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More than a "People of the Sea." The Portuguese Discoveries from the Perspective of Overland Travel, 1500-1800.

The Circumstances of Travel

We have dealt thus far with different genres of travel in the Portuguese canon of experience, and with some of the problems regarding motivation that they raise. The second half of this article details the actual circumstances of travel in an effort to get closer to the Portuguese adventurers themselves.

Some of the trips were of considerable length--Teixeira took almost a year to go from Belem to Quito on his epic voyage up the Amazon, that river Acuna had called "the largest and most celebrated river in the world" and which watered a far more extensive region than the Ganges, Tigris or Nile. (100) The Portuguese missions to the Abyssinian court at Shoa traveled 450 miles from Massawa, and took six months. Other expeditions simply disappeared: one Brazilian bandeira was not heard of again for eighteen years. (101)

Often these travellers can be caught dreaming of home. Manuel Godinho noted that Baghdad "is as big as Santarem, including the Ribeira," while a square in the town is "where the horse fairs are held, and is about the size of our Rossio." (102) Antonio Fernandes interestingly dwells on the same Virtudes fair at Santarem, from where he too came, comparing it to the fair of Inhacouce in the Mozambican interior (probably Inhagussua, an area where the river debouches from the highlands). (103) Elsewhere, the court of the Ngola at Massangano was likened by the Jesuits to their own city of Evora in Portugal. (104) Michael Pearson has suggested that what is going on is a self-defining process against the Other. (105) But sometimes, our writers seem happy simply to gaze at the Other as an Other.

Disguise was often the best way to travel in areas traditionally hostile to Christians. Bento de Gois went dressed as an Armenian merchant. (106) Armenian cover was also the disguise adopted by Pedro Paez who traveled to Abyssinia from Diu in 1559. (107) Sometimes, however, the adventures of these peripatetic Portuguese demanded multiple disguises. The story of Antonio de Gouveia, the so-called "Father of gold" (Padre do Ouro) is that of an extraordinary adventurer, by turns a secular priest, a Jesuit novice, a soldier under Alessandro Farnese, a prisoner of the Inquisition, a magician, a sorcerer, necromancer and slave-trader in Pernambuco, before he disappeared again into the dungeons of the Inquisition, this time, it seems, for good. (108) Certain circumstances, however, demonstrated that subterfuge was not in one's interest. Father Estevao Cacella and Joao Cabral, for example, traveled across northern India in 1627 as Portuguese soldiers "to avoid Mughal attack." (109) In some areas of the world, such as Latin America, disguise was not strictly necessary. Here knowledge of the local language was more at a premium. Men like Aleixo Garcia were reputed to be well versed in several Indian tongues, including Guarani. (110) Not knowing the local language could have serious implications. Frei Antonio de Lisboa and Pero de Montarroio failed in their mission to meet up with home-going Ethiopian pilgrims in Jerusalem as a consequence of being tomados de temor, frozen in terror, at the thought of not speaking Arabic and hence without disguise as they passed through the forbidden lands of Arabia. (111) In other parts of the world, such as China, it was worth officially registering one's presence, listing one's possessions and requesting a passport from the local prefect (limsitao), for the punishment for transgression, typically imprisonment and/or exile, was too great and disguise not strictly necessary. (112) One had, however, to present an official letter with a seal recognized by the Chinese authorities, and typically to wait a month before permission arrived. On occasion, petitions for an official invitation were turned down. Captain Goncalo de Siqueira de Souza was prevented from making the overland journey to the Japanese court in 1647 by the sakoku-rei edict, which the authorities upheld despite vigorous and repeated pleading. (113)

On occasion, the apparel did not so much pass as a subterfuge as provoke attention. Xavier's humble attire evoked strong reactions in Japan where he was condemned as "a wretch forsaken and accurst by all the world; that the Vermin which are swarming all over him, are too nice to feed on his infectious flesh." Puzzled by the honour paid him by the Portuguese, the Japanese slowly came round to appreciating that "the God of these People must be truly great ... since it is his pleasure that these wealthy Ships should be obedient to so poor a man as is this Bonza [priest] of the Portuguese." (114)

Portuguese envoys to China were careful to dress in the finest clothes, if only to impress the Celestial Court with their gravity and importance. Thus Ambassador Manoel de Saldanha left Canton dressed with crimson satin adorned with silver trimmings. His quarters in the lead boat he occupied were richly decorated with carpets, furniture upholstered in velvet, and damask curtains and he ordered "the accompaniment of flags and trumpets." (115) The Portuguese embassy sent to negotiate with kampaku Hideyoshi in 1590 and desperate to overturn the anti-Christian edict of 25 July 1587 similarly needed to be on best appearances and indeed, as Luis Frois reports, the effect of appearing "so illustrious and well-attired, as no other people had ever been in Japan" enabled their host "to remain with a great conception of our things, which gave the greatest and best credit to our Holy Law, because the Japanese said that such clean and honourable people could not but help have the very best things." (116)

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Expeditioners often traveled, like Andrade, with two Christian servants. Jerome Xavier had provided some travel companions for Bento de Gois: two Greeks, Leo Grimanus, a priest who spoke Persian and Turkish, a merchant Demetrius, and four servants. (117) But he dismissed them as cumbersome and useless and took another, the Armenian Isaac, whose loyal attachment was to prove invaluable to him. Father Francis Xavier took on his famous "Voyage of Meaco" his companions Bernard and Mathew, as well as Lawrence "the Squint-ey'd" and two converted Christian Lords of Japan. (118) On the other side of the world, the Apostolo do Amazonas Samuel Fritz chose to be accompanied by a single Indian "with a short cassock, of which all that remained was in rags; alpercatas and stockings of palm thread on his feet." (119)

Often it proved difficult to travel in company. Dom Rodrigo de Lima and Jorge de Abreu quarrelled the length of the 1520 embassy to Abyssinia like bantam hens, embarrassing their Ethiopian hosts by taking the dispute to the emperor's chamberlain for adjudication. (120) Da Lima was complaining that Jorge d'Abreu was wearing clothes above his station and that he was disrespectful. Ultimately the quarrel split the whole party to the point that scuffles broke out, sword fights, and open brawls in one village that resulted in one soldier's leg being shot. (121) Suspicions and tensions also plagued the Saldanha embassy to Peking, particularly between the Ambassador Saldanha, who spoke for the King, and the Secretary of the Embassy, Bento Pereira de Faria, whom Saldanha was probably referring to when he mentions the "diabolical spirits of Macao." Pereira de Faria reciprocally accused other members of the embassy party of intrigue and illicit possession of the embassy's travel documents. (122) On the Correia Pamplona expedition, Lieutenant Jose da Serra Caldeira manifested his discontent to the rest of the company at a letter the Field Officer had sent him and which had "lessened his prestige," as well as feeling bitter that some of his lands had been given away to a third party. On this occasion, an under-secretary to the Field Officer intervened to correct Caldeira's calumny and to urge him to make a formal appeal with regard to his lands. (123)

Faced with the prospect of long stretches across desert wastelands, it often made sense, as occurred to Pedro Teixeira, to travel in camel cafilas (caravans), the "ships of the desert," analogous in so many ways. (124) Gois proceeded from Lahore in a caravan of about 500 people with a long train of beasts of burden, camels and wagons. Despite the caravan's scale and an armed escort of "400 soldiers as a defence against the rapacity of the natives," the caravan fell prey to the attacks of bandits and robbers, and the account relates how many were mortally wounded. (125) The alternative to these slow-moving caravans, mighty but slow-moving targets, was the opposite: travel light and exposed, but rely on fleet-footedness and unpredictable routes. This was the option Tenreiro preferred: he hired camels and an Arab companion and rode across the desert for twenty-two days. (126) Manuel Godinho similarly travelled by horse with three companions and for part of the way was accompanied by three Arab shauters, or pilots. When it was impossible to pay their guides, many were simply kidnapped and forced to lead. The Massangano runaways seized hostages to use as guides, binding their hands, and obliging them to lead the runaways, and when they wilfully took them in the opposite direction to which the party wanted to go, at gun point forced the guides to obedience.

On occasion these escorts could mean the difference between life and death. Pedro Barbosa relates how Soares de Sousa and his group died with the exception of one when their Indian servants were harassed by Indios mansos, and fled into the night.127 Indian desertion was a relatively common, and understandable phenomenon. (128) When led by their missionary fathers from the reductions, however, Indians could provide extremely loyal and stalwart auxiliaries. In the struggle for the Amazon between the Portuguese and Protestant "heretics" that marked the years 1617-1632, Franciscans on one occasion came to the rescue with Indian help in fifty canoes. The stratagem adopted was quite original: "they dressed the rest of our Indians with shirts, and thus the enemy were deceived into thinking that they were well-armed Portuguese and so they were overcome." (129)

Some took slaves, typically referred to only by the first name, who worked as porters. These porters carried either supplies or the Europeans themselves, as was the case with a number of esteemed missionaries. But it is not clear how suitable a form of transport this ultimately was. As Father Balthasar Barreira complains, "Since they did not travel willingly now, at each step they put the padre down and would only pick him up again when they felt like it." (130) This was repeated on the Abyssinian missions, where several times the porters flung their loads to the ground and marched off. But baggage trains of pack mules were not always that much better. Correia Pamplona's trip reported for 9 October 1769 the loss of "two pack mules (bestas de cargas) besides the three we lost ... on our way to the Wilderness ..." (131)

Overland travellers were often obliged to turn to water-borne vessels for river transportation. Linschoten provides a figure to illustrate the variety of craft the Portuguese adopted, "how they row in the rivers with their scutes," vessels "that will lade in them at the least twenty or thirty pipes of water, and are cut out of one piece of wood, without any piece or seam, or any joints." (132) On the western side of Africa, attempts were made to reach Prester John by rowing up the Congo in such vessels. (133) Often these vessels proved crucial auxiliaries to land-based enterprise. Francisco Barreto realized that to conquer the Mozambican inland, the river was the easiest medium for transportation and pangayos "the only vessels which can be used there, for even if they strike upon the shoals they run no risk, unless the waves are strong enough to shatter them, because they have two forks upon which the vessel is left supported when the tide goes down, like a cripple on crutches. They sail so near to the wind that they seem to go against it." (134) Similarly, the primary means of transport for the massive expedition organized by Governor Jacome Raimundo de Noronha from Belem, an expedition of some eighty Portuguese together with 1,200 Indians and blacks, was a fleet of forty-seven canoes which departed 28 October 1637 under Captain Pedro Teixeira. Jangadas or rafts were more commonly associated with indigenous river transportation, and used somewhat less, except where simple river crossings needed to be made and prefabricated boats were not forthcoming. Cristoval da Gama applied a number of skins filled with air for buoyancy, "taking their matchlocks, powder and matches inside other skins, lest they should be wetted." (135)

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Rivers could often provide a quicker means of movement than traveling overland. The runaway group from the Massangano presidio in Angola escaped with a canoe, which they later sunk so as not to be discovered. (136) Without vessels to negotiate the watercourses, the Portuguese were in peril. The castaways from the Sao Joao in 1552 attempted the swim across rivers, but tended to drown "because by that time they were too weak and exhausted to negotiate a river as wide and swift as this was." (137)

