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Moral order in a time of damnation: the Hikayat Patani in historical context.


Andries Teeuw and David Wyatt first offered scholars a glimpse of southern Thailand's earliest historical chronicle, the Hikayat Patani, in 1970. (1) Pivotal for understanding the little-studied Malay-Thai border region, their work rooted the chronicle within the political context which produced it during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. More recently, Davisakd Puaksom argued that the authors of the Hikayat Patani fashioned the chronicle as a political statement in the face of increasing Ayudhyan intrusion into local affairs, particularly from the last decade of the seventeenth century onwards. (2) While these studies have eloquently illuminated the political circumstances surrounding the chronicle, they have not paid adequate attention to internal social forces that coalesced in the writing of the Hikayat Patani, namely the desire by certain intellectuals to re-establish a moral order through writing during a period of social and political collapse. Set within the context of widespread economic downturn in Southeast Asia after 1650, the present study of the Hikayat Patani offers scholars an illustration of a society in turmoil with comparative possibilities across the entire region.

Authors composed the Hikayat Patani during the period 1690-1730 and it remains the earliest indigenous source for the sixteenth through eighteenth-century history of the region, during which time Patani was a semi-independent coastal trading polity. As I will show in the course of this article, the Patani sultanate experienced a period of turmoil after 1650 that eventually led to a social collapse in the court. Internal conflict wracked the sultanate as various contenders for the throne of Patani fought against one another as they attempted to legitimise themselves against numerous rivals. In their world, moral authority came to form the building blocks of their own claims to rule in Patani. A close reading of the chronicle sheds light upon the motivation of the authors as witnesses to the restoration and re-imagining of Patani as a place and a society.

The establishment and maintenance of moral order in Southeast Asia has received little attention in the scholarly literature, particularly in the pre-colonial period. Craig Reynolds, in his groundbreaking article, showed how historical texts served as legitimising forces in early Bangkok when King Rama I, the founder of the Chakri dynasty, felt a need to strengthen his position as the new monarch. (3) He faced particular problems because he was of no relation to the former Ayudhyan kings. Strong parallels may be drawn between Rama I and many of the claimants to the Patani throne in the 1710s and 1720s who either held weak genealogical claims to former rulers or were ambitious bendahara (4) who sought to usurp the throne. Political competitors thus employed historical texts as legitimising forces and as handbooks of raja-ship by which a just and wise ruler might restore the glory of Patani's perceived golden age of the seventeenth century. The resulting chronicles that authors produced in the period 1690-1730 eventually coalesced into the unified Hikayat Patani chronicle by the early nineteenth century.

The proliferation of early nineteenth-century historical writing that David Wyatt and others have noted throughout the Tai world coincided with a similar pattern in Patani. (5) While Wyatt argued that political turmoil compelled people in the central and northern Tai regions to turn to Bangkok as a moral centre, Patani embraced Mecca on an unprecedented level at the same time. (6) The period 1810-40 witnessed a great rise in local knowledge production and dissemination that included both historical as well as explicitly Islamic texts. It was precisely during this period that an anonymous compiler first brought together the stories that had been written over a century earlier in the form of the Hikayat Patani, (7) the oldest extant copy of which dates to 1839.

An investigation into the historical consequences of Patani's distinct form of moral authority and its active writing tradition leads one naturally to engage in what Professor John Smail termed 'autonomous history'. (8) He compelled scholars of Southeast Asia to study autonomous history as part of a movement away from colonial era scholarship and the nationalist counter-narrative. Smail sought to liberate pre-colonial history from the contemporary imprint often imposed back upon earlier times. In recent years, efforts by scholars such as Sunait Chutintarinond and others have made great strides forward in the realm of autonomous history. (9) On the Malay-speaking region of southern Thailand, however, there remains a dearth of scholarship, particularly regarding the history of the Patani Sultanate prior to its formal inclusion into Siam. The aim of this article is to explore the history of Patani when it was a political centre in contrast to the Malay-Thai borderland's position today on the periphery between the nation states of Thailand and Malaysia.

First, I will contextualise the Hikayat Patani within the broader genre of court hikayat writing to identify common characteristics and peculiarities about the text in question. Before looking at the critical events surrounding the origins of the text, I would redraw the chronology of Patani history after 1650 based upon recent scholarship concerning the history of the peninsula. By making adjustments to the established chronology of Teeuw and Wyatt, I argue that the first section of the text draws upon oral tradition while authors penned succeeding sections as contemporary witnesses to the events they recorded. I then follow with analysis of political relations between Patani and Ayudhya that formed the basis for the authors' preoccupations with the survival of the Patani court. Finally, I conclude by analysing the social crisis that arose after the conflict between Patani and Ayudhya in the 1690s that compelled intellectuals to preserve the history and traditions of the sultanate in the writing of the Hikayat Patani in which music was a centrepiece.

The Hikayat Patani within the genre of court hikayat

Many of the emerging Malay-Islamic polities possessed their own court chronicles, such as Pasai and Aceh in north Sumatra, Patani and Kedah on the Malay peninsula, and Banjarmasin on Borneo. (10) These court hikayat are the earliest surviving examples of officially sanctioned histories from these polities and possess a number of similarities that warrant note. At the core, court hikayat seemed most focused upon explaining and justifying the social hierarchy, its origins and its continued relevance and significance in society. Each contained a story of the city's foundation and its conversion to Islam. These two stories explained and justified the position of the raja and his court as the sole political and moral authorities of the sultanate. Furthermore, genealogies followed that charted rising or falling fortunes of the polities, tied intimately to the character of the raja that descended through the generations. Finally, each hikayat discussed the rules and customs that ordered the societies and kept them from falling into ruin (or contained descriptions of how straying from such practices caused decline).

Court hikayat possess a foundation story that explains the manner in which the ruling dynasty obtained legitimate power over the polity. In the opening scene, the city's founder often chooses the site of the settlement based upon some perceived sign of protection or ingenuity. In the Hikayat Patani, Raja Phaya Tu Nakpa heard reports of a pelanduk, (11) an animal renowned for its wisdom, sighted along the coast and thus he chose to build a new settlement on that very place. (12) The raja seems then to have inherited the spiritual qualities of the mouse-deer, thus bestowing prosperity upon the city as it grew. In this light, the placement of each city was not coincidental but, according to a prophecy that continued to have meaning for future generations, guided by the power and strength of the raja's descendants. The foundation story might even attempt to erase competing explanations of the city's origin from collective memory as in the Hikayat Patani, where the authors deliberately marginalised tales that told of an earlier settlement founded by a man named Pak Tani (13) who, according to competing stories, gave his name to the city. (14)

The second fundamental characteristic of court hikayat is the story of Islamic conversion. The raja's relationship with Islam bolstered his position at the pinnacle of moral authority in the sultanate and continued to justify the position of his descendants. A Sufi sheikh with powers of healing converted the raja of Patani and then instructed him about the proper beliefs and practices he should follow. (15) The court then followed the raja's example. At several points in the stories that follow, the authors of the Hikayat Patani tell how local people beyond the court walls rarely followed Islam, perhaps again attempting to erase other tales that told a different story. (16)

A royal genealogy forms an intricate part of every court hikayat. Detailed from the earliest ancestor--often a spiritual or divine entity such as the Princess of the Foam or Princess of the Bamboo--the story unfolds with the deeds of the rulers, one after another. Relationships between rulers are often given meticulous detail, showing that it was important, through the generations, to establish a legitimate claim for the present ruler of the dynasty. By combining human ancestors with supernatural beings, the stories expand the authority of the rulers beyond the temporal world. This collective memory of the pre-Islamic past is striking and plays a role in every court hikayat. Thus, rather than an attempt to erase the world before conversion, the stories afford the Hindu-Buddhist-animist world a mythical quality over which Islam triumphed in very real and powerful ways. Within this framework, the authors of the Hikayat Patani tell how legitimate rule passed through successive generations leading down to the present or last raja and how each managed to increase or decrease the prosperity of the court and the city.

Rulership is a major theme in all court hikayat. Here I use the term 'rulership' explicitly because of the frequent occurrence of female rulers, especially in the case of Patani. The stories pay great attention to the official regalia of the ruler and the manner in which he or she conducted affairs in the court. This is likely due to the fact that the authors of court hikayat were nearly always ministers with a vested interest in the exalted position of the current ruler. Traced back through the genealogy, authors established legitimacy for the rulers through the continued practise of sacred rituals and traditions of court conduct that served to further strengthen the line of raja. When the ministers abandon the queen in her confrontation with the bendahara in the Hikayat Patani, she removes her scarf and gives it to her adversary as a sign of submission. (17) In the same tale, the authors dedicated an entire chapter to telling the origin of the famous Patani cannon, which symbolised the polity's strength in relation to its neighbours. (18) These are just two of many examples of courtly items that signified political power or authority.

