figure seen from the hack in the Louvre drawing correspond to those seen from the front, which suggests a two dimensional relationship. This notion is elaborated in A. Wright, 'Dimensional tension in the work of Antonio Pollaiuolo', in S. Currie and P. Motture (eds.), The Sculpted Object 1400-1700, Aldershot, 1997, pp 65-86, especially pp. 70-71.

(13) Degenhart, op. cit., pp. 133-34, referred to Windsor, nos. 12555, 12560, 12599, 12601, 12607, 12625, 12629-12631, 12637, and 12640.

(14) H. Ost, Leonardo-Studien, Berlin and New York, 1975, pp. 38-43; C. Pedretti, Infra l'anatomia e'l vivo', Lettura Vinciana, 13 September 1979, Florence, especially pp. 19 20; M.W Kwakkelstein, Leonardo da Vinci as a Physiognomist: Theory and Drawing Practice, Leiden, 1994, pp. 123-131, and idem, 'The Use of Sculptural Models by Italian Renaissance Painters: Leonardo da Vincis Madonna of the Rocks Reconsidered in Light of his Working Procedures', Gazette des Beaux-Arts, vol. CXXXIII, 1999, pp. 181-98.

(15) Quoted after C. Pedretti, The Literary Works of Leonardo da Vinci: A Commentary to lean Paul Richter's Edition, 2 vols., Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977, vol. II, p. 114 (Windsor, no. 19000v); see also the fragment transcribed from Windsor 19013v, as given on p. 91 of this volume and the related texts given in Richter, op. cit., vol. II, paragraphs 797 and 798.

(16) Ibid.

(17) English translation quoted after C. Pedretti, Leonardo Architect, New York, 1985, p. 204. According to Pedretti (p. 196), this note, as written by Leonardo in the top margin of tel. 18v of the Codex Ashburnham 361 of Francesco di Giorgio Martini in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence, 'may actually refer to the construction of an anatomical model of a whole human figure, which we know Leonardo had made, or at least planned, around 1506-1508'. For Leonardo's references to the construction of anatomical models, see Clark, op. cit., vol. I, no. 12597, and vol. III, no. 19097; Ost, op. cit., p. 42; Pedretti, op. cit. in n. 14 above, pp. 19-20, and Keele and Pedretti, op. cit., vol. III, pp 871-75 ('Anathomia Artificialis'). On the basis of a comparison between Leonardo's drawing of the anatomy of the right shoulder, Windsor, no. 19003v, and Cigoli's wax ecorche in the Museo Nazionale del Bargello in Florence, K. Clark, The Nude: A Study in ideal Form, 2nd edition, Princeton, 1972, pp. 413-14, was inclined to believe that an ecorche model from Leonardo's hand 'may once have existed'. Only Amerson, op. cit., p. 159, claimed that 'there is no evidence that Leonardo ever executed a three-dimensional ecorche figure'.

(18) For an explanation of the term, see B. Schultz, Art and Anatomy in Renaissance Italy, Ann Arbor, Mb 1985, pp. 2, 35-36, and Ciardi, op. cit in n. 2 above (1993), p. 213. For its use, see the famous note of around 1507 1508 in which Leonardo records the death of the centenarian in the hospital of S Maria Nuova at Florence: '... e io ne feci notomja per uedere la causa dj si dolce morte', quoted after Pedretti, op. cit. in n 15 above, vol. II, p. 115. Leonardo's anatomical notes contain several memoranda in which he reminds himself how to proceed when performing an autopsy and which parts were of particular interest to him; see, for example, the notes in Richter, op. cit,, vol. II, paragraphs 800; 804; 807; 808.

(19) See the text written on the verso of Windsor no. 19007, as transcribed by Pedretti, op. cit. in n. 15 above, vol. II, p. 94.

(20) G. Vasari, Le Vite de'piu Eccellenti Pittori Scultori ed Architettori, G, Milanesi (ed.), 9 vols., Florence, 1878-85, vol. III, pp. 372-73, also referring to Verrocchio's skill in making lifelike wax statues and death masks. See Clark, or. cit. in n. 1 above, vol. III, no. 19127r, and vol. I, no. 12619. For Leonardo's plan to use linen threads tar the demonstration of thin muscles, see Richter, op. dr., vol. II paragraph 804 (Windsor, no. 19017).