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The bandeiras carried gunpowder, bullets, hatchets and other tools, rope to tie their captives, seeds that could be sown en route so as to provide possible sustenance on the return trip, and sometimes salt and supplies. But on the whole the bandeiras carried few supplies, and tried where possible to live off the land, searching for wild honey, gathering heart-of-palm, and fruit, enjoying eating pine nuts, as well as hunting and fishing. (138) This did not, however, always work out so well. Soares de Sousa died after falling ill on his trip through the Brazilian sertao looking for mines, because "the water was so bad and the food, made of snakes and lizards and even worse." (139) The castaways following the shipwreck of the Sao Joao in 1552 subsisted on a little rice they had rescued from the sinking ship, wild fruit, fish and shellfish they had time to catch during intervals in their long daily hikes along the ocean shore. On one occasion the castaways allied themselves with a local chieftain Inhaca, and used the opportunity to fight alongside his tribemen so as to capture cattle from the vanquished side. The Massangano runaways took with them Guinea wheat (masa-mamputo or grao de Portugal) "to scorch", but running out "were fain to dig and scrape up roots of trees, and suck them to maintain life." (140)

Even when prior preparation was an option, those setting out on the six--to eight-month journey that was the Carreira da India took with them very little by way of food. The Jesuit Fr. Visitor Alessandro Valignano was clearly shocked how many embark as if they were going no further than a league from Lisbon, taking with them only a shirt and two loaves in the hand, and carrying a cheese and a jar of marmelade, without any other kind of provision. (141) When it came to military operations, not much more logistical foresight seems to have been in place. Jorge d'Albuquerque Coelho's expeditions into the Brazilian interior took with them little "except land crabs and manioc flour, and the wild fruits of the field." (142) The commander tended to feed his men only when villages were captured and could be forced to provide. Those motivated to travel by religion were little better prepared--Xavier and his companions had to eat "little other than grains of Rice roasted or dry'd by the fire, which Bernard carry'd in his wallet." (143) But one trend we can notice is the tendency, once a worthy stock of food had been chanced upon, to hold as did Correia Pamplona's men, a "splendid banquet." The attitude to food, then, seems to hold to a typically Rabelaisian cycle of excess and abnegation.

But not all Portuguese overland expeditions travelled so lightly. Many of the marches of would-be settlers into the Brazilian outback (sertao) sought to open roads and build bridges, thereby providing access to new villages and landholdings, and necessarily had to travel well kitted-out with tools and hardware, namely bill-hooks, axes and hoes. The petty dramas involved in this hard work, getting the pack animals to cross hastily constructed "embankments" across rivers, the accidents that took place given the high degree of improvisation, and the slaves' lives sacrificed, reminds one of the stresses and strains of building society on the frontier.

Almost all organized expeditions tried to take chaplains with them. As A.C.F Reis points out, this was both the letter and the spirit of Portuguese laws of conquest. (144) Thus, for example, the bandeira of Bartolomeu Bueno da Silva of 1722, which consisted of thirty-nine cavalry and 142 foot soldiers, took the two Benedictine monks Father Antonio da Conceicao and Frei Luis de Sant'Ana, and a Franciscan priest Cosme de Santo Andre. (145) The point of the priests, as Domingos Jorge Velho explained in 1629, was to help with the last rites for men who died during the expeditions. "You cannot just go into the backlands and risk your life without a chaplain along." (146) On other occasions, the chaplains helped to baptize those who asked for it, or the children of Portuguese settlers who had done without. Francisco Cabral, for example, baptized two Chinese on his visit to the city of Chao ch'ing in 1586. (147)

The Christian religion was often one of the features of Portuguese identity that endured most doggedly, but in other circumstances was quickest to wither. Field Officer Correia Pamplona was not impressed with the state of religion amongst the backlanders along the Sao Francisco River and, more to the point "became disgusted with such barbarous and untamed people who abused god and His Saints by not preserving a temple." (148)

Along with the chaplains travelled images of the Christ child. Balthasar Barreira was told that "they heard Him cry out, to show some kind of feeling of irritation that they should be taking Him to a place where He was to be so poorly received and respected, [indeed] would be rejected." (149) Images and standards, such as the banner of Holy Compassion (Sancta Misericordia), were useful vehicles for that ubiquitous Portuguese penchant for the procession. This was, for example, something the Portuguese Jesuits in Abyssinia had repeatedly lobbied for, the Church there to include processions as one of the ways to expiate the "errors" of their Church, but we also find it a common way of celebrating even the erection of a bridge, in this instance across the River S. Francisco by Field Officer Pamplona, or in Mendes Pinto, news of the discovery of the kingdom of Japan. (150) Processions were commonly accompanied by sermons, general confessions and masses, a formula repeated time and time again in different circumstances, such as the moments before battle. (151)

Sometimes, expeditions included other figures: a clerk, a barber-surgeon, and even painters were sent with the da Lima expedition to record the sights the party encountered, but also to draw and paint for the amusement of Prester John. Often the chaplain would agree to record events. On the larger expeditions, professional scribes were employed, whilst on the smaller we are often obliged to rely on hearsay alone. Then came interpreters, in the case of Paulo Rodrigues da Costa's expedition to the Kingdom of Sada in Madagascar in 1613, so as to "facilitate conversation with the King" and help the expedition to obtain provisions and sought-after information. (152)

Music too accompanied traveling Portuguese where possible. The da Lima expedition brought with it a number of Portuguese servants who had been selected for their ability to sing mass melodiously. This was also true of a musician in charge of a portable organ. Seven slave musicians were taken on Field Office Inacio Correia Pamplona's expedition of 1769 "with small guitars, fiddles, horns, and transverse flutes--and two black drummers with their drums covered with oilcloth." They played at sunrise and at ceremonial occasions, such as Mass, which took place "without failing a single day," as well as providing the sonnets described as the "dessert" to the accompaniment of which the company finished their meals. Music too was an important weapon in the proselytizing initiative, though controversial with the more conservative secular church authorities. (153) The Jesuit, however, remained, left to his own devices, "like a Christian Orpheus who would go up and down rivers drawing the savage to him by the force of music and sacred song." (154) Padre Vieira, in preparation for his voyage up the Tocatins River in 1653, most famously had ordered consignments of masks and rattles from Europe at his own expense "to show the heathen, much addicted to their dances, that the Christian religion is not sad." (155)

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Gifts were brought on diplomatic embassies, and it was easy to cause offence. Apparently the Portuguese had not learnt the lesson of Vasco da Gama, whose original gift of "twelve pieces of lambel (lambeis), four scarlet hoods, six hats, four strings of coral, a case containing six wash-hand basins, a case of sugar, two casks of oil and two of honey" had turned him into a laughing stock at the Samorin's court in Calicut. (156) Even before the outset of his embassy, Ambassador Saldanha cringed at the embarrassing meanness of the gifts he had been able to purchase: "the benzoin a few miserable grains, the amber like gravel, the coral very small ... the rose water is spring water." (157)

Offence could be caused in other ways. Dom Rodrigo da Lima for example, when asked by the Bahrnagas for his best sword, turned instead to a companion to offer them his. That night the embassy's stores were broken into and munitions stolen as recompense. (158)

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Some of the gifts the Portuguese brought with them, however, were nothing short of extraordinary, if only for the effort involved in transporting them over considerable distances. Dom Lima resigned himself to bringing a huge four-poster bed with yellow and blue tafetta curtains, blankets embroidered with the Portuguese coat of arms, and a canopy that showed an emperor crowning a queen while four men sounded trumpets. It proved impossible, however, that such an object could survive the journey, as Gaspar Bocarro was also disappointed to conclude with respect to his own weighty bed (tamanha cama) "which included a carpet, a damask bolster and sheets" when returning from his posting to the East African interior. (159) Thus da Lima found himself with four lengths of tapestry, the original musical organ, a golden sword with rich hilt, two old short cannon with powder and shot, some pieces of armor and a map of the world. (160)

Organs (horgaos) and clavichords (crauos pera tanger), it seems, were good gifts, generally of the portable variety, but sometimes the full church-scale instrument, to be assembled on arrival. (161) Christovao de Figueiredo brought "certain organs" together with a variety of "other things" (pecas) on his trip to the court of the King of Daquem. (162) Mirrors, too, often accompanied Portuguese travelers. Bento de Gois brought the King of Yarkand "one large and three smaller mirrors, a silken cloth to spread on the royal dais (estrado), a white cloth with colored stripes, three loaves of sugar and some sweetmeats." (163) One remarkable gift that traveled overland with the Portuguese was a lion brought for the sake of the Chinese court by the Ambassador Bento Pereira de Faria in 1678. Like Da Lima's four-poster bed, the lion was destined not to survive the journey despite the tender care of a Papango (Filipino) lion-tamer. However, its mere arrival in Peking was enough to ensure its burial in a magnificent marble monument with an epitaph "as is done for highly esteemed mandarins." (164) Unlike Da Lima's expedition, Pereira de Faria's diplomatic mission succeeded in its goals, and resulted in the legalisation of Macao's maritime trade from 1681.

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One way to be sure that one's diplomatic mission had succeeded was to be offered certain gifts in return. Francisco Cabral, a keystone of the Jesuit presence in the Far East at the end of the sixteenth century, was offered by the Limsitao, or prefect in the city of Chao ch'ing, "a piece of white silk cloth, six fans, and four of those maps by Father Matteo [Ricci]." He realized the importance of this gesture when "this was quickly known throughout the city, and some of the principals came to congratulate us for the honor and compliments that the limsitao gave us." (165) Domingo Paes' narrative of southern India is marked by a deep respect for the elusive character of Christovao de Figueiredo, whose embassies were invariably showered with presents. Paes witnessed Figueiredo's receiving "a tunic of brocade (cabaya) with a cap of the same fashion as the king wore," while "to each of the accompanying Portuguese he offered a cloth embroidered with many pretty figures." (166) The embassy of Duarte Fernandez in 1511 to Rama Tibodi II, King of Siam, was received with the greatest honours: he was taken by the King on a tour of the city and shown the King's white elephant, an object of especial veneration across South-East Asia. (167) By contrast, the diplomatic embassy of Diogo Fernandes, which presented itself on the recommendation of Emperor Maximilian to the Fugger family of merchant-bankers in 1493 with the aim of securing some financial contributions for a prospective voyage to "China" was sent away with the pathetic sum of 100 florins. This may well have caused a deep and lasting personal rancour on the part of the Portuguese Crown towards the German merchant community, which continued right through the first half of the sixteenth century. (168) As reported by Thorne in Hakluyt, it served to convince the Portuguese Crown to insist resolutely thenceforth on a national monopoly, that the Pope should "judge at that should bee found and discovered to be of his jurisdiction, and command that none other princes should intermeddle therewith." (169) In any case, Lucas Rem reports in his diary how German merchants complained that "the King made it so that they never happily entered trading relations with him" ("er machet, dasz sy nimmer gern mit ihm handlen wolten"). (170)

We have dealt with the matter of food. By the rules of diplomacy, embassies were obliged to be fed at the charge of the hosts. But this too could present problems. Pimentel was disgusted by the banqueting food the Chinese laid on for his party: "the meats that are offered are so underdone and badly cooked ("tao engroladas, e mal cozidas") that they seem raw, so that one cannot eat without losing one's composure, grasping with the hands and tearing off with the teeth, like some glutton or sheepdog." But worse was to come. Pimentel was at subsequent banquets presented with sheeps' heads "with two horns so large that they frightened me ... the head was so little cleaned that by its wool I knew that the sheep had been black." (171) Galeote Pereira, however, overlooks the quality of Chinese cuisine but was impressed by the generosity of hospitality with which he was received. He reports how the princes of the blood such as the Chin-chiang princely family at Kuelin offered exiled Portuguese "good entertainment" to accompany the fine food and drinking, and offered hospitality even to the servants and slaves of the Portuguese. (172)