Other than the ruler, however, other ministers play an active part in the tale, showing that the authors did not reserve sole authority and agency for the ruler. Bendahara and other ministers often embroiled themselves in court intrigue, siding with one claimant or another, and constituted an important part of the ruler's following if he or she were to triumph against other rivals. In the example cited above, where the queen confronted her chief minister, it was not until her followers abandoned her that she was forced to show subservience to the bendahara. At other times, important officials work as secret agents for the ruler, carrying out assassinations, engaging in diplomacy or merely posing as spies in enemy courts. In some cases, authors even included the genealogies of the bendahara in the hikayat text, though this seems unique to the Hikayat Patani text. (19)

In the case where conflicts arise, the authors detail the traditions of making war in court hikayat. Conflicts are often decided by a symbolic show of strength, as in the Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai, where the overwhelming armies of Majapahit are defeated when the small buffalo of Minangkabau beats the larger buffalo of Majapahit by biting off its testicles. (20) Here the authors champion the valour and character of the defenders against the overwhelming odds of the larger invading force. Patani, too, staged conflicts not only against Siam, but also Johor and other Malay polities. These contests played out in the court through intrigue, lust and betrayal. (21) The Hikayat Patani also details the sacred music of wartime that played a role in organising an army either for an offensive against Patani's neighbours or to respond to an outside threat. (22)

Court intellectuals often composed hikayat during a time of political decline, thus these hikayat constitute a way of remembering the past in the form of a perceived golden age. In this regard, the authors chose tales for the collections both as a part of an officially sanctioned memory as well as a handbook on proper rule and custom. The tales they recorded bound their past to the deeds of their kings as a fusion of temporal and spiritual authority. Customs and court etiquette were of great interest and importance to the authors of the texts, who depicted an ordered world in stasis and protected from internal and external threats by the raja. Stories of decline often followed tales of the perceived golden age when some cataclysmic event or series of events eventually brought ruin upon the court. (23) In this raja-centred and court-centric worldview, hikayat were central to historical consciousness in building and maintaining the moral authority of the ruler.

The historical context of the 'original' Hikayat Patani

Having positioned the Hikayat Patani text within the wider genre of court hikayat, I will now focus the lens upon the period 1635-1730, one which has posed many chronological problems for historians of the region. By revising the established chronology of Teeuw and Wyatt, I offer a new interpretation of the social context of the 'original' Hikayat Patani. There is considerable evidence to suggest that the dynastic change that appears in the Hikayat Patani, dated to 1688 by Teeuw and Wyatt, may have actually occurred around the mid-seventeenth century. This modification to the generally accepted chronology illuminates the existence of a strong oral tradition that conveyed stories of the first dynasty to early eighteenth-century Patani court intellectuals. Secondly, a contrast should be drawn between the stories of the first dynasty and the later sections of the text which were authored by contemporary witnesses of events.

The Hikayat Patani itself only provides two dates and both occur very late in the text. The first is the death of Raja Laksamana Dajang 'in the year of the cow, on Friday the tenth of the month Muharram'. (24) Teeuw and Wyatt have proven the only acceptable date is 23 March 1721, because of the infrequency of the tenth day of the Muslim month of Muharram, falling on a Friday in the Thai year of the cow. (25) The second date only appears in the Thai-language version of the chronicle and is more exact than the first, stating that the last ruler mentioned in the text, Alung Yunus, died 'on Friday, the seventeenth day of this month of Muharram in 1142', which translates to 12 August 1729. (26) Both of these dates help establish the chronology of events that appear in the final sections of the Hikayat Patani but neither of them reveals much about the history of the text before 1700.

Raja Kuning, the fourth queen of the Inland Dynasty, (27) began her reign around 1635 when her mother died during preparations for an imminent attack on the city by Siam. (28) Raja Kuning continues to appear in Dutch records until 1644 at which time Patani and Johor established peace after a brief period of rising tension. (29) There is very little information on the period 1645 to 1671, but in the 1670s and 1680s, Dutch and English records again refer to a queen ruling in Patani. (30) A long war between the ruler of Songkhla and Patani ended around 1680 with the defeat of the former. Thereafter, French travellers in Siam mention a queen of Patani as late as 1689. (31)

By 1689, if the queen was still Raja Kuning, she would have been very old. Teeuw and Wyatt thought her to be the 'little daughter' of Raja Ungu mentioned by Peter Floris in 1612. (32) Because of this, Teeuw and Wyatt speculate that she could not have reigned much later than 1688. (33) More problematic, however, are Japanese trade records that mentioned a queen ruling in Patani as late as 1694. (34) While it is not impossible that Raja Kuning still occupied the throne, it seems unlikely that she could have sustained a 60-year reign, especially one full of internal and external struggles for power and a gradual decline in trade. (35) The French priest Nicolas Gervaise also remarks that the queen of Patani entertained many lovers in the 1670s, which would indicate that the ruler at that time was younger, perhaps a different queen. (36)

Most histories written about Patani in this period agree that Raja Kuning's reign ended in 1688. In that year, Phetracha usurped the throne in Ayudhya, deposing the ill King Narai. Patani refused to recognise the new ruler and invaded several nearby areas, including Songhkla, to take advantage of the confusion then ongoing in Siam. (37) By 1689, Ayudhya had recovered and dispatched an army to the south. The queen chose to retreat into the hills, offering no initial resistance to the army occupying the city. When it became apparent that attempts to poison the water supply had failed and that the army was prepared to remain in the city, the queen was forced to negotiate a peace in 1694. (39) Japanese accounts suggest a queen active in both military and political matters, once again suggesting that the ruler at that time had not reached an advanced age. (39)

A second problem in sorting out the chronology of this period is that gender is often not specified in the Malay language. The third person pronoun can refer to either he or she. Female rulers in Patani also bore the title of raja (king), once again obscuring the gender of rulers mentioned in the Hikayat Patani who bear names that are not explicitly male or female. Thus it is difficult to match characters in the stories of the Hikayat Patani with other sources from the same period.

Ahmad Fathy al-Fatani offers a possible solution to this problem in his work on the history of Patani based on the Hikayat Patani and some Kelantanese sources. (40) Teeuw and Wyatt agree that rulers from Kelantan controlled Patani after the end of Raja Kuning's reign but have not explained how this occurred. Fatani tells us that Patani and Kelantan forged an alliance in 1619 during the reign of Raja Biru. (41) This was a mutual protection agreement in which Kelantan gave its allegiance to Patani in return for protection of their mutual trade and military interests. Fatani argues that in the 1640s, however, Raja Kuning refused to recognise Raja Sakti I of Kelantan, who had come to power after a succession dispute. (42) The army of Kelantan invaded Patani in 1649, dethroned Raja Kuning and the sultan installed his own son as ruler in 1651, thereby re-establishing the relationship Patani and Kelantan had previously. (43) Siam and Kelantan likely coordinated their attack on Patani, the northern polity focusing upon Songhkla while Kelantan attacked Patani. (44)

The new ruler, Raja Bakal, (45) the first of the Kelantan dynasty, is mentioned briefly in the Hikayat Patani, and is likely the 'king' referred to by the Dutch traveller John Nieuhoff in 1662. (46) He was subsequently succeeded by Raja Emas Kelantan, (47) assumed by Teeuw and Wyatt to be a male ruler. (48) Fatani, however, states that Raja Emas Kelantan was a queen, the widow of Raja Bakal and the mother of future queen Raja Jayam. (49) She succeeded her husband because their only children, two daughters, were too young to rule. Fatani gives 1670 as the date that began her reign precisely at the time when foreign records again mention a queen after a period of about 25 years in which there is little record. (50) Europeans were always swift to mention queens ruling in Patani because to them such a practice was unusual; thus the absence of queens in their records in the 1650s and 1660s is as telling as their remarks in other decades about female rule. Most revealing, however, is the conflict detailed in Section V of the Hikayat Patani that Teeuw and Wyatt attributed to the 1690s. A close reading of the text, when matched with other available sources for the period, shows that the internal conflicts of Raja Emas Kelantan's reign must have begun in the 1670s. (51)

Fatani offers a reasonable critique of the established chronology by Teeuw and Wyatt which I have shown to contain a number of problems. If we accept Fatani's chronology, we may illuminate several characteristics of the Hikayat Patani text. First, a dynastic change around the mid-seventeenth century suggests that intellectuals writing the text in the early decades of the eighteenth century were not witnesses to the events of the first dynasty. This further entails that they relied upon a waning tradition of oral recitation for stories relating to the early raja and sultans in contrast to later sections penned by contemporary witnesses. Thus the Hikayat Patani text has preserved within it a vivid illustration of the traumatic shift between the stable court culture of the first dynasty, when cohesion and unity were embodied in an active oral tradition, and the second dynasty which experienced a disintegration of local traditions that caused people to turn to a written, if more immediate and desperate, record. Secondly, the long-term effect of the Siamese invasion of 1689 might then be seen not to have unseated the ruling family of Patani, but rather to have disrupted Patani's economy. In the decades following, the Dutch, English and Japanese all withdrew from Patani citing internal disorder that prevented them from pursuing profitable trade as they had in years past. The collapse of the Patani market led to political and social upheaval in the sultanate that ultimately set the stage for the composition of the Hikayat Patani.