(21) Clark, op. cit. in n. 1 above, vol. In, no. 19044r.

(22) Keele and Pedretti, op. cit., vol. In, p. 827, no. 47r. Leonardo owned a copy of Pliny's Natural History in which he could have read about the practice of model ling dissections in wax which, according to Pliny (XXXV.153), was invented by the Greek sculptor Lysistratus of Sikyon. 5co Richter, op. cit., paragraph 1469. In this context it is instructive to point to Vasari's reference to a free standing wax model made by Baccio Bandinelli in 1512 of an emaciated St Jerome in Penitence, which showed on the bones the muscles and nerves and which Leonardo considered unsurpassed in its anatomical real ism. See Vasari, op. cit., vol. IV, pp. 140-41, and V. Krahn, 'Bandinelli's images of St Jerome', APOLLO, vol. CLV, no. 484 (June 2002), pp. 30-35. That Pollaiuolo made wax models to record his dissections, as suggested by A. Hyatt Mayor, Artists and Anatomists, New York, 1984, pp. 52-53, can be refuted on the basis of the fact that an analysis of anatomy in the nude figures in Pal laiuolo's works gives no indication that he ever dissected. See Fusco, op. cit. in n. 3 above, pp. 24-25.

(23) See S. Ferino Pagden, Gallerie dell'Accademia di Venezia: Disegni umbri, Milan, 1984, pp. 97-99.

(24) Nathan, op. cit. in n. 3 above, p. 256, points out that the motif of the partially outstretched arm showing a clenched fist in PollaiuoIo'n l,ouvre drawing recurs in Leonardo's Vatican St Jerome. Ost, op. cit., p. 43, argued that the St Jerome is based on a sculpted model Leonardo had produced for didactic purposes. In addition to Vet rocchio's working methods as a sculptor, those of Pollaiuolo undoubtedly inspired Leonardo the painter to make sculptural models for study purposes. See the account of Paolo Giovio in his biography of Leonardo (around 1527): 'He placed modelling as a memos of ten doting figures in relief on a flat surface before other processes done with the brush', quoted after Richter, op. cit., vol. I, p. 3.

(25) Clark, or. ft. in n. 1 above, vol. I, no. 12658r. Keele and Pedretti, op. cit., vol. II, p. 466, no. 129v, preferred to regard the two male nudes as being related to the geometrical studies to their fight on the same sheet, because he did not see any reason to believe that they could have been conceived as anatomical studies. A similarly posed male figure is illustrated on Windsor nos. 12721 (frontal view), 12592 (frontal view) and 12596 (back view).

(26) Clark, op. cit. in n. 1 above, vol. I, no. 12597, and C.C. Bambach (ed.), Leonardo da Vinci Master Draftsman, exh. cat., Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 2003, pp. 408-12, no. 57, who compares the figural type of the man in Leonardo's drawing to the male nudes illustrated in Pollaiuolo's Louvre drawing (for which, see above). In addition, Bambach refutes the often claimed relation of the man's pose in Leonardo's drawing to a woodcut illustration in the 1493 94 Italian edition of Johannes de Ketham's Fasciculus medicinae. A dating of about 1488 90 for the drawing, as proposed by Bambach, can be supported by comparison to the famous drawing in Venice of the Proportions of the human body (after Vitruvius), for which, see Cogliati Arano, or. cit., pp. 32 33, no. 9. For Leonardo's plan to make a sculptural model of the human figure, see the somewhat enigmatic note in Richter, op cit., vol. II, paragraph 802, and the commentary in M. Clayton and R. Philo, Leonardo da Vinci. The Anatomy of Man: Drawings from the Collection of Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II, exh. cat., Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, 1992, p. 40, no. 3B.