The weather frequently served to hold up expeditioners. In the da Lima expedition to Abyssinia, the problem was spring rains, which were so strong that the party was almost washed away in flash floods. Xavier's "Voyage of Meaco" was made at a time of year when people "do not have any communication with each other, but by cover'd walks and Galleries" and the ice was such that "the Travellers fell at every step; without mentioning those prodigious Icicles, hanging over their head, from the high Trees, and threatening the Passengers at every moment with their fall." Another passage in Dominique Bouhours's biography describes how Xavier responded to storms, the holy man continuing "in the midst of this rack of Heaven, with flashes of lightning darting round about him, without losing his habitual tranquility, but adoring the Divine Providence, which sought so visibly in his favor." (173) It was moments such as these that distinguished a prospective saint from a mere pilgrim. Father Emanuel Freyre, who accompanied Ippolito Desideri in 1713 to Tibet, and who got as far as the holy city of Lhasa on 18 March 1716, started to suffer excessively from the cold, and had to return to Hindustan. (174)

The early expeditions tended not to make maps. There are, for example, almost no early Portuguese maps of central Angola. The maps of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuriues were primarily portolans and roteiros detailing coastal settlements, but not of the interior. Even when the journeys were overland, the maps made tended to indicate sea-routes. This was the case with Pero de Covilha's carta de marear which was sent to Lisbon, even if it is not clear whether it ultimately arrived. (175) Later expeditions, such as that of Inacio Correia Pamplona were better at taking mapmakers along with them, but often due to the dearth of professionals, the job was carried out by the expedition chaplain. William Simon has written on the specifically scientific re-awakening of interest in Portugal's colonies following the long duration of the crise mentale which Hernani Cidade argued characterized Portugal's experience of the first half of the 18th century. Map-making was one of the activities that gained from this stimulus. (176) Naturalist and Secretary of Government Joaquim Jose da Silva was sent, together with the Captain of the Grenadiers, Antonio Jose da Costa, into the interior to discover the mouth of the Cunene River "of whose industry resulted a small Map, made by him, only after filling in all the regions he had to note on the Map, which was presented to the Ministry by the Engineer, Luis Furtado, in which is shown many rivers, until then unknown, and noted on the map etc." (177)

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The lack of good maps or surveys meant that many of the estimations of distance were off the mark and should not be relied upon, as in the case of Leitao's account, where his editors have established that his leagues vary between two and five kilometres. Beyond this and more seriously the ability to establish direction, notwithstanding a venerable tradition of Portuguese haven-finding art, is often at fault: Leitao, again, consistently equates true southeast with east and true northwest with west. (178) Here the problem was principally incompetence, but Leitao alludes to other problems--his pilot's "lack of discretion," who had "publicly made observations of the sun in Cambambe, and during the whole time that we were in Ambaca. As all our populace is partial to rumor, [the news] ran in these lands that my coming to trade was fictitious because in reality I had a sorcerer with me to bewitch their lands." (179)

Just as seaborne technology was crucial to the Portuguese in asserting their dominance over the seas, as Carlo Cipolla has perhaps most singularly argued, so too was the weaponry the land adventurers carried with them. (180) Even Jesuit Fathers like Bento de Gois went well-armed with an arquebus and a bow. (181) Once Manoel de Sousa Sepulveda's men had surrendered their matchlocks meekly at the command of local tribal chieftains, the party was prey to robberies of all their possessions to the point of being deprived of every stitch of clothing. (182) It was, however, on the question of honour rather than personal safety that Ambassador Manoel de Saldanha was reluctant to take off his sword in the presence of the Celestial Emperor, a safety precaution the Chinese officials from the Board of Ceremonies insisted on following a recent attempt of a Chinese feudatory Oboi to assassinate the Emperor during an audience. (183)

Portuguese travelers faced a dazzling array of different sleeping arrangements. In Persia and the central Asian world, travelers were accustomed to sleeping in caravanserais. Tenreiro was particularly impressed by the caravanserai in a village near Angao, notable for the glass windows (vidracas) which the Queen of the Sufi had recently installed. (184)

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In China, Portuguese embassies to Peking were put up in the official residence for tributary missions, known as the Palace of the Barbarians, or Palace of Strangers. (185) But these were not necessarily very comfortable. Pimentel complained about the "innumerable bugs (lavraos) that get in one's clothing at night" and pointed out that despite the buildings' grandeur, they offered little comfort "for they give no protection against the heat in the summer, nor against the cold in the winter, being open like covered porches, with lattice windows covered with paper much finer than ours." (186) Field Officer Inacio Correia Pamplona rested where he could at ranches (estancias). Mendes Pinto describes how he and his party would strive to spend the nights as they made their way across southern China in wayside shelters, and where they were provided either with sleeping mats or cots, and what was needed by way of food. (187) But often, out in the wilds, it was not possible to sleep in the comforts of domesticity. On the military entradas, when it came to camping, Albuquerque Coelho ordered "shacks to be made of branches and palm leaves, in which his soldiers could shelter." The slaves brought along here came in useful as construction workers, as well as their other functions reconnoitering the terrain and standing guard. Less comfortable seems to have been Mendes Pinto's opting to sleep in pools, so as not to be menaced by wild beasts, but for the destitute this seems to have been a recurrent choice. The Massangano runaways, for example, slept "in the lake of Casansa." (188) Godinho, on the other hand, preferred to sleep in cavities or caverns even when running the risk that they served as lions' or tigers' dens (covas). (189) Lions and tigers were a frequent problem and, one author reminds us regarding the wastes of the Middle East, "are bloodthirsty (carniceiros) over there." (190)

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But it was the case everywhere outside of Europe, really. The da Lima expedition was pursued by packs of hyenas (tigres), which the party had to keep at arms' length by recourse to lances. (191) Wild animals liked to attack particularly at night or at waterholes. Godinho and his guides encountered them, but did not fire carbines because they were frightened of wounding the creature, knowing too well the reputation of a "wounded tiger." (192) Night time was always particularly dangerous not just because of wild beasts, but because of ambushes and raids. The Brazilian writer Pedro Barbosa Leal, for example, spoke of melees between the "tame" (mansos) Indians assisting the Portuguese bandeirantes, and the "heathen from the sertao." (193) Often the threat was cause enough to raise a stockade of available materials or, in the case of the castaways following the shipwreck of the Sao Joao, chests and barrels.

Travel, then, was a difficult undertaking in many parts of the world, and the Portuguese were often threatened with their life. Bento de Gois died supposedly poisoned by jealous Moslems, and Barreto's men were fed poisoned oxen in Sena. (194) Often, they were taken for thieves, as was Mendes Pinto; in Arabia parties were often attacked by "desert Arabs," especially as they came close to wells where people congregated. (195) In Abyssinia, the Portuguese were often stoned by natives, and Alvarez had to send a mule and a slave on ahead to draw any fire from ambushers. It is interesting to survey the tactics adopted to counter these threats. Manuel Godinho chose to gallop the whole day so as to avoid Bedouin robbers. On other occasions, he employed the tactic of climbing to the tops of hills so as to survey the plains for Bedouin, and keeping off the road. (196) Riding in Arab fashion, in other words in pairs, was a further means of avoiding suspicion. At night, guards built barricades of thorn bushes against brigands.

In taking sides amongst indigenous disputes, the Portuguese were often forced to pay a price. Christoval da Gama could allegedly have linked up with Galavedos, the new Negus, all the while avoiding confrontation with Gran (Ibrahim al-Ghazi, known as Gran "the left-handed"), the Negus' bitter enemy. But da Gama could not desist from storming enemy garrisons such as Bacinete, or confronting Gran's forces on the field, for instance on 4 April 1542 and again twelve days later. But after one encounter where the Portuguese were pushed to flight, da Gama was captured and brought before Gran seated triumphant next to 160 Portuguese heads. The unfortunate Da Gama had his beard waxed and set on fire as a wick, and his eyelids pulled off before decapitation at the hands of Gran himself. (197)

Traveling Portuguese could also be held to account for the misdemeanours of their compatriots. The mission of Tome Pires to the Chinese Emperor in Peking was denied, and the Portuguese ambassador then arrested and imprisoned until his death on charges of misconduct relating to various self-seeking Portuguese marauders' transgressions, such as Simao Peres de Andrade's seizure of land for the sake of fortress construction at the hands of press-ganged Chinese coolies, and Fernao Peres de Andrade's illegal entry into the harbour of Canton and frighteningly unexpected gun-salute. (198)

Overland travel across the European continental landmass was often far from a safe proposition. Letters from the Portuguese feitores at the Feitoria de Flandres repeatedly complain of how the Franco-Habsburg conflict disrupted the circulation of Portuguese spice consignments, and how merchant convoys were seized during the troubles over the Duchy of Guelders and held to ransom. The Portuguese factor, Rui Fernandez, reported to the King from Augsburg that "nobody can pass safely and each day carts and merchandise are seized in such a way that nobody can get past if not by a miracle," and could count himself fortunate to return safely to Antwerp from his visit to southern Germany, if forced to pass by way of France. Only in Bavaria, by his estimation, were the roads safe. (199)

But Portuguese were not always under threat. Domingo Paes writes how the King of Daquem "is one that seeks to honour foreigners and receives them kindly, asking about all their affairs whatever their condition may be." (200) Goncalo Fernandes was able to secure letters of recommendation from the royal Nayakas of Madurai for the Visitor Pimenta as well as his companions "which enabled (them) to travel throughout the whole country without being molested." (201) In Africa, the problem was often less one of rejection than the converse: that Europeans would not be released by their hosts. African potentates often insisted on detaining missionaries "so as to increase the worldly glory of His Majesty." (202) This was the upshot of Covilha's mission in search of Prester John: Covilha chanced upon the Emperor of Ethiopia, Na'od, who refused to let him leave, and he was still there when Dom Rodrigo da Lima, leader of the Portuguese embassy, arrived in 1520. (203) The da Lima expedition itself was detained for at least five years, and only returned in 1526. It is a phenomenon Timothy Severin calls "gilded captivity," for as with the Europeans forcibly detained by the King of Kandy, most were offered pensions and wives and not treated badly. (204)

What was the state of the paths taken by our Portuguese travelers, for often they had to forsake real roads for tracks? To get to Abyssinia the path lead past baking limestone cliffs, dried-up watercourses and meagre, rock-strewn countryside. In Gois' accounts of mountain travel, with their ravine roads, the beasts of burden were generally driven along the lower parts, while the escort made their way along the top of the rocks to prevent the brigands from crushing them by throwing heavy stones into the narrow gorge below. In the rain forest, travellers tried to take Indian paths; where there were none, they tended to follow the lines of brooks or streams. The toponyms that this second variant has passed down to us--Passa-Dois, Passa-Dez--are, in fact, names of crossings. (205) Domingo Paes on the other hand praised the road over the Ghats onto the Deccan plateau, especially from Batecala to a town called Zambuja: "there are some ranges with forests; nevertheless the road is very even." (206) Travel in China was perhaps the easiest. An anonymous account of 1554, mirroring many others, explains how "all the roads were paved and made even; and sometimes when we went by rivers, we asked if the other roads which went on further were similar, and they told us that they were." (207)

[FIGURE 13 OMITTED]