Tribute and revolt: Ayudhya-Patani relations, 1550-1690

To understand the evolving and ever-changing political relationship between Patani and Ayudhya that authors featured so prominently in the Hikayat Patani, I will chart the history of political relations between the two polities. Conflict seemed to be the general rule, though some extended periods of peace persisted, particularly in the pre-1630 period. After the ascendance of the Prasartthong dynasty, the peninsula was in near-constant conflict for six decades until Patani was decisively defeated in the 1690s. At times, I broaden the lens when regional activities played a direct role in the political outcomes of the peninsula.

Evidence suggests that, as early as 1563, Patani engaged in a tributary relationship with Ayudhya. As long as a strong ruler existed in Ayudhya, Patani did not resist paying tribute to its northern neighbour in the form of the bunga mas dan perak, gold and silver flowers. (52) But whenever an opportunity to rebel against the power of Ayudhya arose, Patani did so. In 1564, when a Burmese army moved to attack Ayudhya, King Chakkraphat requested assistance from Patani, one of the obligations a powerful mandala might expect of its vassals in return for the protection it offered. (53) However, as the Ayudhyan army suffered defeat against its enemy, Patani turned and occupied the city for a brief period, supported by a fleet of 200 ships, before the returning army managed to expel Patani's force. (54) Patani's Sultan Mudhaffar Syah died in the fighting but entrusted rule to his brother Sultan Manzur Syah who he compelled to return by ship to Patani. (55) Interestingly, in the Hikayat Patani, this episode is only remembered as an attack on Siam, never mentioning tributary obligations or Patani's change of heart during the conflict because the authors were not interested in supporting such claims. (56)

In the 1630s, following the coup that placed King Prasartthong upon the throne of Ayudhya, Patani refused to pay tribute to the new kings Former Patani rulers had generally taken the title peracau, bestowed by the Ayudhyan king, but Raja Ungu, the third of the Patani royal sisters to rule, refused to take the title which inferred obeisance to Ayudhya. (58) She and the datuk besar, a chief official of the sultanate, carried out the rebellion citing that King Prasartthong was 'a rascal, murderer, and traitor', who had no legitimate claim to rule, a position that rulers of other polities also took. (59) Patani attacked Phattalung and Songhkla in 1630 and seized two Siamese merchant vessels bound for Batavia. (60) Raja Ungu further refused to negotiate with the Dutchman Anthonij Caen sent as a Siamese envoy to negotiate peace in 1632.

This time Patani carried out a sustained rebellion against Ayudhyan political encroachment following three decades of profitable trade and bolstered by close relations with Johor, Pahang and Portuguese Melaka. (61) The four peninsular powers had been gradually drawn together in the 1620s in opposition to growing Acehnese naval power in the straits. (62) Aceh had by then developed a near monopoly over Sumatran pepper and sought to defeat the peninsular states in order to consolidate its military and political power on both sides of the straits. The four fleets defeated Aceh in a great naval battle just off of Melaka in 1629 in which Patani played a significant role. (63)

Patani had also strengthened its relationship with other Malay polities through skillful marriage alliances. Raja Kuning, the daughter and heiress of Raja Ungu, married the raja of Siak, who was the brother of Sultan Alauddin Riayat Shah II of Johor, as early as 1623. (64) Furthermore, Raja Ungu herself had been married to the sultan of Pahang, who played a secondary role to Johor in the alliance. (65) Whether via political interests or familial bonds, Patani had, by 1630, bolstered its political position in relation to Ayudhya. (66) Furthermore, the conflict of the 1630s between Patani and Ayudhya might be seen as one episode in a larger straits-peninsular war.

In response to Patani's refusal to pay tribute, Ayudhya mustered an army of nearly 60,000 soldiers with many elephants, horses, artillery and ammunition, and attacked Patani in May 1634. (67) King Prasartthong also sent a small fleet of 'forty junks and galleys with ammunition and the necessary provisions' to Patani. (68) This fleet, even in comparison to Patani's forces alone, was inadequate to make any impact upon the invasion. Patani is known to have sent 100 ships against Aceh in 1626 and likely increased its forces by the greater 1629 battle. (69) When one considers also the strength of the fleets of Pahang, Johor, and Portuguese Melaka, it quickly becomes apparent that Siam's naval forces were insufficient to have any significant bearing upon the battle and their failure deprived the land troops of necessary supplies. (70) Johor and Pahang alone are said to have sent 'fifty large Malay galleons' and 5,000 soldiers. (71) To add to Siam's problems, a Dutch fleet intended to assist Ayudhyan forces against Patani failed to arrive until early June, by which time the battle had already turned against the Siamese. (72)

On land, the fighting was much bloodier than at sea, but Patani forces eventually forced the Ayudhyan soldiers into retreat. The city endured a month-long siege during which tactical blunders and a shortage of provisions played a role in the defeat of the invading army. (73) Only when King Prasartthong raised another army in 1635 for the same purpose did the sultan of Kedah intercede and convince Raja Ungu and her advisors to acquiesce to Ayudhya's demands. (74) Finally, envoys appeared in Ayudhya in October of that year stating that Raja Ungu was now prepared to make payments of bunga mas once again. (75) King Prasartthong sent a diplomatic mission to Patani, now ruled by Raja Ungu's daughter Raja Kuning, that eventually precipitated Patani's bunga mas dan perak arriving in Ayudhya in March 1636. (76)

By the mid-1640s, the Patani-Johor-Pahang-Portuguese alliance had disintegrated, largely because of Melaka's capture by the Dutch. Thus in the decades following, Patani fostered closer relationships with its peninsular neighbours, particularly Songhkla. Peaceful relations only existed between Ayudhya and Patani for a decade, for in 1646 Kedah and Songhkla rose in rebellion. Patani and other neighbouring tributary states of Ayudhya joined the revolt the following year. (77) King Prasartthong mustered an army of 15,000 soldiers and 60 warships, sending them south in 1646 to quell the rebels. A second force, amounting to 7,000 soldiers recruited from Nakhon Si Thammarat (Ligor), was supposed to join the main force, but failed to do so. The military expedition failed in suppressing the peninsular polities and the Ayudhyan king set about organising a second army in 1647-48. Meanwhile, Songhkla subjugated Phattalung because it had provided troops to Siam the previous year. (78) Siam continued to rely upon support from the Dutch, who obtained trade monopolies over tin and hides in exchange for their assistance, but artillery from Batavia failed to arrive before a second defeat had been endured by the Ayudhyan army. (79) Having survived the two previous invasions, Songhkla led a counter-attack in 1649, fully supported with the armies of Patani and Phattalung, and conquered Nakhon Si Thammarat. (80) This time, Siam responded with an army of 25,000 soldiers, 300 elephants and many horses, as well as a fleet of 20 ships operated by Dutch soldiers and sailors. Finally, Ayudhya defeated the peninsular polities and they agreed to again send annual payments of bunga mas dan perak, though Songhkla continued petty warfare with Ayudhya throughout

the period.