(27) Clark, op. cit. in n. 1 above, vol. III, nos. 19014r-v; vol. I, nos. 12633v and 12631r. Compare the leg illustrated in Windsor, nos. 19002r; 19006r; 19014r-v; 19035v and 19036r-v (c. 1508-10), with the leg illustrated in Windsor, nos. 12625; 12629; 12630; 12631r; 12633r-v and in Cod. F 263 Inf 84, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, showing a lateral and frontal view of the leg (all datable to c. 1506-1508). For the latter drawing, see the entry, by A. Rovetta in P.C. Marani, M. Rossi, A. Rovetta, L'Ambrosiana e Leonardo, exh. cat., Biblioteca-Pinacoteca Ambrosiana, Milan, 1998, pp. 76-77, no. 17 (with bibliography). This type of muscular leg also appears on fol. 386v (formerly 141v.a.) and 784v (formerly 289v.a) of the Codex Atlanticus, both datable to c. 1506-1508. O'Malley and Saunders, op. cit., p. 491, noted that the outline of the leg in 19014v is almost identical with that of the tight leg of the figure in 12631r.

(28) Clark, op. cit. in n. 1 above, vol. III, nos. 19002r; 19006r; 19014v; 19035v; 19036r-v. The ecorche models of legs formerly attributed to Michelangelo are illustrated in J. Pope-Hennessy and R. Lightbown, Catalogue of Italian Sculpture in the Victorian and Albert Museum, 3 vols., London, 1964, vol. III, figs. 456 and 457. To compare the two red chalk drawings Michelangelo made from a wax or clay model of an ecorche figure, see P. Joannides, Michelangelo and His Influence: Drawings from Windsor Castle, exh. cat., National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC, 1996, pp. 134-37, nos. 41 and 42.

(29) See G.P. Lomazzo, Scritti sulle arti, R. Ciardi (ed.), 2 vols., Florence 1973-74, vol. II, p. 139, where Leonardo claims to have always taken great pleasure and delight in clay modelling, and still does ('e mi diletto'), 'si come fanno fede diversi miei cavalli intieri e gambe e teste et ancora teste umane di Nostre Donne e Cristi fanciuili intieti et in pezzi, e teste di vecchi in buon numero' (italics mine). Turin, Biblioteca Reale, no. 15578, for which, see C. Pedretti, I Disegni di Leonardo da Vinci e della Sua Cerchia nella Biblioteca Reale di Torino, Florence, 1990, pp. 94-96, no. 9 (1485-87) and Windsor, nos. 12620, 12632, 12634r, for which, see Clark, up. cit. in n. 1 above, vol. I, p. 128, 132 (c. 1490). To the best of my knowledge it has not been noticed that the position of the legs drawn to the left of the Turin drawing is nearly identical to that of the legs illustrated in Windsor, no. 12613v (here Fig. 3), which shows Leonardo's reuse of Pollaiuolo's formula for legs.

(30) Lomazzo, op. cit., vol. I, p. 153. For Leonardo's programme of comparative anatomy between a man and a horse, see Richter, op. cit., vol. It, paragraph 824, of about 1508. L.D. Grammatica, Le memorie su Leonardo da Vinci di Don Ambrogio Mazzenta, Milan, 1919, p. 37.

(31) Clark, op. cit. in n. 1 above, vol. I, no. 12631; English translation quoted after O'Malley and Sounders, op. cit., p. 160, no. 60. See also Pedretti, op. cit. in n. 14 above, pp. 18-19.

(32) English translation quoted after O'Malley and Saunders, op. cit., p. 70, no. 15. One is reminded of the method described by Alberti for the depiction of the human figure by modelling the anatomy from the inside out; see C. Grayson (ed.), Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting and On Sculpture: The Latin Texts of De Pictura and De Statua, London, 1972, p. 75. See also Richter, op. cit., vol. II, paragraph 809 (Windsor, no. 19044r of c. 1508-1509); similar programmes are given in paragraph 799 (Windsor, no. 19041r of c. 1508-1509) and paragraph 802 (Windsor, no. 19097v of e. 1492-93). See also Pedretti, op. cit. in n. 17 above, vol. u, pp. 92-93. Keale and Pedretti, op. cit., vol. cit, p. 838, relates some of Leonardo's studies of muscular legs (Windsor, nos. 19035v; 19036r-v) to his plan for an anatomical representation of the leg as given in Richter, op. cit., vol. II, paragraph 808 of c. 1507-1508: 'Give the anatomy of the leg up to the hip, in all views and in every action and in every state; veins, arteries, nerves, sinews and muscles, skin and bones in sections to show the thickness of the bones.'