Dignitaries such as Vasco da Gama traveled to the court of the Samorin in a palanquim. Similarly, noblewomen, even of a group of desperate castaways like Dona Leonor, wife of Captain Manuel de Sepulveda, were carried in a machila or litter by slaves. Father Balthasar Barreira on his mission to the Kingdom of Bena was carried by the porters of the local chieftain Massacander, for a stretch was carried by his sons, and at one stage even received a horse as a present which he gave to a local nobleman "with characteristic prudence." Ambassador Saldanha wanted to be carried around in a sedan chair that required eight bearers, but the Chinese authorities intervened to limit the number to four presumably so as to limit the ostentation. Even Portuguese convicts, arrested by the Chinese authorities and sent into exile in the interior, were granted the privilege of being carried to the place of their penance "in parties, on chairs made of canes upon mens' backs, and they were in charge of inferior Louthias (which, as Gaspar da Cruz explains, amounted to "everyone that in China hath any office") who caused them to have all things necessary through all the places where they came, till they were delivered." (208)

[FIGURE 14 OMITTED]

Not all Iberians consented to the honour of being thus transported. The more abstemious Francis Xavier insisted on carrying his own equipage except where he was so weak "that the two Japanese [companions] took it in turns to help him carry the bundle." (209) For religious notables arriving in a successfully converted society, the journey was often alleviated by special favours. Alexander of Rhodes's journey from Bolinao to Manila in July 1641 was smoothed by the "thousand caresses" offered him, and particularly his feet, by Augustinian and Dominican religious followers. (210)

If money was not an issue to Dom Pedro, whose father financed his trip to Central Europe by investing 20,000 gold florins in the public debt of Florence, outside of the safety of European civilization, it could be a problem. On the one hand it could simply be a technical complication which, as Humberto Leitao has shown, often derived from the fact that the Crown was unable to operate its own networks for the purpose of passing on money due to the "so many deductions made by the officials whose responsibility it was to pay it." (211) On the other hand, Ambassador Saldanha's lengthy stay in Canton which was as the Ambassador wrote a result "solely of lack of money," had been the result of a cultural misunderstanding. For by tradition it was his Chinese hosts who were to provide by him. Another cultural misunderstanding was the free passage traditionally accorded mendicant friars. Xavier's strategy, when he was confronted with toll-gates on his journey to Kyoto and had of course "no money at all," was to go through "by acting as footman to noblemen whom he could approach along the road" though the problem then became one of "keep[ing] up with the pace set by the horsemen he was accompanying." (212)

Money of course attracted robbery. Joao Fernandes was robbed of half his money by his own servant on the journey between Beijing and Suzhou. (213) Manuel Godinho was forced to pay off an "evil governor" to be on his way, extortion rather than robbery. A number of travellers consequently provided tips on how to conceal money on one's person and parcel it out amongst one's fellows--when it came to paying, Godinho got his companions to pay so as to make himself deliberately look poor. (214) Gois had a nice trick--when held up by brigands, he took a turban of some value (hua touca de preco), weighted it with a stone, and flung it as far away as possible so that the brigands were distracted into running after it, enabling him to escape. (215)

There was a fair degree of fraternity and reciprocal help between fellow Europeans in the wider world, even if nominally competitors, even enemies, with their own bureaucratic structures and political loyalties. The Portuguese Pedro Teixeira, for example, stayed with the Venetian Santo Fonte in Basra on his way back to Europe. Often in politically sensitive zones, where European powers were themselves the colonial rulers, however, cooperation turned to tense rivalry and laws were enacted which forbade Portuguese nationals from entering contested lands also claimed by the Castilians. (216) The expedition of Manuel Felix de Lima, for example, ended with the whole group sent back to Lisbon in custody, and Samuel Fritz was forcibly detained at the College of Para on at least one occasion. But as Lucio de Azevedo quite rightly points out, this has as much to do with the privileges of local colonial populations (requerimentos) to prospect as it does with colonial rivalries.

Conclusion

One might end, as does Manuel Godinho's relacao, with homage paid to the saints who had helped expeditioners on their way. Godinho concludes with a "Laus Deo Virgini Santissimae, et Sancto meo Xaverio." (Thanks be to God/to the Most Holy Virgin and/to my Saint Xavier). (217) But just as there were many types of expeditions, so too were there many different saints to be thanked. Field Officer Correia Pamplona chose instead to offer his thanks to Saint Francis of Sales, "the gentle Christ of Geneva," and to "Our Lady of the Conception." (218) Admittedly waterborne, in terrible danger of sinking, Jorge d'Albuquerque Coelho's men pinned their hopes in Our Lady of Luz, as well as Our Lady of Guadelupe. (219) Elsewhere, Luiz Mott has noted how the capitaesdomato, capturers of runaway slaves, revered Sao Antonio as their protector, and even referred to the early thirteenth century missionary and lecturer in a bizarre twist as a "divine slave hunter." (220) It is clear that we cannot expect these frontiersmen to have been familiar with the saints and their lives, or to have moved around with popular contemporary handbooks on the subject, such as Jacobus de Voragine's Golden Legend (actually written around 1260). In this context, it makes sense, rather, to see such devotions, of so obvious an importance to people of that age, as a necessary gesture granting these Portuguese so far from home solace amongst their many tribulations.

The story of these Portuguese adventurers in the wider world is a rich and complex one. There are perhaps too many permutations for us to suggest one overriding model of action, the motivation to better one's life. Certainly it rubs against the Portuguese propensity to adaptability that Stuart Schwartz ascribes them, and it would seem that adventuring does not draw on the same spirit as nest-building. (221) It might be wiser to adopt a Toynbean paradigm of "Challenge" and "Response": that, having had to dedicate centuries to build confidence enough to venture into the open seas, and more than sixty years to edge their way around the Cape of Good Hope, the world was consequently literally thrown open to them. And along with a largely illicit infiltration of the Spanish hemisphere, the possibilities for movement were practically limitless. In all of this, the overland journey deserves its place alongside the canon of great maritime discoveries, for it was not merely a support but a similarly bold and fresh charting of the unknown.

Stefan Halikowski-Smith

University of Wales, Swansea

(1) I wish to offer my thanks to Onesimo Almeida, Brown University, for reading a preliminary draft, and to the Fundacao Luso-Americana, for a one-month scholarship at the Arquivos Nacionais/Torre do Tombo, July 2005.

(2) This was an idea Sampaio fleshed out in considerable historical complexity in a series of essays such as "Praias do Litoral," "O Norte Maritimo" and "As Povoas Maritimas." Sampaio's oeuvre was collected and published as A. Sampaio, Estudos historicos e economicos, 2 vols. (Porto: Livraria Chardron, 1923).

(3) "El-rei, nosso senhor se chamava em seus ditados, como de feito era, rei do mar com muita parte da terra," from an anonymous report on the diplomatic expedition to Bengal in 1522, as cited by Genevieve Bouchon and Luis Filipe Thomaz, Voyage dans les deltas du Ganges et de l'Irraouaddy en 1521 (Paris: Fondation Calouste Gulbenkian, 1988), 246. Much of the "Historia Tragico-Maritima" literature has been translated and commented upon by recent critical editions. See e.g. C. R. Boxer, ed. and trans., The Tragic History of the Sea, 1589-1622. Narratives of the Shipwrecks of the Portuguese East Indiamen Sao Thome (1589), Santo Alberto (1593), Sao Joao Baptista (1622), and The Journeys of the Survivors in South East Africa, Hakluyt Society, 2nd ser., 112 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1957); C. R. Boxer, ed. and trans., Further Selections from the Tragic History of the Sea, 1559-1565. Narratives of the Shipwrecks of the Portuguese East Indiamen Aguia and Garca (1559), S. Paulo (1561) and the Misadventure of the Brazil-ship Santo Antonio (1565), Hakluyt Society, 2nd ser., 132 (Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, at the University Press, 1968); Giulia Lanciani, Tempeste e Naufragi sulla via delle Indie (Roma: Bulzoni, 1991).

(4) Henk van Woerden, A boca cheia de vidros (Een Mond vol Glas) (Lisbon: Actividades Editoriais, 2002), 39.

(5) See for example, J. F. Oliveira Martins, Historia de Portugal, 16th ed. (Lisbon: Guimaraes & Co. Editora, 1972), 35; Quirino da Fonseca, Os Portugueses no mar. Memorias historicas e arqueologicas das naus de Portugal (Lisboa: Tip. do Comercio, 1926), 10.

(6) Fonseca, Os Portugueses no mar; Eduardo Lourenco, "A Nau de Icaro ou o fim da emigracao," in A Nau de Icaro seguido de imagem e miragem da lusofonia (Lisboa: Gradiva, 1999), 43-53; Antonio Lobo Antunes, As naus (Lisboa: Publicacoes Dom Quixote--Circulo de Leitores, 1988); F. Pessoa, O de maritima/Alvaro de Campos (Lisboa: Editorial Presenca, 1995). In the reductive tripartite schematisation of Portuguese history provided by Pessoa, the dynastic struggles for nationhood (brasao) were supplanted by "possession of the seas" (possessio maris), a heroic epoch that gave way in turn to messianic hopes for return and redemption (O Encoberto) (F. Pessoa, Mensagem (Lisboa: Pereira, 1934)).

(7) For a review of this institution see Antonio de Oliveira, "The Activities of the CNCDP. A Preliminary Assessment," Electronic Journal of Portuguese History, 1 (Sept. 2003), http://www.brown.edu/Departments/Portuguese_Brazilian_Studies/ejph/, 8.

(8) See, for example, Joaquim Bensaude, L'Astronomie nautique au Portugal a l'epoque des grandes decouvertes (Bern: M. Drechsel, 1912); Quirino da Fonseca, A caravela portuguesa e a prioridade tecnica das navegacoes henriquinas (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade 1934); A. Fontoura da Costa, A marinharia dos descobrimentos (Lisboa: Agencia Geral do Ultramar, 1960); Gago Coutinho, A nautica dos descobrimentos, 2 vols. (Lisboa: Agencia Geral do Ultramar, 1950-51); A. Teixeira da Mota, Methodes de navigation et cartographie nautique dans l'Ocean Indien avant le XVIe siecle (Lisboa: Junta de Investigacoes do Ultramar, 1963).

(9) A. H. de Oliveira Marques, Historia de Portugal, 6th ed. (Lisboa: Palas Editores, 1976), 8.

(10) Onesimo Almeida and George Monteiro, "Introduction," The Sea Within: A Selection of Azorean Poems (Providence: Gavea Brown, 1983).

(11) S. Subrahmanyam and L. F. Thomaz, "Evolution of Empire: The Portuguese in the Indian Ocean during the 16th Century," in James Tracy, ed. The Political Economy of Merchant Empires (Cambridge: C.U.P., 1991), 300-305 (Section 1).

(12) Frei Vicente do Salvador, Historia do Brasil, 1500-1627, 6 ed. (Sao Paulo: Melhoramentos (INL), 1975), 4: "Da largura que a terra do Brasil tem para o sertao nao trato, porque ate agora nao houve quem a andasse, por negligencia dos portugueses que, sendo gramdes conquistadors de terras, nao se aproveitam delas, mas contenteramse de as andar ao longo do mar como caranguejos."

(13) Only specialists in South African history such as Eric Axelson are in a position to acknowledge that Fernandes stands as "one of Africa's greatest explorers" (Eric Axelson, Portuguese in South-East Africa, 1488-1600 (Johannesburg: C. Struik, 1973), 233). Fernandes' second journey of three was recorded by Gaspar Veloso, clerk of the factory at Sofala (Arquivos Nacionais/Torre do Tombo (AN/TT) (Lisbon), Cartas dos Vicereis, no. 162, doc. III ("Apontamentos que Gaspar Velho enviou a el-rei dando-lhe conta dos reis que havia de Sofala ate a mina de Monotapa, e do ouro e marfins que havia naquelas partes"), 180-8 (Veloso to Rei (1533)).