Through the 1650s and 1660s, Patani returned to paying annual tribute, though in the 1670s, renewed conflict on the peninsula eventually led to Ayudhyan intervention. In 1670-71, war erupted between Patani and Songhkla despite efforts by the sultan of Kedah to mediate a peace accord. (81) Patani's advantage over Songhkla seems to have been its larger army, for an English observer stated that the Songhkla soldiers were more experienced in the use of firearms, including both muskets and cannons. (82) Feeling confident after conquering its neighbour, Patani rebelled against Ayudhya in 1673. (83) King Narai sent an Ayudhyan army south which managed to capture Patani in January 1674. (84) A nobleman of Patani, second in power only to the raja was said to be the cause of the rebellion and Ayudhyan forces brought him back to the capital where he was put to death along with his two sons. (85) King Narai then elevated a second Patani nobleman, a Raja Mansur, to the position of governor of Phattalung in an attempt to increase Ayudhya's control of Songhkla. Upon succession in Songhkla in 1676, the son of the former ruler indeed visited Ayudhya to receive confirmation of his position as raja but his submission was short lived.

Later in 1676, Kedah refused to pay tribute and the following year, Patani and Songhkla coordinated a rebellion against Ayudhya. (86) Patani had improved its military with the importation of a large number of English firearms, which they received via Kedah. (87) Furthermore, Siam suspected Patani and Johor to be planning an attack on Nakhon Si Thammarat with 200 ships. (88) In 1678, Ayudhya sent an army south, but it experienced a number of initial setbacks. Sometime before February 1679, the Siamese governor of Phattalung was poisoned, probably by an internal anti-Ayudhya faction, for the city then joined the other polities in their war against Ayudhya. (89) Only by an alliance with Portuguese maritime forces, which blockaded Songhkla, and Dutch ships, which bolstered the attack on Patani, were Siamese armies able to secure victory. Ayudhya even ordered Dutch artillerists to raze Patani to the ground if they managed to capture the city, but a shortage of resources compelled the Siamese, Portuguese and Dutch forces to concentrate more fully on Songkhla. (90) Though many people died in the fighting, rampant starvation throughout the peninsula resulted in the greatest number of casualties because of spoiled harvests, supply shortages and coastal blockades. (91) No details survive to tell how the various warring groups established peace, but tribute again appeared in Ayudhya from Patani in November 1680. (92)

The conflicts between Ayudhya and Patani reached a climax in 1688. When Phetracha seized power in Ayudhya, Patani rebelled by attacking Songhkla in 1689 with an army of approximately 10,000 to 15,000 soldiers. (93) Ayudhya then supported Songhkla in a counter-attack, defeating Patani the following year and forcing the raja to again send tribute to Ayudhya. By 1692, Chinese and Japanese merchants and other travellers reported that Patani had rebelled again, though the reasons for refusing to pay tribute are unclear. (94) Ayudhya then attacked by sea and chased Raja Emas Kelantan and her people into the hills and mountains surrounding Patani, where their familiarity with the terrain allowed them to effectively evade any further attacks against them. In what skirmishes resulted, Patani defeated Siam's army of 6,000 soldiers, but its success was short lived. (95) After frequent attempts at poisoning the river water failed to extricate the Siamese army from Patani, the queen eventually surrendered and promised to again send tribute to Ayudhya. (96)

The conflict between Patani and Ayudhya eventually wore down the peninsular polity's ability to fight off its more populous and militarily powerful northern neighbour. The most chilling repercussions for Patani were economic rather than political destruction, however, evidenced by the general decline in trade after 1690. Whereas the court continued to provide some stability until the 1710s, the economy collapsed after the conflict of the 1690s, further suggesting that the Siamese army destroyed valuable economic assets during its invasion. Subsequent writings by Chinese and English merchants told of unfavourable trading conditions, local banditry and piracy along the coast that threatened their ships and goods. (97) Most foreign merchants soon ceased trading with Patani altogether and thus the political power of the sultanate likewise declined as port revenue evaporated. Patani was no longer able to mount effective rebellions against Ayudhya and, through the course of the eighteenth century, came further under the political hegemony of Siam. The conflicts and the resulting political decline of the second half of the seventeenth century set the stage for social crisis in the early decades of the following century during which time court elites composed the Hikayat Patani. The authors had six decades of conflict with Siam on their minds when they composed the chronicle and through their work, they hoped to restore Patani to its former glory.

A breakdown of the social order in Patani, 1650-1730

An understanding of the elite social hierarchy will shed light upon the world of the intellectuals who wrote the Hikayat Patani. A number of forces other than the intermittent warfare already mentioned brought about a breakdown of the social order in Patani after 1650. The sultanate differed from many other polities in the region because it was not an absolutist state regime and elites found it easier to protect private property and maintain their positions in the social hierarchy than elsewhere. (98) The roots of the elites' secure position vis-a-vis neighbouring polities can be traced to the economic and political development of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.

Patani rose to prominence as a mid-level pepper port after the fall of Melaka to the Portuguese in 1511. By the end of the sixteenth century, the sultanate had become a major player in the South China Sea trading networks with ties to southern China, Japan, Sulawesi, Borneo, Java and Sumatra. (99) In the early decades of the seventeenth century, Patani's market for Chinese goods attracted Dutch and English merchants to the port. (100) In all of the sultanate's trade, the queen and the orangkaya controlled a significant portion of the trade by seeking to establish their own monopolies, much to the chagrin of foreign merchants who competed fiercely against them. (101)

By the mid-1620s, Patani merchants sent as many as 40 ships to Maluku to engage in the spice trade, were dwelling by the thousands in Makassar and held the most prominent positions among the diasporic Malay community. (102) To support its growing urban population, which peaked to over 50,000 in the 1630s, Patani imported rice from Cambodia and Siam and slaves from Java and Borneo. (103) Patani also commercialised its economy by minting gold coins by the early seventeenth century. (104) A sophisticated money market complemented Patani's active marketplace, led most prominently by the queens who often provided merchants with much-needed capital. (105)

After 1650, as Asian and European merchants scaled back their trade with Patani, the sultanate experienced a period of social crisis. The Dutch and English withdrew their factories at Patani in the early 1620s but both merchant companies continued to trade with Patani until the 1640s, when local rebellions began to erode interest in the Patani market. (106) The Dutch carried on a sporadic pepper trade with Patani in the 1650s and 1660s, but the port had clearly declined in importance as an exporter of pepper. (107) Patani participated in a region-wide boycott of Dutch trade in 1655-56 that also included Aceh, Perak, Johor, Banten and Makassar, but this does not seem to have soured relations permanently with the Dutch company. (108) Trade with the Dutch and English increased in the 1670s and 1680s before it dwindled in the decades that followed. (109) To support its wars against Siam and its peninsular neighbours in the 1670s, Patani imported large numbers of English firearms via Kedah. (110) The Portuguese at Macao carried on a trade with Patani either aboard their own ships or via English vessels in the 1680s. (111) Signs also point to the decline of Patani's pepper market, due to peninsular wars that disrupted supply lines and destroyed the region's pepper fields in the period 1634-94. (112)

Patani remained connected to the South China Sea trading networks as late as 1655, when a Dutch merchant commented upon the extensive Chinese networks on the peninsula. (113) These networks were most likely remnants of the old pepper-porcelain trade, but also included elephant tusks for which Patani had become quite famous. (114) Patani also traded with Makassar even after the Dutch captured the city in 1669 where they were among the most prominent Malay traders. (115) Patani's merchants were also among the most prominent Malay traders in Batavia, where one family held the position of Kapitan Melayu until 1732. (116) Merchants from Patani traded in Banjarmasin in the 1660s, most likely for pepper, spices and other commodities. (117) Elsewhere on Borneo, Patani exported cannons to the coastal trading polity of Pasir in the 1660s which suggests that the products of their foundry appeared elsewhere as well. (118) As late as 1680, Patani merchants traded in Riau with the English, Siamese and other traders. (119) From these myriad trading connections, we can see that Patani's trade gradually declined after 1650 and more sharply from the 1670s onwards.

Patani also attracted merchant diasporas from around maritime Asia other than the aforementioned Chinese. Policies espoused by Mataram's Amangkurat I caused many Javanese merchants to relocate to Patani, among other trade havens, which shows that trade links between Patani and Java that had been alive since the early seventeenth century and likely earlier, had persisted as late as the 1650s and 1660s. (120) Other foreign merchants from India's Coromandel Coast, via Bantam, traded at Patani alongside Javanese and Malay merchants who operated as business partners. (121) As trade in Patani declined, these populations shifted their activities to other ports where they could still find profits.