(33) Ciardi, op. cit. in n. 2 above (1984), p. 17. Vasari, op. cit., vol. IV, p. 20.

(34) Clark, op. cit. in n. 1 above, vol. I, no. 12625r. O'Malley and Saunders, op. cit., p. 156, no. 58, explained the recurrence of the same muscular model seen from different aspects in Windsor nos. 12625r and 12631r by assuming that these figures 'were obtained from one another by the method of transformation or parallel projection.'

(35) Biblioteca Reale, Turin, no. 15577, see Pedretti, op. cit. in n. 29 above, pp. 91-93, no. 7 (c. 1505). Bambach, op. cit., pp. 550-53, argues for a later dating to 1506-1508.

(36) Biblioteca Reale, Turin, no. 15630, for which, see Pedretti, op. cit. in n. 29 above, pp. 93-94, no. 8 (with bibliography). For the newly surfaced drawing, see C.C. Bambach, 'A Leonardo drawing for the Metropolitan Museum of Art: Studies for a statue of Hercules', APOLLO, vol. CLIII, no. 469 (March 2001), pp. 16-23, and eadem, op. cit. in n. 26 above, pp. 539-44, no. 101. In this catalogue, pp. 539-56, nos. 101-104, Bambach grouped together the drawings of a standing Herculean nude man in New York, Turin (inv. nos. 15630 and 15577) and Windsor (no. 12625r), 'in an attempt to reconstruct Leonardo's ideas for a sculpture of Hercules that is otherwise unrecorded in the extant early biographies of the master and was little known to scholars until recently'. She furthermore suggests (p. 550, no. 103) that the muscular nudes in the Turin drawing may be based on a three-dimensional model executed in either clay or wax.

(37) Carlo Pedretti showed that Windsor nos. 12633r and 12631v; and 19043v and 19044r were formerly joined together as single sheets; see Keele and Pedretti, op. cit., vol. In, pp. 827, 842.

(38) See Ferino Pagden, op. cit., p. 111 (fol. 40); C. Pedretti 'Un frammento di "Uomo Vitruviano" ', Achademia Leonardi Vinci, vol. v, 1992, fig. 10 '(after Leonardo?)', unconvincingly relates the copy in the Umbrian sketchbook to Leonardo's drawings of legs in the Codex Trivulzianus.

(39) See Clark, op. cit. in n. 1 above, vol. I, no. 12640 (c. 1504-1506); and a pupil's copy after a lost original showing the model standing in profile to left with the left arm raised: Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Cod. F 263 inf. 70, for which, see P.C. Marani in G. Bora et al., Disegni e dipinti leonardeschi dalle collezioni milanesi, exh. cat., Palazzo Reale, Milan, 1987, p. 80, no. 27.

(40) See, for example, Clark, op. cit. in n. 1 above, vol. I, nos. 12433; 12632r; and 12639. Interestingly, the position of the legs at the upper right of Windsor, no. 12625 corresponds closely in reverse to that of the right hand archer, also seen from behind, in Pollaiuolo's Martyrdom of St Sebastian in London which, it is often argued, is based on a sculptural model. For Pollafuolo's picture, see Pons, op. cit., p. 104, no. 17.

(41) E. Pogany-Balas, The Influence of Rome's Antique Monumental Sculptures on the Great Masters of the Renaissance, Budapest, 1984, pp. 44-45, and Pedretti, op. cit. in n. 29 above, pp. 91-93. Bambach, op. cit. in n. 26 above, p. 552, no. 103, is inclined to believe that a similarly posed nude warrior seen from the back in the foreground of Bertoldo's bronze Battle relief in the Bargello served as a source of inspiration. See also C. Pedretti, Disegni di Leonardo da Vinci e della sua Scuola alla Biblioteca Reale di Torino, Florence, 1975, pp. 17 20. no. 7, with reference to Bertoldo's relief.