(14) Gois' trip was narrated by two contemporaries, Father Fernao Guerreiro and Matteo Ricci. Ricci's report can be found in Pasquale M. D'Elia, Fonti Ricciane (Roma: Libreria dello Stato, 1942-49), 2: 437-441; Guerreiro's account has been translated and published as Part 2 in C. H. Payne, ed., Jahangir and the Jesuits (London: George Routledge and Sons, 1930).

(15) J. Correia de Souto, Dicionario de Historia, 6 vols. (Lisbon: Zairol, 1985).

(16) John Hemming, Red Gold. The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians (Massachusetts: Harvard Univ. Press, 1978), 212.

(17) The Raejaevaliya. A Comprehensive Account of the Kings of Sri Lanka, trans. A. V. Suraweera (Sri Lanka: Ratmalana--Vishva Lekha, 2000), 69.

(18) Diego Ferrer, "21 August 1633," cited in Jaime Cortesao, Jesuitas e bandeirantes no Itatim (1596-1760) (Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacional, Divisao de Obras Raras e Publicacoes, 1952), 45.

(19) J. Ribeiro, Fatalidade historica da ilha de Ceilao (c. 1685), trans. by P. E. Pieris as The Historic Tragedy of the Island of Ceilao, 4th ed. (S. l.: Daily News Press, 1948), 265. Other editions of this text (Lisbon: Alfa, D. L., 1989; New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1999) have been consulted for the sake of this article.

(20) Jean-Claude Lejosne, Le journal de voyage de Gerrit van Wuystoff et de ses assistants au Laos, 1641-2 (Metz: Centre de documentation et d'information sur le Laos, 1993).

(21) Sergio Buarque de Holanda, Visao do paraiso, os motives edenicos no descobrimento e colonizacao do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: J. Olympio, 1959), 18. In another direction, it is interesting to note how careful Capello and Ivens are to distinguish themselves from the archetype of the "curioso enrage" personified by Charles Baudelaire, "Regresso dos benemeritos exploradores Capello e Ivens da sua exploracao," in Francisco da Asis de Oliveira Martins, Francisco de Assis de Oliveira, Hermenegildo Capelo e Roberto Ivens (Lisboa: Agencia das Colonias, 1951), 38. Capello and Ivens were, however, writing in the nineteenth century, long after the structures of empire had been consolidated. B. Chatwin, Anatomy of Restlessness (London: Cape, 1996).

(22) A. J. R. Russell-Wood, A World on the Move: The Portuguese in Africa, Asia and America, 1415-1808 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993).

(23) Pedro Dantas, "Perspectivas," Revista Nova 4 (1931), as quoted by Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves. A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilisation (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1956), 41.

(24) The Portuguese chronicler Fernao Lopes, for example, relates how King Dom Pedro's (1357-1367) squires robbed and killed a Jew who went through the mountains near Belas selling spices and other merchandise (Fernao Lopes, Cronica de D. Pedro, ed. Antonio Borges Coelho (Lisbon: Livros Horizonte, 1977), chap. VI.

(25) Antonio Baiao's Itinerarios da India a Portugal (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1923) is merely a compilation of Antonio Tenreiro and Mestre Affonso.

(26) The Voyage of F. Pyrard de Laval, ed., Albert Gray and H. Bell, (London: Hakluyt, 1878), 50; also mentioned in A. C. Burnell and Pieter Anton Tiele, eds., The Voyage of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1997), 1: 219.

(27) Gaspar de S. Bernardino, "Itinerario da India por terra ate a ilha de Chipre." The most recent edition is in Innocencio Francisco da Silva, Diccionario Bibliographico Portuguez (Lisboa: Na Imprensa Nacional, 1859), 3: 124. One of Nicolau Rebelo's two MS is contained in the Biblioteca Nacional (Lisbon), Fundo Geral, 340. Rebelo's text has, however, been published recently on at least two occasions: in Antao Mesquita & Maria de F. F. de Azevedo, Uma viagem da India para o reino em 1605-07: As relacoes ineditas, 2 vols (Lisboa: [s.n.], 1964); and Joaquim Verissimo Serrao, Un voyageur portugais en Perse au debut du XVIIe siecle (Lisboa: Fundacao Calouste Gulbenkian, 1972).

(28) The historiographical interest in the dialectic between Self and Other is explored by Anthony Pagden, "Foreword" to Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999).

(29) John Russell Wood, "Seamen Ashore and Afloat. The Social Environment of the Carreira da India, 1550-1780," Mariner's Mirror 69 (1) (1983): 35-52. More recently, Francisco C. Domingues and Inacio Guerreiro, A vida a bordo na Carreira da India (Seculo XVI) (Lisboa: Instituto de Investigacao Cientifica Tropical, 1988); A. H. R. de Oliveira Marques, "Travelling with the Fifteenth-Century Discoverers: Their Daily Life," in A. Disney and E. Booth, Vasco da Gama and the Linking of Europe and Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000); Liam Brockey, "'Largos caminhos e vastos mares.' Jesuit Missionaries and the Journey to China in the 16th and 17th centuries," Bulletin of Portuguese/Japanese Studies (1) (2000): 45-72. For the Spanish parallel, see Pablo Emilio Perez-Mallaina Bueno, Hombres del oceano, published in English as Spain's Men of the Sea: Daily Life on the Indies Fleets in the 16th Century (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press 1998). For the voyage on Dutch Indiamen, see C. R. Boxer, "The Dutch East-Indiamen: Their Sailors, Their Navigators and Life on Board, 1602-1795," in C. R. Boxer, Dutch Merchants and Mariners in Asia: 1601-1795 (London: Variorum Reprints 1988).

(30) See Capistrano de Abreu, Chapters of Brazil's Colonial History, 1500-1800 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), chap. 6. For Anchieta, see Charlotte de Castelnau l'Estoile, Les ouvriers d'une vigne sterile: Les Jesuites et la conversion des Indiens au Bresil, 1580-1620 (Lisboa: Fundacao de Calouste Gulbenkian, 2000), 464-470; for Samuel (Fritz), Jose Joaquin Borda, Historia de la Compania de Jesus en la Nueva Granada (Poissy: Impr. de S. Lejay, 1872), 1: 72. For the notion of "apostolic man" see Adriano Prosperi, "Il Missionario," in L'uomo barocco (Roma: Laterza, 1991). This prototype is largely developed from Gaetano Maria da Bergamo, L'uomo apostolico istruito nella sua vocazione (Venezia: Giovanni Battista Regozza, 1726).

(31) For an example of how this historical prejudice has passed into the historiographical mainstream, see, for example, Irene Pih, Le Pere Gabriel de Magalhaes. Un jesuite portugais en Chine au XVIIe siecle (Paris: Fundacao Calouste Gulbenkian, 1979), 229. Also David Mungello, "A Confucian Echo of Western Humanist Culture in Seventeenth-Century China," in F. Masini, ed., Western Humanistic Culture Presented to China by Jesuit Missionaries (XVII-XVIII c.) (Roma: Institutum Historicum S.I., 1996).

(32) Philip Caraman, L'empire perdu (Paris: Desclee de Brouwer, 1985), 12. For the English edition, see Philip Caraman, The Lost Empire: The Story of the Jesuits in Ethiopia 1555-1634 (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1985). Jeronimo Lobo, The Itinerario of Jeronimo Lobo, trans. D. M. Lockhart (London: Hakluyt Soc., 1984). For Ricci's comments, see d'Elia, Fonti Ricciane, 1: 222-223, 250-254, 270, 307-308, 309-311, 446-447. In addition to the above, Ricci considered Father Joao Soeiro an "outstanding example of humility, obedience, endurance and holy poverty," and lauded Father Joao da Roch's "extreme talent and great natural virtue."

(33) Castelnau L'Estoile, Les ouvriers d'une vigne sterile, 449.

(34) James Broderick, St. Francis Xavier (London: Burns & Oats, 1952), 415.

(35) A. Franco, Ano Santo da Companhia de Jesus (Porto: Biblioteca do Apostolado da Imprensa, 1931), 757.

(36) Ines Zupanov, Disputed Missions. Jesuit Experiments and Brahmanical Knowledge in 17th Century India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 204-206.

(37) Bartolome Bennassar, "Une eglise polyphonique," in B. Bennassar, ed., Histoire du Bresil (Paris: Fayard, 2000), chap. VIII, Iere partie.

(38) See D. Frei Caetano Brandao, Diarios das visitas pastorais no Para (Porto: Centro de Historia da Universidade de Porto, Instituto Nacional de Investigacao Cientifica, 1991); also Angela Domingues, "A importancia das visitacoes para o conhecimento das etnias amerindias da Amazonia e do Para em meados de Setecentos," in Missionacao portuguesa e encontro das culturas. Actas (Braga: Universidade Catolica Portuguesa, 1993), 2: 453-467.

(39) Oliveira Marques, "Travelling with the Fifteenth-Century Discoverers," 38.

(40) Vsevolod Slessarev, Prester John: The Letter and the Legend (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1959); Fernando Silio Cervera, La carta de Juan de la Cosa: analisis cartografico (Santander: Fundacion Marcelino Botin, 1955). For a graphic depiction of the crystal palace, see the Juan de la Cosa's map of 1502.

(41) For Dom Pedro's travels, see Francis Rogers, Libro del Infante Don Pedro de Portugal (Lisboa: [s. n.], 1962). Otherwise, W. E. Mead, The Grand Tour in the Eighteenth Century (New York: B. Blom, [repr.] 1972).

(42) "Copia de uma carta do irmao Antonio Rodrigues para os irmaos de Coimbra de S. Vicente, May 31, 1553," reproduced by Serafim Leite S.J. in "Antonio Rodrigues, soldado, viajante e jesuita portuguez na America do Sul, no seculo XVI," Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro 49 (1927): 63.

(43) Candace Slater, Entangled Edens: Visions of the Amazon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), in particular chap. 2. For a classic El Doradan overland adventure, we might consider the anonymous gentleman from Elvas's account (Fidalgo Delvas), Relacam verdadeira dos trabalhos q[ue] ho gouernador do[m] Ferna[n]do d[e] Souto [e] certos fidalgos portugueses passarom no d[e]scobrime[n]to da prouincia da Frolida [sic]. /agora nouame[n]te feita per hu[m] fidalgo Deluas (Evora, 1557). For discussion of this source see Martin Elbl and Ivana Elbl, "The Gentleman of Elvas and His Publisher," in Patricia Galloway, Patricia, ed., The Hernando de Soto Expedition: History, Historiography, and 'Discovery' in the Southeast (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1997): 45-97.

(44) John Day, "The Great Bullion Famine of the Fifteenth Century," Past & Present 79 (1978): 1-54.

(45) Alexandre Gaspar de Naia, "Quem foi o primeiro descobridor do Rio da Prata e da Argentina? Em prol da verdade historica," Revista de Historia 39 (79) (July-Sept. 1969): 51-68. Alice P. Canabrava, O comercio portugues no Rio da Prata, 1580-1640 (S. Paulo: [s.n.], 1944), 139.

(46) Vicente Dagnino y Olivera, El corregimiento de Arica, 1534-1784 (Arica: Impr. La Epoca, 1909), 81.

(47) J. Lucio de Azevedo, "A exploracao do continente," chap. IX of J. L. Azevedo, Os Jesuitas no Grao-Para, suas missoes e a coloniazacao (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1930), 258 ff.

(48) Jose Toribia Medina, Historia del Tribunal de la Inquisicion de Lima, 1569-1820 (Santiago de Chile: Fondo Historico y Bibliografico J. T. Medina, 1956), 2: 46.