Patani's most enduring trade was with Japan. This trade was generally routed through Fukien and Chekiang where it was carried aboard junks operated by Chinese and Japanese merchants. (122) Patani-Japan trade peaked in the 1650s when Japanese records show 20 ships having docked in Nagasaki. (123) Trade declined sharply into the 1670s, when Patani was engaged in near-constant warfare, revived slightly in the 1680s and 1690s, and then ceased altogether after 1709. (124) The decline in Patani-Japan trade was due to a number of internal and external factors including Patani's numerous local rebellions against Siam and its resulting economic and agricultural destruction, its failure to stem the rise of piracy along its coast from the 1690s onwards, and the copper shortages Japan experienced by the turn of the eighteenth century. (125) Indeed, other merchants complained of the dangerous conditions in or near to Patani that contrasted with their earlier visits. (126) Together the forces of economic decline led to negative demographic shifts that ultimately undercut the sultanate's ability to fend off foreign aggressors.

The cumulative effects of economic decline had drastic effects upon the residents of Patani. The sultanate experienced at least two famines that appear to have devastated an already declining population. A Dutch company official wrote of a great famine in Patani in 1694, likely due to a combination of problems relating to the recent war with Siam during which the occupying army had destroyed Patani's agricultural resources. (127) After another conflict with Siam, Patani endured a famine in 1714 that affected the entire mid peninsula where food prices had risen dramatically. (128) The famines and continued economic fallout led to widespread starvation and migration from Patani and left the sultanate in a weakened state in comparison to Siam and other neighbouring polities. Whereas the Dutch official John Nieuhoff estimated Patani's total fighting strength to be approximately 180,000 men in 1662, Japanese merchants state that Patani operated armies of only 10,000 to 15,000 soldiers in the 1689-94 conflict. (129) While these numbers should be regarded with a high degree of scepticism, they nevertheless indicate a general trend towards population decrease and resulting economic and military decline. (130)

When the economy collapsed, remaining orangkaya retreated from the market to the court as the main arena of social competition. This influx of powerful but desperate elites into court affairs quickly overloaded the court's capacity to absorb new players into the fold. (131) The raja were unable to keep various factions at bay and became increasingly reliant upon orangkaya for their hold on power. Powerful orangkaya then began promoting puppet candidates for the throne, leading to a breakdown in the social order in the sultanate especially after 1710. (132) Without a united front, Patani could not repel invasions from Ayudhya and after the attack of 1690, the sultanate never recovered its political cohesion.

The resulting breakdown of the social order compelled court intellectuals to write of the glorious past in the Hikayat Patani with the hope that their world might be restored. The authors chiefly concerned themselves with aspects of the past that told of the glory of the raja during the period of prosperity, i.e. before 1650, and pointed to various problems that arose after that time that led to increasing turmoil. In doing so, they constructed a new moral authority in the form of the Hikayat Patani which served as a handbook of proper rule and a guide for proper court etiquette. Together these stories and rules provided future generations with guidelines for an ordered and prosperous society, though one that remained unrealised through the course of the eighteenth century.

Composing the Hikayat Patani

Teeuw and Wyatt argued that the text of the Malay versions of the Hikayat Patani could be separated into six sections, each one potentially having its own author. (133) Teeuw and Wyatt argued that Section I of the Hikayat Patani was then written down around 1690 according to their chronology. As argued above, the Inland Dynasty lost power around the mid-seventeenth century; thus Section I could have been committed to text earlier. As I shall argue in this section, however, evidence within the chronicle suggests that the authors of Section I did not commit the stories to text until at least the 1690s or the early decades of the eighteenth century.

A stark difference can be seen in the style of the text of Section I (stories about the Inland Dynasty) and Section II (stories of the Kelantan Dynasty), suggesting that the contexts that produced each of them were markedly different. The earlier tales possess a sense of distance from the events described. For example, with the succession of each queen to the throne of Patani, it is told in a manner that suggests the event occurred long ago, often using the cliched phrase, 'as told by the old people'. (134) The passage of time is also vague, such that each succession is explained, 'After the Queen had reigned for some time she fell ill and died.' (135) Teeuw and Wyatt considered these passages to be insignificant to understanding how the authors composed the text. They further commented on the emotional detachedness of Section I when compared with Section II as evidence that they possessed separate authors. The difference in styles, however, seems likely due to the fact that the earlier stories had been passed down through an oral tradition unique to the Inland dynasty, while the later stories occurred contemporaneously to the authors' writing. (136)

Section I bears evidence of an oral tradition embedded within the text that had been maintained by the Inland dynasty. The story flows as if it were told to the writer rather than remembered personally by the writer or copied from an existing manuscript. The possibility that the text was transmitted orally before being written down is confirmed by Newbold in his account of a copy of the Hikayat Patani, now lost:
   The preface declares it to be a story received orally by the writer
   (whose name as commonly the case in Malay MSS. is not mentioned)
   from aged men, regarding the origin of the Raja who first founded
   this fine state. (137)

The date given by Teeuw and Wyatt seems reasonable, then, given that the 1690s were a period of particular political disorder caused both by the invasion from Ayudhya and the constant internal struggles for the position of bendahara. (138) During such a time of crisis and political disintegration, when one's current social position seemed threatened, protecting and preserving the past in writing may have seemed most prudent.

The theme of struggle against encroaching Siamese political and military pressure is evident throughout the stories of Section I. Patani's second sultan, Raja Mudhaffar Syah perished in a futile attack against Ayudhya in 1563. (139) In the 1630s, Raja Ungu and Raja Kuning refused to take the submissive title of peracau and faced a large-scale invasion from the north. (140) Throughout the text, the rulers of Patani are forced to send tribute to Ayudhya, showing their position of vassalage to Siam. While all of these events are important to the history of Patani, the most pressing problem in the minds of court intellectuals in the 1690s was Siamese political encroachment as the sultanate struggled to recover from the devastating attacks of 1689-94. Japanese merchants wrote of the constant turmoil in those years that prevented them from engaging in the profitable trade as they had in times past. (141) By the end of the decade, they ceased their visits to Patani, stating that the market was no longer satisfactory, nor was the coastline safe from pirates and other bandits. (142)

The disorder of the period after 1690 provided the context in which Patani intellectuals wrote the Hikayat Patani. Within this context, then, it may be argued that one or more court officials collaborated to compose the stories of the Inland dynasty as early as the 1690s based upon a dying oral tradition. Evidently, such courts often had professional lore-keepers whose duty it was to remember the important stories from olden days. In the 1690s, as the world of the court intellectuals collapsed, ambitious intellectuals committed the stories of the Inland dynasty to written form both as a way of preserving the traditions of the past as well as a blueprint for restoring the polity to its former glory.

In the decades following the Ayudhyan invasion, political realities continued to erode in Patani. Because of the weakened position of Patani's ruler after Siamese withdrawal, struggle for control of the position of bendahara intensified. Raja Emas Kelantan was not a particularly capable ruler and served as a marginal referee in a court fraught with internal strife. (143) According to the Hikayat Patani, 'During the reign of Marhum Kelantan many noblemen of Patani fought over the function of prime minister, and there were many prime ministers.' (144) As many as nine bendahara held power during her reign and players in Patani politics also included 'a number of competing local factions, regional interests, neighbouring states, and foreign powers'. (145) Furthermore, Ayudhya became embroiled in Patani affairs at the same time as war erupted between Songhkla and Phattalung in the 1670s. (146)

The theme of internal political disintegration continues through Section II, culminating with the death of Raja Alung Yunus in 1729. In the course of Section II, events are described in ever-increasing detail, suggesting the authors composed that section shortly after the last ruler's death. The authors afforded the first two rulers of the Kelantan dynasty, Raja Bakal and Raja Emas Kelantan, few scant lines that tell only of their political problems without any personal details because several decades separated the authors from the two raja. (147) From 1720 onwards, the sultanate was again plagued by struggles to control the position of bendahara, and in several cases, bendahara actually promoted themselves or their own candidate as raja. The final paragraph of Section II translates as follows:
   Now since the King was buried in Purut, Patani has no longer had a
   king, up to the present time. The country of Patani has been in
   great confusion and its people suffer from many ills, while rules
   and customs are no longer observed; but it is not for any creature
   to know the command of God--praise be to Him and may He be
   exalted--with regard to what lies ahead. (148)

The impending doom of the present situation is evident in the writer's account. The raja preserved the strength and cohesion of the sultanate, but here Patani approached a time of decline in which the old ways--exemplified by the memory of the old rules and customs--were no longer followed. One may assume, if the passage may be taken literally, that the story could not have been written more than a month or two after the death of Alung Yunus, for the throne would not have remained vacant for longer than that.