(42) The St Egidius Missal was commissioned by Francesco Torelli for the hospital of S Mafia Nuova in Florence. It is not unreasonable to assume that during one of his visits to this hospital Leonardo might have perused this richly illuminated manuscript. For Monte di Giovanni and Missal 67, see A. Garzelli (ed.), Miniatura Fiorentina del Rinascimento 1440-1525: Un primo censimento, 2 vols., Florence, 1985, vol. I, pp. 268-280.

(43) Reproduced in Butterfield, op. cit., p. 111, fig. 137.

(45) The two heavily muscled figures which feature so prominently on the Torin sheet do not reappear in any of Leonardo's studies commonly associated with the Battle. Yet it has been argued on the basis of a sketch by Michelangelo at the British Museum, presumably made after the left side of the mural, that the central figure in the Turin sheet was intended for the left group and must have been visible in the final design because it reappears in Raphael's Judgment of Solomon on the vault of the Stanza della Segnatura in the Vatican and in his Christ Bearing the Cross in the Prado in Madrid. See Pedretti, op. cit. in n. 29 above pp. 91-93. E. Villata, 'Il San Giovanni Battista di Leonardo: un'ipotesi per la cronologia e la committenza', Raccolta Vinciana, vol. XXVII, 1997, pp. 187-236, especially p. 203, note 31, also questions the current interpretation of the nude warrior on the Turin sheet as representing Hercules or a warrior for the Battle of Anghiari and proposes to identify him as an executioner: 'non l'eroico difensore delle virtu civiche florentine, ma un carnefice in atto di presentare a Salome la testa del Battista'.

(46) '... e neciessario fighurare edesscriuere'; quoted after Pedretti, op cit. in n. 15 above, vol. II, p. 91 (Windsor, no. 19013v). Schultz, op. cit. in n. 18 above, p. 70, note 25, relates Leonardo's well known study of the lower half of a man seen in profile in the British Museum (no. 1886-6-9-41) of c. 1504-1506, and two in Windsor (nos. 12632r and 12634r) to the central figure in Pollaiuolo's Louvre drawing. To these examples can be added the sketch of a standing male nude in profile to right at the lower left of Windsor, no. 12639, datable to 1506-1508, and the rough sketch of a full-length figure of a nude man in profile on Windsor no. 12601 (c. 1488), showing the briefly indicated fight leg posed as in Pollaiuolo's drawing. See Clark, op. cit. in n. 1 above, pp. 121, 134.

(47) ibid., vol. I, no 12632r. Though Clark noted the close resemblance to similar leg studies in London, Milan and Turin, the majority of which are dated to c. 1506-1508, he dated the Windsor drawing to c. 1490 on the basis of Leonardo's handwriting If this dating is acceptable for the drawing as well, then we must conclude that Leonardo used this drawing as a starting point when some fifteen years later he made the leg studies discussed above. The resemblance of this type of muscular model, seen in profile to the left, to the central nude figure in Pollaiuolo's Louvre drawing is striking. See Nathan, op. cit. in n. 3 above, p. 360. English translation quoted after Pedretti, op. cit. in n. 15 above, vol. I, p. 273.

(48) See Leonardo's study of the myology of a male torso, for which he drew from an antique torso, Clark, op. cit. in n. 1 above, vol. III, no. 19032v (c. 1506-1508). For a comprehensive recent discussion of the subject of Leonardo and the antique, see P.C. Marani, Leonardo da Vinci: The Complete Paintings, New York, 2000.

Michael Kwakkelstein was until very recently Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research Senior Research Fellow affiliated to the Dutch Academic institute for Art History in Florence; he is currently writing a book on the figure drawings of Leonardo da Vinci, to be published next year. Previous publications include: Leonardo da Vinci as a physiognomist: Theory and Drawing Practice (1994) and Willem Goeree, Inleydinge Tot de Al-ghemeene Teycken-Konst (1668): Een kritische geannoteerde editie (1998).
COPYRIGHT 2004 Apollo Magazine Ltd.
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2004 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

Article Details
Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback
Author:Kwakkelstein, Michael W.
Date:Jan 1, 2004
Previous Article:Florentine baroque drawings at the Fogg Museum of Art: new attributions.
Next Article:Another study for Ribera's early Adoration of the Magi.

Terms of use | Privacy policy | Copyright © 2022 Farlex, Inc. | Feedback | For webmasters |