(49) Raul A. Molina, Las primeras experiencias comerciales del Plata: El comercio maritimo, 1580-1700 (Buenos Aires: n.p., 1966), 65, 88-122.

(50) Cited in Affonso d'Escragnolle Taunay, Historia geral das bandeiras paulistas (S. Paulo: Typ. Ideal/H. L. Canton, 1924-50), 8: 241-242.

(51) See the entry "Azevedo, Joao de" in Francisco de Assis Carvalho Franco, Dicionario de bandeirantes e sertanistas do Brasil (S. Paulo: Commissao do IV Centenario da Cidade de S. Paulo, 1954).

(52) "Noticia diaria e individual das marchas e acontecimentos mais condignos da jornada que fez o senhor mestre-de-campo regente e guarda-mor Inacio Correia Pamplona, desde que saiu de sua casa e Fazendo do Capote as conquistas do Sertao, ate se tornar a recolher a mesma sua dita Fazendo do Capote, etc.," 1769 (Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro). The text has been reproduced, with an introduction by Ana Lucia Louzada Werneck, as "Encontrando Quilombos," Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro 108 (1988): 47-113.

(53) For an article detailing the legal wranglings over a piece of land subject to sesmaria, see Barbosa Lima Sobrinho, "Historia de uma sesmaria e suas aventuras," Revista de Historia (Brasil) 55 (110) (1977): 347-383.

(54) One of the most accessible studies of degredados is that of Timothy Coates, "Crime and Punishment in the 15th Century Portuguese World: The Transition from Internal to Imperial Exile," in Donald L. Kagay and L. J. Andrew Villalon, eds., The Final Argument: The Imprint of Violence on Society (Rochester: Boydell Press, 1998), 119-139.

(55) The best biography of Fernandes is still that of Hugh Tracey and Gaspar Veloso, Antonio Fernandes, Descobridor do Monomotapa 1514-1515 (Lourenco Marques: Edicao do Arquivo Historico de Mocambique, 1940).

(56) Joao Ribeiro, Fatalidade historica da ilha de Ceila (Lisboa: Publicacoes Alfa, 1989).

(57) C. R. Boxer, "The Spaniards in Cambodia," History Today 21 (4) (April 1971): 280-287.

(58) Joao Ribeiro, "Fatalidade Historica," in P. E. Pieris, ed., The Historic Tragedy of the Island of Ceilao (New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1999), 234.

(59) From a letter of Father Michele Ruggieri, 7 February 1583, in Chau ch'ing, Avvisi della Cina dell'Ottantatre et dell'Ottantaquattro, published in English as Jesuit Letters from China, 1583-84 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986), 171.

(60) Antonio Ruiz de Montoya, Conquista espiritual (Madrid: En la Imprenta del reyno, 1639), 92v-93r. For some general comments, see also J. Hemming, Red Gold, 247.

(61) Letter of Domingos Jorge Velho to the King, Serra da Barriga, Palmares, 15 July 1694; cited in Ernesto Ennes, "As guerras nos Palmares," Brasiliana 127 (1938): 204-207.

(62) Manuel Barata, A Jornada de Francisco Caldeira de Castelo Branco--Belem do Para, (Belem-Para: Livraria Gillet, 1916).

(63) See the report by Antonio Maximo de Souza Marques, Arquivo Historico Ultramarino (AHU), Angola, caixa 37, report dated 16 March 1780. On the fort, see Arquivo Historico Ultramarino (AHU) (Lisbon), Angola, caixa 38, nos. 10 and 11.

(64) Teixeira's journey to Quito may be found in Ruben Vargas Ugarte, Historia del Peru (Lima: n.p., 1954), 1 (Virreinato, 1551-1600): 235-237; Cristobal Acuna, A New Discovery of the Great River of the Amazons (London: Hakluyt, 1859), 58-59.

(65) E. Sebestyen and J. Vansina, "Angola's Eastern Hinterland in the 1750s: A Text Edition and Translation of Manoel Correia Leitao's 'Voyage' (1755-56)," History in Africa 26 (1999): 299-364 (quoted on p. 299); For the reference to "fixing the latitude" see Correia's "Regimento, " facs. reproduction accompanying Sebestyen and Vansina's article, fol. 3r. For the history of attempts to establish the nature of the link across Africa by the Portuguese, see Avelino Teixeira da Mota, A cartografia antiga da Africa central e a travessia entre Angola e Mocambique, 1500-1860 (Lourenco Marques: Sociedade de Estudos de Mocambique, 1964).

(66) Note, however, Serpa Pinto's trip was the fourth to cross Africa generally from west to east. A. A. de la Rocha Serpa Pinto, How I Crossed Africa, 2 vols. (London: Sampson Low et al., 1881); Hermenegildo Capelo and Roberto Ivens, De Angola a Contra-Costa. Descripcao de uma Viagem atravez do Continente Africano comprehendendo narratives diversas, aventuras e importantes descobertas entre as quaes figuram a das origens do Lualaba, caminho entre as duas costas, visita as terras da garanganja, Katanga e ao curso do Luapula, bem como a descida do Zambeze, do chao ao oceano (Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional, 1886).

(67) See William E. Conzelman, ed., Chroniques de Galawdewos (Claudius), roi d'Ethiopie (1540-1559) (Paris: E. Bouillon, 1895), 45.

(68) J. Lucio de Azevedo, Os Jesuitas no Grao Para, suas missoes e a colonizacao (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1930), 262-263.

(69) Sources collected and published by Joao C. Reis, A Empresa da conquista do Senhorio do Monomotapa (Lisboa: Heuris, 1984). Da Gama's expedition is covered by Miguel de Castanhoso, Historia das cousas que o muy esforcado capitao Dom Christovao da Gama fez nos reynos do Preste Joao (Lisbon: Ioa de Barreyra, 1548).

(70) "... pelejando alguas vezes a pe & ouaras [sic] a caulo" (Antonio Ribeiro, "Prologue," Naufragio que passou Jorge d'Albuquerque Coelho capitao, & governador de Paranambuco (Lisbon: Antonio Alvarez, 1601), 5v).

(71) See Jaime Cortesao, "A maior bandeira do maior bandeirante," Revista de Historia (Sao Paulo) 22 (1961): 3-27.

(72) Azevedo, Os Jesuitas no Grao-Para, Chap. IX, "Exploracao do continente," 258 ff..

(73) Capelo and Ivens, De Angola a contracosta, references to individual deaths passim.

(74) Father Francisco Pimentel S.J., Breve Relacao da Jornada que Fez a Corte de Pekim o Senhor Maniel de Saldanha, Embaixador Extraordinario del Rey de Portugal ao Emperador da China, e Tartaria (1667-1670), ed. C. R. Boxer (Macau: Imprensa Nacional, 1942), 15. Compare this incident with Joao Rodrigues's description of etiquette on the road in Japan, demanding one must dismount his horse fifteen paces before passing a "nobleman or person of quality" (Joao Rodrigues, Historia da Igreja do Japao (Macau Oriente: Noticias de Macau, 1954-56), 1: 350).

(75) The embassy is reported in "Carta do Irmao Antonio Mendes ao Padre Geral, 9 Maio 1563,"written after he Mendes had returned to Lisbon, and published by Antonio Brasio, Monumenta Missionaria Africana, 1a ser. (Lisboa: Agencia Geral do Ultramar, 1953), 2: 495-512.

(76) Explained by J. Correia Afonso in the "Introduction" to his Intrepid Itinerant. Manuel Godinho and His Journey from India to Portugal in 1663 (Bombay/New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).

(77) Relacao da Viagem de um correio do Vice-Rei das Indias Orientais a Sua Majestade, expedido de Goa, no primeiro de Janeiro de 1608 (Lisboa: Sociedade Astoria, 1953).

(78) See Samuel Purchas, ed., Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes (Glasgow: J. MacLehose & Sons, 1905-07), 8: 449-481.

(79) See Ralph Davis, "Comparative Advantages of the Levant and Cape Routes to India in the 16th and 17th Centuries," Sviluppo e Sottosviluppo in Europa e Fuori d'Europa dal secolo XIII alla rivoluzione industriale. Atti delle "Settimane delle Studio" e altri convegni, 10 (Firenze: Le Monnier, 1983), 479-499.

(80) Antonio Bocarro, Historia da India. Decada 13 (Lisbon: Royal Academy of Sciences, 1876).

(81) Joaquim V. Serrao, "Introduction," Un voyageur portugais en Perse au debut du XVII siecle: Nicolau de Orta Rebelo (Lisbon: Fundacao Calouste Gulbenkian, 1972).

(82) Pedro Teixeira, The travels of Pedro Teixeira: With his "Kings of Harmuz" and Extracts from his "Kings of Persia," trans. and annot. William F. Sinclair & Donald Ferguson (London: Hakluyt Soc., 1902), xix.

(83) P.dre Manuel Godinho, Relacao do novo Caminho que fez por terra e mar, vindo da India para Portugal no anno de 1663 (Lisboa: Soc. Propagadora dos Conhecimentos Uteis, 1842), 129-130. J. Correia Afonso suggests a different interpretation: Manuel Godinho was charged by the Viceroy of India Antonio de Mello de Castro to be the courier for an important message to K. Dom Afonso VI advising against the cession of Bombay to England (Correia Afonso, "Postscript to an Odyssey: More Light on Manuel Godinho," Studia, 49 (1989): 181-195.

(84) I have favoured use of the Rebecca D. Catz edition, The Travels of Mendes Pinto, (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1989), 154.

(85) "Naufragio do Galeao Grande S. Joao," in B. Gomes de Brito, Historia Tragico-Maritima (Lisboa: Portugalia, 1966), 46

(86) Paul Teyssier, ed., Esclave a Alger: Recit de captivite de Joao Mascarenhas (1621-26), (Paris: Ed. Chandeigne, 1993). See also Bartolome Bennassar, Les Chretiens d'Allah: l'histoire extraordinaire des renegats, XVIe et XVII siecles (Paris: Perrin, 1989).

(87) "Enformacao da China, que hum homem honrado que la esteue catiuo seis annos, contou no collegio de Malaca ao Padre Mestre Belchior," 3 December 1554, Biblioteca da Ajuda (Lisbon), Codex Ulyisiponensis, I, 49-IV-49.

(88) E. G. Ravenstein, ed., The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell: In Angola, and the Adjoining Regions (Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus Reprint, 1967).

(89) Damiao de Gois, Cronica de Dom Manuel I, 2 vols. (Lisboa: Amigos do Livro, 1978), 2: 370-373 (cap. LIV).

(90) Vitorino Magalhaes Godinho, "Entre mythe et utopie: Les grandes decouvertes. La construction de l'espace et l'invention de l'humanite aux XVe et XVIe siecles," European Journal of Sociology, 32 (1) (1991): 3-52.

(91) Francisco C. Domingues, "Science and Technology in Portuguese Navigation: An Essay on the Idea of Experience in the Sixteenth Century," The Portuguese Overseas Empire, 1500-1800 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming). Other literature on this question includes Joaquim Barradas de Carvalho, "Para uma pre-historia da experiencia cientifica da "experimentacao." Sobre a nocao de "experiencia" em Portugal (1055-1580)," Portugal e as origens do pensamento moderno (Lisboa: Livros Horizonte, 1981), 103-202; J. S. da Silva Dias, Os descobrimentos e a problematica cultural do seculo XVI (Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra, 1973); Maria Teresa de Fraga, Humanismo e experimentalismo na cultura do seculo XVI (Coimbra: Livraria Almedina, 1976).