According to the Thai version of the Hikayat Patani, a man by the name of 'Dato Charakan' came to power immediately after the death of Alung Yunus in 1729, but does not appear in the Malay versions of the text. (149) Teeuw and Wyatt believed that Datuk Cerak Kin lived in the seventeenth century, based upon the detailed genealogy that claimed he was the grandson of an elephant doctor who lived during the reign of Sultan Mudhaffar Syah (d. 1564). Such claims may have been more figurative, however, with 'grandfather' meaning ancestor, or invented entirely to strengthen his claims to the throne. If 'Charakan' and 'Cerak Kin' are the same person, then Section IV could easily be seen as an attempt to legitimise his imminent candidacy by giving him long-standing connections to previous Patani noblemen. Almost certainly, the author of Section IV, therefore, was different from that of Section II, and had designs to promote Datuk Cerak Kin as the next raja of Patani. The fact that this bendahara is given so much attention sets him apart from all of the previous ministers who rarely appear more than once or twice in the stories.

Section V again returns to the political factionalism that existed throughout the rule of the Kelantan dynasty. Section VI follows bearing details of the laws of Patani. In this final section, the remarks of the writer at the end of Section II become all the more appropriate. As mentioned, one of the sources of political decline was failure to follow the laws as people had in the past, defined to include well-established customs, etiquette and signs of social respect. It seems likely that the writer of Section VI may have been the same as that of Section II, or that separate authors worked closely together because of a mutual concern about the problems Patani faced and the importance of returning to old rules and customs.

Here it is important to note that in the Abdullah bin Abdulkadir manuscript used by Teeuw and Wyatt in their translation, there appeared a colophon at the end in which the text is referred to as Kitab Undang-Undang Patani (The book of the laws of Patani). (150) This description hardly holds true for a majority of the text. Sections I and II tell of the deeds of the kings and the struggles for control of royal power. Section III briefly describes the bendahara of Patani. Section IV discusses the genealogy of Datuk Cerak Kin, a nobleman alive at the time of the last sultan mentioned in the text of Section II. The colophon, then, refers strictly to Section VI, which Teeuw and Wyatt believed constituted one of the oldest portions of the text. In this light, Sections I-V might all be seen as additions to an original book containing a description of sacred laws, rituals and court etiquette.

The authors of the Hikayat Patani wrote the text with an intention on effecting change in the present. Section VI of the text thus represents the core of their vision. As A.C. Milner has argued, a raja's central role was a ceremonial one. (151) Much of Section VI of the text contains instructions on how to perform music intended for all sorts of court rituals, various rites of passage, the call to war, the marking of seasons, the passing of time and for many other situations. Music was the crux between court function, ceremony and symbol. Thus Section VI preserved ancient court rituals for future raja to perform and perpetuate.

By preserving Patani's court music, which is featured so prominently throughout all sections of the text, the authors kept alive the possibilities of the raja restoring order and maintaining the beauty and sacredness of the ancient court traditions. Decay occurred very early, however, for after the assault on Ayudhya in 1564, the most extensive of Malay court orchestras already lacked enough talented musicians to perform properly. (152) Whether future generations ever replenished the depleted ranks of the orchestra is unclear, but the court intellectuals who composed the final section of the Hikayat Patani managed to preserve the tradition before the final destruction of the court itself.

The musical instruments, known collectively as nobat, possessed sacred power and were used to induct a new raja of the court, among other things. (153) The instruments represented symbolic authority passed down through the generations from the sultanate's primordial beginning and bore legitimacy for the current ruler. As recorded in the Malay text, Sejarah Melayu, Patani received its nobat from the sultan of Melaka, like other peninsular polities of its time. (154) While the presentation of nobat insinuated Melaka's ritual superiority over other polities, it also invested Patani with sacred sovereignty that came to form the most important part of its courtly tradition. Given the sacred power inscribed into Section VI of the text, then, it is not surprising that Abdullah bin Abdulkadir's manuscript bore the colophon referring to the laws of Patani represented by nobat. Just as the raja was the locus of all courtly activity, so too was nobat used to perform all sacred customs of the court. The destruction or disappearance of Patani's nobat during the Siamese invasion of 1785-86 definitively ended an era of symbolic power in Patani, but the memory of this court etiquette survives in the final section of the Hikayat Patani. (155)

It is probable that the different sections of the Hikayat Patani each had their own author, but that the authors were in close collaboration. The disintegration of the world of the court intellectuals, who were as affected as any by the court factionalism, political decline and external threat, can be seen clearly in their perception of past events. As their position eroded, they reconstructed their hope for a better future by detailing the failures of present political players. The futility of their rallying behind Datuk Cerak Kin is clear; the story was not continued after his short and disappointing reign. Had he offered Patani a respite from its troubles, perhaps, the authors would have composed additional chapters, telling of the return to the proper order of things.


One of the authors of the Hikayat Patani believed Patani had entered a time of damnation exhibited by the disintegration of long-established rules and customs. (156) In what seemed to be an apocalyptic time, the authors laid out their vision for a just society based upon the moral principles of the past. During the preceding years of general prosperity, oral tradition served the Patani court by preserving and proclaiming the moral authority of the sultanate in the form of an officially sanctioned history. In the years that followed, however, the system of oral recitation broke down and ambitious intellectuals wrote down stories of the past to preserve them for future generations. They sought to rejuvenate society through writing and by clearly delineating how Patani's glory might be restored. In doing so, the writers themselves played a role in the transformation of the way in which court elites preserved and projected historical knowledge.

Moral authority, as expressed through the Hikayat Patani, centred upon a number of key elements in Patani society. Foremost among themes in the chronicle is the position of the raja as the defenders of the moral order who resided at the sacred centre of the society. The rulers performed not only their functional roles as raja, but also had an important ceremonial position in the court tied intimately to sacred music, the detail and expression of which was of paramount importance to the authors of the chronicle. In their capacity as producers of an officially sanctioned history, the authors constructed the legitimacy of the raja by placing them at the crux of the foundation of the polity, the conversion to Islam and the maintenance of a justified social order.

Between 1729, when the authors wrote the last of the stories, and the 1830s when the chronicle 'resurfaced' in its present compilation, Patani endured great changes. If the period 1690-1730 was a time of writing and scholarship, the remainder of the eighteenth century followed with no writings, or at least none that have survived. (157) The time of intellectual output, when court scribes felt compelled to write about the past had definitively ended. In the interim years, between the end of the Hikayat Patani and the disastrous invasion by Siam in 1785, little is known of the sultanate, though Patani's court continued to linger on in a weakened form. The sultanate, which had effectively been united with Kelantan under one raja at various periods since 1715 split apart in 1749 under two rulers. (158) After 1769, a new family may have come to occupy the Patani throne under Sultan Mahmud who was subsequently slain in battle against the Siamese army in August 1786. (159) Furthermore, the soldiers burned the ancient palace of Patani to the ground and confiscated the three famous cannons, thus undermining the most potent symbols of power possessed by the political elite of Patani. (160) After the invasion, no local ruler managed to regain the power of the old raja, though rebellions against Siamese control occurred in 1791, 1802, 1808, 1832 and 1838 which resulted in further slave-raiding by the Siamese and other depopulation as well as increased political dismemberment. (161)

The invasion by Siam destroyed the old political order leaving a void at the top of the social hierarchy in the years that followed that Islamic leaders eventually came to fill. During the initial invasion, the Siamese army slew countless number of local inhabitants, captured many slaves who were taken to Bangkok and drove the remainder of the population southward into the neighbouring states of Kedah, Kelantan and Perak. (162) As late as 1789, the British officer at Penang, Francis Light, believed Patani to have been permanently destroyed and depopulated, when he included it in an economic survey of the peninsula. (163) Eventually refugees returned in the final decade of the eighteenth century and rebuilt the city of Patani at its present site a few kilometres from the old site where the old Gresik mosque still stands today.