(92) "Narrative of Domingo Paes (probably writt. 1520-22)," in Vasundhara Filliozat, ed., The Vijayanagar Empire/Domingos Paes and Fernao Nuniz, trans. Robert Sewell (New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1977), 119.

(93) Galeote Pereira, Algumas cousas sabidas da China, ed. Rui Loureiro (Lisboa : Comissao Nacional para as Comemoracoes dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1992).

(94) Mentioned by C. Wessels, Early Jesuit Travelers in Central Asia, 1603-1721 (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1924), chap 5; "Ligacao entre Angola e Mocambique," Arquivo das Colonias 1 (1917): 51.

(95) A good recent collection of essays dealing with this transition is Fernando Cristovao, ed., Condicionantes culturais da literatura de viagens. Estudos e bibliografias (Lisboa: Edicoes Cosmos, 1999).

(96) Gaspar de Santisteban, Libro del infante don Pedro de Portugal: el qual anduuo las quatro partidas del mundo, Spanish text re-ed. by Francis Rogers, Libro del Infante don Pedro de Portugal (Lisbon: [s.n.], 1962).

(97) See also Sergio Buarque de Holanda, Visao do paraiso, 2nd edition (Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1969), 153, 208.

(98) Livingstone's Private Journals, 1851-3, ed. J. Schapera (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1960), 179. Livingstone, by contrast, was accused by l'Abbe Durand of the Societe de Geographie de Paris, in his letter of 16 Sep. 1880, of having rediscovered "seulement ce que les anciens avaient decouvert, et encore il s'est servi de renseignements portugais sans avoir la loyaute de le dire," in Capelo, De Angola a Contra-Costa.

(99) For the legacy of Portuguese adventurers in South-East Asia, see Francois Ponchard, La cathedrale de la riziere. 450 ans d'histoire de l'Eglise au Cambodge (Paris: Le Sarment/Fayard, 1990); also Jacques Nepote, "The Portuguese, Cambodia and the Mekong Valley: The Logic of a Discovery," in Francis Dutra and Joao Dos Santos, eds., The Portuguese and the Pacific (Santa Barbara, CA: Center for Portuguese Studies, 1995), 122 and n. 57.

(100) Ruben Vargas Ugarte, Historia del Peru (Lima: missing publisher, 1954), 1: 235-237; Acuna, A New Discovery, 58-59.

(101) Cited by Edward J. Goodman, The Explorers of South America (New York: Macmillan, 1972), 110.

(102) Godinho, Relacao do Novo Caminho, 161.

(103) Tracey and Veloso, Antonio Fernandes, 21.

(104) Letter from Francisco Gouvea S.J., 1 November 1564, in Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa (Lisbon), 4th ser., 1 (1883): 304 ("Carta do Padre Francisco de Gouveia para o Padre Do. Mirao").

(105) Michael Pearson, "'Objects Ridiculous and August.' Early Modern European Perceptions of Asia," Journal of Modern History, 68 (2) (1996): 392.

(106) Wessels, Early Jesuit Travelers, 13.

(107) Paez's account, "Historia Aethiopiae," was published by Camillo Beccari, Rerum aethiopicarum scriptores occidentals inediti a saculo XVI ad XIX, 15 vols. (Rome: C. de Luigi, 1903-17), vols. 2 and 3 (1905-6).

(108) See Serafim Leite S.J., Historia da Companhia de Jesus do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Nacional do Livro, 1938), 1: 480-484.

(109) The best treatment of the missionary efforts of these two Jesuits in Eastern Tibet is probably Wessels, Early Jesuit Travellers, 120-163, 314-336, based on sources such as J. Cordara S.J., Historiae Societatis Jesu Pars sexta, complectens res gesta sub Mutio Vitellescho (Rome: Antonio de Rubeis, 1750), Tome 1, and Fr. Barretto S.J., Relatione delle Missioni e Christianita che appartengono alla Provincia di Malavar della Compagnia di GiesU, (Rome: Francesco Cavalli, 1645). See also Michael Aris, Wa-gindra, Byar-gyi-bende, Bstan-'dzin-chos-rgyal, Rje Mkhan-po X, Sources for the History of Bhutan (Vienna: Arbeitskreis fur Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universitat Wien, 1986).

(110) "... el uno de estos cuatro Portugueses se llamaba Alejo Garcia estimado en aquella costa por hombre pratico, asi en la lengua de los Carijos, que son los Guaranies, como de los Tupies, y Tamoyos ...," Diaz de Guzman, "Historia argentina del descubrimiento, poblacion y conquista de las provincias del Rio de la Plata, por Rui Diaz de Guzman," in Pedro de Angelis, Coleccion de obras y documentos relativos a la historia Antigua y moderna de las provincias del Rio de la Plata, 2nd ed., 5 vols. (Buenos Aires: J. Lajouane & al., 1910), vol. 1.

(111) Joao de Barros, Decadas da India, Decada I [CD-ROM] (Lisbon : Comissao Nacional para as Comemoracoes dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1998), livro III, cap. V.

(112) Cabral, in M. Howard Rienstra, ed. and trans., Avvisi della Cina dell'Ottantatre et dell'Ottantaquattro [Jesuit Letters from China, 1583-84] (Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1986), 26. The process of obtaining a passport at the Chinese frontier is also explained by an anonymous merchant interrogated by Akbar and Xavier prior to the dispatch of Bento de Gois, and later by Gois himself. See Guerreiro's account of Gois' journey, in Payne, Jahangir and the Jesuits, 120, 155.

(113) C. R. Boxer, A Portuguese Embassy to Japan (1644-47) (Washington D.C.: University Publications of America, 1979).

(114) D. Bouhours, La vie de Saint Francois Xavier de la Compagnie de Jesus, apostre des Indes et du Japon, trans. by H. John Dryden as The Life of St. Francis Xavier... (London: Jacob Tonson, 1688), 483.

(115) Domingo F. Navarrete, Tratados historicos, politicos, ethicos y religiosos de la monarchia de China (Madrid: Imprenta Real, 1676), vol. I, trat. 6, cap. XIV, 351-2; cf. Brother Bento's entrance into Suzhou, 1605, in a "show of great prosperity" (d'Elia, Fonti Ricciane, 2: 428-434).

(116) "... tao ricamente ornada, tao lustrozamente vestida e bem consertada de maneira que diziao que cada hum delles parecia que era hum fotoque, id est hum pagode que vinha do ceu" ... "quando virao entrar pelo Miaco gente tam lustroza, que nunca desde o principio do Miaco athe entao virao outra tal, ficarao todos metendo dedo na boca sem poder fallar" (Luis Frois, Historia de Japam, ed. Jose Wicki, 5 vols (Lisbon: Biblioteca Nacional, 1976-84), 5: 295-296).

(117) Wessels, Early Jesuit travelers, 14.

(118) Bouhours, La vie de Saint Francois Xavier, 477.

(119) Mentioned by J. Lucio de Azevedo, Os Jesuitas no Grao-Para, 267.

(120) Da Lima's embassy is covered in the account of Father Francisco Alvares, Verdadeira informacao das terras do Preste Joao das Indias, ed. August Reis Machado (Lisbon: Agencia Geral das Colonias, 1943). It is also covered by the chronicler Castanheda. For the quarrels, see caps. LXXXVI, LXXXVII.

(121) Alvares, Verdadeira Informacao, 227.

(122) Francisco Pimentel, Breve Relacao da Jornada, ed. C. R. Boxer, 49, 50, 56-59, 68-70; Biblioteca da Ajuda JA 49-V-15: 319-20, Bento Pereira de Faria to Macao city authorities, 10 January 1670.

(123) "Noticia diaria e individual das marchas e acontecimentos mais condignos da jornada que fez o senhor mestre-de-campo regente e guarda-mor Inacio Correia Pamplona," Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, Anais 108 (1988).

(124) Pedro Teixeira, Relaciones ... de un viage hecho por el mismo autor (Madrid: Miragnano Ediciones, 1994), cap. IIII, "Como me parti de Basora por el desierto ...," 380. The original was published at Antwerp by H. Verdussen in 1610

(125) Matteo Ricci, Opere storiche del P. Matteo Ricci, ed. P. T. Venturi (Macerata: Premiato Stabilimento Tipografico, 1911), 1: 531.

(126) In Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India (Porto: Lello & Irmao, 1975), t. II, cap. 3, 316. Tenreiro's journey was published by Antonio Baiao, Itinerarios da India a Portugal por terra (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1923).

(127) Pedro Barbosa Leal, summarized in Carvalho Franco, Dicionario de bandeirantes, 397.

(128) Cf. Teixeira expedition.

(129) A. C. F. Reis, "The Franciscans and the Opening of the Amazon," The Americas 11 (2) (1954): 175.

(130) "Of the journey of father Balthasar Barreira to this province, and particularly to the Kingdom of Bena," in Manuel Alvares, Ethiopia Minor and a Geographical Account of the Province of Sierra Leone (ca. 1615) (Liverpool: Dept. of History, Univ. of Liverpool 1990), f. 138. Online version at http://digital.library.wisc.edu/1711.dl/Africana.Alvares01.

(131) "Encontrando Quilombos," 64.

(132) Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies (London: Hakluyt Society, 1885), 2: 56.

(133) Tim Severin, "In Search of Prester John," Horizon, 15 (3) (1973): 12-25.

(134) See the account of Father Monclaro, "Records of South-Eastern Africa," ed. G.M. Theal (London: William Clowes & Son, 1899), 3: 210-16. For a detailed analysis of the types of vessel used in the Portuguese overseas world, see Antonio Marques Esparteiro, Dictionario ilustrado de marinha (Lisbon: [s.n.], 1936).

(135) Castanhoso, Historia das cousas, cap. XVII.

(136) Ravenstein, The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell, 10-11.

(137) Boxer, The Tragic History of the Sea, 1589-1622, 154.

(138) Joao Capistrano de Abreu, Capitulos de historia colonial (1500-1800) (Brasilia: Conselho Editorial do Senado Federal, 1998), chap. 9.

(139) Frei Vicente do Salvador, Historia do Brasil, 1500-1627, 7th edition (Belo Horizonte: Editora Itatiaia; S. Paulo: Editora da Universidade de Sao Paulo, 1982), 262-263.

(140) Ravenstein, The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell, 11.

(141) "... y muchos se embarcan, como si uviessen de yr de alli a una legoa, con una camisa, y dos panes en la mano, y con un queso y una caxa de mermelada, sin otra alguna manera de provision") (Andrea Valignano, Historia del Principio y Progresso de la Compania de Jesus en las Indias Orientales, 1542-64, ed. Josef Wicki (Roma: Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S.J, 1944), Pte. 1, cap. II, p. 16.

(142) Ribeiro, "Prologue," Naufragio.

(143) Bouhours, La vie de Saint Francois Xavier, 291.

(144) Reis, "The Franciscans and the Opening of the Amazon," 175.

(145) The bandeira is described by Affonso d'Escragnolle Taunay, Historia geral das bandeiras paulistas (S. Paulo: Typ. Ideal / H.L. Canton, 1924-50), 2: 197-99.

(146) Cited by Capistrano de Abreu, Chapters of Brazil's Colonial History (New York: O.U.P., 1997), 92.

(147) "From a letter of Father Francesco Cabral, Portuguese, from Macao, on the eighth of December, 1584," in Rienstra, Jesuit Letters from China, 25.

(148) "Encontrando Quilombos," 58.

(149) "Of the journey of father Balthasar Barreira to this province, and particularly to the Kingdom of Bena," in Manuel Alvares, Ethiopia Minor, http://digital.library.wisc.edu/1711.dl/Africana.Alvares01

(150) Fernao Mendes Pinto, Peregrinacao, chap. 137.

(151) See, for example, Castanhoso, Historia das cousas, ch. XXIII.

(152) See the account of Jesuit Luis Marianno, in Humberto Leitao, ed., Os Dois Descobrimentos da Ilha de Sao Lourenco mandados fazer pelo vice rei D. Jeronimo de Azevedo nos anos de 1613 a 1616 (Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Historicos Ultramarinos, 1970), 210.

(153) Paulo Castagna, "The Use of Music by the Jesuits in the Conversion of the Indigenous Peoples of Brazil," in John W. O'Malley, ed., Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts, 1540-1773 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 641-659.

(154) Quoted in H. O. Dwight, Encyclopedia of Missions (New York/London: Funk & Wagnalls, 1904).

(155) Quoted by Leite, Historia da Companhia de Jesus, 4: 113.

(156) Alvaro Velho, Relacao da Viagem de Vasco da Gama (Lisbon: Commissao Nacional dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1990), 62.

(157) "Carta do Embaixador ao Padre Manuel dos Reis escrita de Cantao em 16 de Fevereiro de 1669," in Pimentel, Breve Relacao da Jornada, 63-64.

(158) Alvares, Verdadeira Informacao, cap. 30, pp. 73-74.

(159) "Do caminho que Gaspar Bocarro fez por terra da Cafraria, de Tete ate Quiloa, com a prata que Diogo Simoes Madeira mandava a Sua Magestade," in Antonio Bocarro, Historia da India, Decada 13 (Lisbon: Typ. da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1876), pte. II, cap. CXLV, 599.

(160) Alvares, Verdadeira Informacao, Cap. V "Das pecas que O Capitao mandou ao Preste Joao," 17-19 (in the 1974 edition).

(161) Tomas Pereira (1645-1708), for example, assembled an organ during his mission in Peking. See T. Borba and F. L. Graca, Dicionario de musica ilustrado, 2 vols. (Lisbon: Cosmos, 1958), 2: 362.

(162) Paes's account is translated and reproduced in Robert Sewell, A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar): A Contribution to the History of India (New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1982), 251. The original MS is in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.

(163) F. Guerreiro in C.h. Payne, Jahangir and the Jesuits, 146.

(164) J. B. du Halde, Description geographique, chronologique, politique et physique de la Chine et de la Tartarie Chinoise, 4 vols. (The Hague: H. Scheurleer, 1736), 4: 298. See also Giuliano Bertuccioli, "A Lion in Peking: Ludovico Buglio and the Embassy to China of Bento Pereira de Faria in 1678," East and West 26 (1-2) (1976): 223-240.

(165) "From a Letter of Francesco Cabral, Portuguese, from Macao on December 8, 1584," Rienstra, Jesuit Letters from China, 1583-4, 26.

(166) Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, 252.

(167) The embassy is described in the Commentarios do Grande Afonso de Albuquerque (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1922-23), t. III, caps. XXXV-XXXVI; Joao de Barros, Da Asia, Decada III, liv. II, caps. 4 & 5; Fernao Lopes de Castanheda, Historia do Descobrimento & Conquista da India pelos Portugueses, livro III, cap. LXII.

(168) Garcia de Resende, Chronica de El Rei D. Joao II (Lisbon: Bibliotheca dos Classicos Portugueses, 1902), 1: 158 and 3: 340. Also Anselmo Braacamp Freire, "Noticias da Feitoria de Flandres," Arquivo Historico Portugues (1908): 343, 365.

(169) In Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (London: Everyman's Library, 1926; first pub. London, 1599-1600), 1: 223.

(170) Lucas Rem, Tagebuch des Lucas Rem aus den Jahren 1494-1541, ed. Greiff (Augsburg: J.N. Hartmann, 1861), 105.

(171) Pimentel, Breve Relacao da Jornada, 22-23.

(172) Galeote Pereira, Algumas cousas sabidas da China (Rome: Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu, 1953), 67-68.

(173) Bouhours, La vie de Saint Francois Xavier, 450.

(174) Ippolito Desideri, An Account of Tibet: The travels of Ippolito Desideri of Pistoia, S.J., 1717-1727 (London: G. Routledge & Sons, 1932), 29-30.

(175) The map is not in Portuguese archives but was spoken of by Portuguese chroniclers.

(176) W. J. Simon, Scientific Expeditions in the Portuguese Overseas Territories (1783-1808) and the Role of Lisbon in the Intellectual-Scientific Community of the Late Eighteenth Century (Lisbon: Instituto de Investigacao Cientifica Tropical, 1983).

(177) AHU (Lisbon), Angola, caixa 56 "Autos de Servico" [Attestations of Service], document not numbered.

(178) Sebestyen and Vansina, "Angola's Eastern Hinterland," 305.

(179) Manoel Correia Leitao's, Voyage (1755-56), Arquivo Historico Militar, Lisbon, f. 6. 2 divisao, 2 seccao, Angola, caixa 1, doc 6.

(180) See C. Cipolla, Guns, Sails and Empires. Technological Innovation and the Early Phases of European Expansion, 1400-1700 (New York: Minerva, 1965), 132-148.

(181) D'Elia, Fonti Ricciane, 2: 428-34.

(182) "Naufragio do Galeao Grande S. Joao," 42-43. The original is in Ieronimo Corte Real, ed., Naufragio e lastimoso sucesso da perdicam de Manoel de Sousa de Sepulveda & Dona Lianor de Sa sua molher & filhos vindo da India para este Reyno na nao chamada o galiao grande S. Ioao que se perdeo no cabo de boa Esperanca na terra do Natal ... (Lisbon, 1594).

(183) John Wills Jr., Embassies and Illusions. Dutch and Portuguese envoys to Kang-hsi, 1666-1687 (Cambridge Mass.: East Asia Studies Council, 1984), 119.

(184) Tenreiro, in Antonio Baiao, Itinerarios da India a Portugal, 27.

(185) D'Elia, Fonti Ricciane, 2: 425-7.

(186) Pimentel, Breve Relacao da Jornada, 26.

(187) Mendes Pinto, Peregrinacam, chap. 81.

(188) Ravenstein, The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell, 154.

(189) Godinho, Relacao do Novo Caminho, 129.

(190) Godinho, Relacao do Novo Caminho, 179. See also letter of E. Leitao to A. Laerzio, 26 September 1609, in Laerzio's report to Aquaviva, 20 November 1609, Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu, Goa, fols. 17r-75r.

(191) Alvares, Verdadeira Informacao, 112-113.

(192) Godinho, Relacao do Novo Caminho, 133.

(193) Barbosa Leal's account is summarised in Carvalho Franco's Dicionario de Bandeirantes, 397.

(194) As reported in Matteo Ricci's diary. See the English version of Trigault's 1615 Latin text in L. J. Gallagher and R. J. Cushing, eds., China in the 16th Century. The Journals of Matteo Ricci: 1583-1610 (New York: Random House, 1953), chap. 13; "Relacao da Viagem que Fizerao os P.es da Companhia de Jesus com Francisco Barreto na Conquista da Monomotapa no anno de 1569," Bibliotheque Nacionale (Paris), Manuscrits Portugais, 8.II.241, fol. 516r.

(195) Mendes Pinto, Peregrinacam, 159.

(196) Godinho, Relacao do Novo Caminho, 184. A tactic also employed in the badlands between Cialis (Karashar) and the frontiers of China, as recounted by Matteo Ricci, Opere storiche, 1: 548.

(197) Castanhoso, Historia das cousas, cap. XIX.

(198) Barros, Asia, Decada III, liv. 6, cap. 1, 302-6.

(199) Letter of 10 January, 1520. Braamcamp Freire, "Noticias da feitoria de Flandres," 110 (doc. XLII) and doc. XXXIX.

(200) The narrative of Domingo Paes (probably written in 1520-22), in Vasundhara Filliozat, ed., The Vijayanagar Empire/Domingos Paes and Fernao Nuniz; trans. by Robert Sewell (New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1977), 29.

(201) N. Pimenta to C. Aquaviva, Madurai, 2 December 1599, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Goa, 51, fols. 3r-6r.

(202) "Of the journey of father Balthasar Barreira to this province, and particularly to the Kingdom of Bena," in Manuel Alvares, Ethiopia Minor, http://digital.library.wisc.edu/1711.dl/Africana.Alvares01.

(203) The best account of Covilha's mission is still that of the Conde de Ficalho, Viagens de Pedro da Covilhan (Lisboa: A. M. Pereira, 1898). For Covilha and other Franks at the Abyssinian court, see Alvares, Verdadeira Informacao, cap. LXXIII "Dos Frangues que estao na terra do Preste ..."

(204) Severin, "In Search of Prester John," 12-25; cf. Robert Knox, An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon, in the East-Indies (London: Richard Chiswell, 1681).

(205) See Euclides da Cunha, Os Sertoes, 16th ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Francisco Alves, 1942), 82 ff.

(206) Paes, in Filliozat, The Vijayanagar Empire, 236-7.

(207) Anon. "Enformacao...," a document dated 3 December 1554, Malacca, and held by the Academia das Ciencias de Lisboa. Reproduced by Raffaella D'Intino, ed., Enformacao das cousas da China. Textos do seculo XVI (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1989), 67-68.

(208) Gaspar da Cruz, Tractado emque se ctam muito por esteso as cousas da China co suas particularidades, & assi do reyno dormuz (Evora, 1569). C. R. Boxer translated and incorporated this text in South China in the Sixteenth Century: Being the Narratives of Galeote Pereira, Fr. Gaspar da Cruz, Fr. Martin de Rada (1550-1575) (London: Hakluyt Society, 1953), 210. Good material on these convicts is contained in Donald W. Ferguson, Letters from Portuguese Captives in Canton (Bombay: Educ. Steam Press, Byculla, 1902).

(209) Bouhours, La vie de Saint Francois Xavier, 479; Mendes Pinto, Peregrinacao, chap. 209.

(210) Henri Chappoulie, Aux origins d'une eglise. Rome et les missions d'Indochine au XVIIe siecle (Paris: Bloud et Gay, 1943), 27.

(211) H. Leitao, Os Portugueses em Solor e Timor de 1515 a 1702 (Lisboa: IAC, 1948), 81-82.

(212) Mendes Pinto, Peregrinacao, chap. 208, (p. 470 in the 1989 ed.).

(213) D'Elia, Fonti Ricciane, 2: 437.

(214) J. Correia Afonso, Intrepid Itinerant. Manuel Godinho and His Journey from India to Portugal in 1663 (Bombay/New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 179.

(215) Other accounts of Gois' trip, such as that of Matteo Ricci, Opere storiche, 1: 534, suggest that it was the value of the stone itself, and not the turban, that was the diversion.

(216) Richard Konetzke, "Legislacion sobre immigracion de extranjeros in America durante la epoca colonial," Revista internacional de sociologia 3 (1945): 269-99.

(217) Godinho, Relacao do novo Caminho, 234.

(218) "Encontrando Quilombos," 61-62.

(219) See Fr. Roque do Soveral, Historia do insigne apparecimento de Nossa Sra. da Luz, e suas obras maravilhosas (Lisbon: Pedro Crasbeeck, 1610).

(220) Luiz Mott, "Santo Antonio, o divino Capitao-do-Mato", in J. Reis and F. Gomes, eds., Liberdade por un fio (Sao Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1997), 127.

(221) S. Schwartz, "The Portuguese Heritage: Adaptability," in G. Harvey Summ, ed., Brazilian Mosaic: Portraits of a Diverse People and Culture (Wilmington, DE: S. R. Books, 1995), 50.
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