Having gone through a period of utter devastation after 1785, during which time the Siamese army killed, enslaved or displaced a large portion of the sultanate's population, Patani people turned away from the raja as the centre of social life and toward a new moral authority--Mecca. Indeed, Patani experienced a social revolution in the early nineteenth century that elevated Islam from one of a number of social forces to the primary dynamic for cohesion in the community, thus completely reshaping Patani's social fabric. (164) The greatest of Patani Islamic scholars, Sheikh Daud bin Abdullah al-Fatani and others travelled to Mecca to study core doctrines, to reflect upon Patani's political problems and to advocate for educational reforms back on the peninsula. (165)

This new generation of Islamic leaders began to reconstruct their conceptions of Patani as a society through religious writing as a way of rationalising their position atop the social hierarchy. The raja-centred historical narrative of the Hikayat Patani had been decisively altered by the 1785-86 invasion forcing intellectuals to incorporate the wider community in their view of Patani as a distinct and cohesive society. This 'new' Patani also found expression through the compilation of the Hikayat Patani, which for the first time, drew together the six loosely affiliated tales as one story of Patani. To the compiler and others in the 1830s, however, the pre-1785 history of Patani continued to have meaning in defining Patani as a conquered people possessing a distinct historical unity within an expanding state.

The anonymous compiler of the Hikayat Patani expressed a vision of Patani as a place with its own past, similar in that regard to chronicles of other places in the emerging Thai nation state, such as Chiang Mai and Nakhon Si Thammarat. With this in mind, studies of the Hikayat Patani must afford Patani an autonomous history when placing the chronicle within the social and historical context in which it was written. In doing so, we may gain a deeper understanding of the motivations, aspirations, and accomplishments of the writers and the condition of the world in which they lived. Future scholarship on the early history of the Malay-Thai borderland should continue to forge along the same path to move beyond nation-state-dominated historical paradigms that impress contemporary strictures back upon earlier times.

Table 1: Teeuw and Wyatt's division of the Abdullah
Abdulkadir manuscript

Section   Contents                           Pages

I         The story of Patani during the     1-74
            rule of the Inland Dynasty
II        The story of Patani during the     74-8
            rule of the Kelantan
            Dynasty, ending with the
            rule of Alung Yunus
III       A summary of the bendahara         78-80
            of Patani
IV        The story of the elephant          80-3
            doctor Cau Hang and his
            progeny, including the
            Bendahara Datuk Cerak Kin
V         The story of the death of          83-8
            Datuk Sai and the
            struggle between the
            pretenders to the position
            of bendahara during the
            reign of the Kelantan Dynasty
VI        Undang-Undang Patani               88-94
            (Laws of Patani)

(1) A. Teeuw and D.K. Wyatt, Hikayat Patani: The story of Patani, Bibliotecha Indonesica, no. 5 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1970).

(2) Davisakd Puaksom, 'Ayudhya in Patani's grasp: The relations between a Buddhist and a Muslim state in a historical perspective', Paper presented at the First Inter-Dialogue Conference on southern Thailand (Pattani, June 2002), pp. 14-15.

(3) Craig J. Reynolds, 'Religious historical writing and the legitimation of the first Bangkok reign', in Perceptions of the past in Southeast Asia, ed. Anthony Reid and David Marr, Asian Studies Association of Australia, Southeast Asia Publications Series, no. 4 (Singapore: Heinemann Educational Books, 1979), pp. 90-107; David K. Wyatt, 'History and directionality in the early nineteenth-century Tai world', in The last stand of Asian autonomies: Responses to modernity in the diverse states of Southeast Asia and Korea, 1750-1900, ed. Anthony Reid (London: Macmillan, 1997), p. 435.

(4) The prime minister or treasurer of Malay courts who functioned as the next most powerful figure after the raja.

(5) Wyatt, The last stand of Asian autonomies, p. 433.

(6) I surveyed over 1,000 Jawi manuscripts contained in Malaysian repositories penned by Patani authors, most notably Sheikh Daud bin Abdullah al-Fatani. The period of 1810-40 was particularly active not only for original manuscript production but also the reproduction of existing texts, including several versions of the Hikayat Patani. Patani-born, Mecca-trained scholars also began to produce scholarship while abroad which began to appear back in the peninsula during the period. Refer to Azyumardi Azra, The origins of Islamic reformism in Southeast Asia: Networks of Malay-Indonesian and Middle Eastern 'Ulama' in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Asian Studies Association of Australia, Southeast Asia Publications Series (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2004), pp. 122-6.

(7) Following the lead of Teeuw and Wyatt, I chose to base this study on Abdullah bin Abdulkadir's 1839 recension since it is the oldest extant and most complete version of the chronicle yet known. The original Jawi manuscript is held in the Library of Congress, Washington, DC. For the convenience of those who do not have access to the original manuscript, I have included references (to the romanised version in Teeuw and Wyatt [1970]) whenever I refer to passages in the original manuscript. An earlier version of the chronicle inscribed upon 28 plates of bamboo dated 1836, deposited at Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka in Kuala Lumpur, appears to be a summary or abridgement of the longer text.

(8) John R.W. Smail, 'On the possibility of an autonomous history of modern Southeast Asia', Journal of Southeast Asian History, 2, 2 (1961): 72-102.

(9) Recalling local pasts: Autonomous history in Southeast Asia, ed. Sunait Chutintarinond and Chris Baker (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2002); Sunait Chutintarinond, '"Mandala," "segmentary state" and politics of centralization in medieval Ayudhya', Journal of the Siam Society [hereafter, JSS], 78 (1989): 89-100.

(10) For the purposes of comparison, I analysed court hikayat from across the Malay-Islamic world in which Patani played a part. I concentrated upon the chronicles of the above mentioned polities in the original Malay, when available: 'Hikayat Marong Maha Wangsa or Kedah annals', ed. A.I. Sturrock, Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 72 (1916): 37-123; A.H. Hill, 'Hikayat raja-raja Pasai', Journal of the Malayan/Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society [hereafter, JMBRAS], 33, 2 (1960): 1-215; J.J. Ras, Hikajat Bandjar: A stud), in Malay historiography, Bibliotheca Indonesica, no. 1 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1968); Hikajat Potjut Muhamat: An Achehnese epic, trans. G.W.I. Drewes, Bibliotheca Indonesica, no. 19 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1979).

(11) Malay: mouse-deer or chevrotain.

(12) Abdullah bin Abdulkadir manuscript, Library of Congress [hereafter, LC 1839], pp. 1-5; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 68-71, 146-8; for references to the esteemed place afforded the pelanduk in Malay folk tales, refer to C. Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnese, vol. II, trans. A.W.S. O'Sullivan with an index by R.I. Wilkinson (Leyden: E.]. Brill, 1906), pp. 158-9.

(13) The Hikayat Patani called him Encik Tani, perhaps deliberately attempting to avoid calling him Pak Tani, which other stories suggest gave rise to the city's name. LC 1839: p. 5; Teeuw and Wyatt, pp. 70-1, 148.

(14) The alternative version of the foundation story tells of the fisherman Pak Tani who established the settlement on the coast. Only after it became successful did the raja move his court to Patani. The Hikayat Patani explicitly references this story, but denounces it as incorrect. LC 1839, p. 5; Teeuw and Wyatt, pp. 70-1, 148; Ibrahim Syukri, History of the Malay kingdom of Patani, trans. Conner Bailey and John N. Miksic (Athens: Center for International Studies, Ohio University, 1985, Reprinted: Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2005), pp. 19-20; Mohd. Shaghir Abdullah, Tarikh Fathani (Kuala Lumpur: Khazanah Fathaniyah, 1998), pp. 14-15; Mohd. Zamberi A. Malek, Pensejarahan Patani (Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Malaya, 2006), p. 154.

(15) This story bears some resemblance to the Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai's description of how the Prophet Muhammad converted the raja of Pasai in a dream, taught him Arabic and instructed him on the proper beliefs and practices. LC 1839, pp. 5-11; Teeuw and Wyatt, pp. 71-5, 148-52; Hill, 'Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai', pp. 57, 118.

(16) I heard a different tale about conversion from the Pattani scholar Bang Lah, an expert in local oral tradition, who stated that the king converted after some local people already practised Islam. For other surviving stories relating to the early Islamic community in Patani, refer to Abdullah, Tarikh Fathani, pp. 20-1, 25-6; Malek, Pensejarahan Patani, pp. 157-60.

(17) LC 1839, pp. 44-5; Teeuw and Wyatt, pp. 101, 174.

(18) LC 1839, pp. 11-14; Teeuw and Wyatt, pp. 75-8, 152-4.

(19) LC 1839, pp. 78-80; Teeuw and Wyatt, pp. 132-3, 201-2.

(20) Hill, 'Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai', pp. 104, 163.

(21) There are many examples: LC 1839, pp. 35-42, 46-9, 59-71; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 95-100, 103-5, 115-25, 168-73, 175-7, 186-94.

(22) LC 1839, p. 93; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 144-5, 215.

(23) I will discuss the sections of the Hikayat Patani text more fully later in this article. Here it may suffice to say that the first section of the text, pp. 1-74 in LC 1839, constitutes Patani's perceived golden age. Sections II-V, pp. 74-88 in LC 1839, represent stories of decline. The final section then returns to a memory of court life at the pinnacle of its prosperity.

(24) LC 1839, p. 76; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 130, 199.

(25) Ibid., p. 278.

(26) David K. Wyatt, 'A Thai version of Newbold's "Hikayat Patani"', JMBRAS, 40, 2 (1967): 33.

(27) Teeuw and Wyatt applied the term because the founder of Patani's first dynasty supposedly came from a town called 'Kota Maligai' which was located in the interior of the peninsula. Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 3, 11.

(28) Dagh-register Gehouden int Casteel Batavia rant Passerende daer ter Plaetse als over Geheel Nederlandts-India [hereafter, DR] 1642, pp. 154-5.

(29) DR 1644-45, p. 86.

(30) Letter of Davis and Portman to Surat, 3 Feb. 1671, Records of the Relations between Siam and Foreign Countries in the 17th Century [hereafter, RR] II, p. 101.

(31) Nicolas Gervaise, Histoire naturelle et politique du Royaume de Siam (Paris: Chez Claude Barbin, au Palais, sur le second Perron de la Sainte Chappelle, 1688), pp. 315-17.

(32) Peter Floris: His voyage to the East Indies in the globe, 1611-1615, ed. W.H. Mooreland (Hakluyt Society, 1934, reprinted Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2002), pp. 62-3.

(33) In fact, Teeuw and Wyatt speculate that Raja Dewi, a queen thought to have reigned c. 1707-16, may have ruled earlier. However, as I will argue later, a different queen occupied the throne during that time, allowing for Raja Dewi to remain as she appears in the loose chronology established by Teeuw and Wyatt.

(34) The junk trade from Southeast Asia: Translations from the Tosen Fusetsu-gaki, 1674-1723, ed. Ishii Yoneo, Data Paper Series, Sources for the Economic History of Southeast Asia, 6 (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1998), pp. 122.

(35) LC 1839, pp. 58-73; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 113-27, 184-96.

(36) Gervaise, Histoire Naturelle, p. 316.

(37) Junk trade, pp. 115-22.

(38) Ibid., p. 122.

(39) Ibid., pp. 115-24.

(40) Al-Fatani relied upon several royal genealogies from Kelantan that appeared subsequent to Teeuw and Wyatt's publication. The dates extracted from these genealogies, as with Fatani's dates, should be taken as approximations. Refer to Abdullah bin Mohamed, Keturunan raja-raja Kelantan dan peristiwaperistiwa bersejarah (Kota Bharu: Perbadanan Muzium Negeri Kelantan, 1981).

(41) Ahmad Fathy al-Fatani, Pengantar sejarah Patani (Alor Setar: Pustaka Darussalam, 1994), p. 22.

(42) Ibid., pp. 26-7.

(43) Ibid., p. 34. The omission of the dethronement of Raja Kuning in the Hikayat Patani narrative seems naturally due to the succeeding dynasty's interest in establishing internal legitimacy. See later sections of this article for a thorough discussion of the chronicle's authorship and also Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 60-7.

(44) The Thai version of the Hikayat Patani supports the idea of a coordinated attack in its claim that Siam placed the Kelantanese prince 'Raja Bako' upon the throne. Wyatt, 'Thai version', pp. 33-4.

(45) Alternatively: Raja Bahar. Refer to ibid., pp. 35, 38.

(46) LC 1839, pp. 74-5; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 128-9, 197; John Nieuhoff, 'Voyages and travels, into Brasil, and the East-Indies: containing, an exact description of the Dutch Brasil, and divers parts of the East-Indies; their provinces, cities, living creatures, and products; the manners, customs, habits, and religion of the inhabitants: with a most particular account of all the remarkable passages that happened during the author's stay of nine years in Brasil; especially, in relation to the revolt of the Portugueses, and the intestine war carried on there from 1640 to 1649; as also, a most ample description of the most famous city of Batavia, in the East-Indies', in A collection of voyages and travels, ed. A. Churchill and J. Churchill (London: Printed for A. Churchill and J. Churchill, 1704), p. 220.

(47) Alternatively: Raja Mas Kelantan, reflecting the Kelantanese dialect which often drops initial vowels in comparison to central Malay pronounciation and spelling. Refer to Fatani, Pengantar sejarah Patani, p. 38.

(48) LC 1839, p. 75; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 129, 197.

(49) Alternatively: Raja Mas Chayam. Refer to Fatani, Pengantar sejarah Patani, pp. 34-5, 38.

(50) Ibid.

(51) For a detailed discussion of the events of the 1670s, see the section following. Also refer to LC 1839, pp. 79-80, 83-7; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 129, 132-3, 136-9, 197, 201-2, 205-8, 266.

(52) L.F. van Ravenswaay, 'Translation of Jeremias van Vliet's description of the kingdom of Siam', JSS, 7 (1910): 37; Wayne A. Bougas, The kingdom of Patani: Between Thai and Malay mandalas, Occasional Paper on the Malay World, no. 12 (Selangor: Institut Alam dan Tamadun Melayu, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1994), pp. 65-7; Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian, Thai-Malay Relations: Traditional intra-regional relations from the seventeenth

to the early twentieth centuries, ed. Wang Gungwu, East Asian Historical Monographs (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 42-3.

(53) Ravenswaay, 'Van Vliet's description', p. 37.

(54) W.A.R. Wood, A history of Siam from the earliest times to the year A.D. 1781, with a supplement dealing with more recent events (London: T. Fisher Unwin, Ltd., 1926), p. 119.

(55) LC 1839, 23-24; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 85, 160-1.

(56) LC 1839, 18-24; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 81-6, 157-61.

(57) Ravenswaay, 'Van Vliet's description', p. 37.

(58) The title has been romanised in a number of ways including prachao, phraocao and pra'tJiau.

(59) Quoted in Wood, History of Siam, pp. 176-7; Ravenswaay, 'Van Vliet's description', p. 37; Dhiravat na Pombejra, 'A political history of Siam under the Prasatthong dynasty 1629-1688' (Ph.D. diss., University of London: 1984), p. 158. Japan, Lampang and Cambodia also refused to send tribute to the new king.

(60) Ravenswaay, 'Van Vliet's description', p. 37.

(61) DR 1640, pp. 85-6.

(62) D.K. Bassett, 'Changes in the pattern of Malay politics, 1629-c. 1655', Journal of Southeast Asian Studies [hereafter, JSEAS], 10, 3 (1969): 430.

(63) Bernard H.M. Vlekke, Nusantara: A history of the East Indian archipelago (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1943), p. 109; Bassett, 'Pattern of Malay politics', p. 430; D.G.E. Hall, A history of South-East Asia, 4th edn (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1981), p. 369.

(64) Bassett, 'Pattern of Malay politics', p. 431; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, p. 18.

(65) Bassett, 'Pattern of Malay politics', p. 431.

(66) In 1633, Ayudhya attempted unsuccessfully to forge an alliance with Aceh against both the Portuguese and Patani. W. Linehan, 'A history of Pahang', JMBRAS, 14 (1936): 39; Dhiravat, Political history of Siam, p. 167.

(67) Ravenswaay, 'Van Vliet's description', p. 38.

(68) Ibid.

(69) Pierre-Yves Manguin, 'The vanishing jong: Insular Southeast Asian fleets in trade and war (fifteenth to seventeenth centuries)', in Southeast Asia in the early modern era: Trade, power, and belief, ed. Anthony Reid, Asia East by South series (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), p. 212.

(70) Bassett, 'Patterns in Malay politics', p. 431.

(71) DR 1634, p. 432.

(72) The Dutch nevertheless made a symbolic attack oil six empty junks and captured a few Patani prisoners whom they took to Ayudhya to defray accusations that the failure of the invasion had been their fault. Refer to Ravenswaay, 'Van Vliet's description', pp. 39-40; Dhiravat, Political history of Siam, pp. 178, 180.

(73) Ravenswaay, 'Van Vliet's description', pp. 39-40; Dhiravat, Political history of Siam, p. 178.

(74) Generale missiven van Gouverneurs-Generaal en Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie [hereafter, GM] I, p. 516; Ravenswaay, 'Van Vliet's description', p. 41.

(75) Dhiravat, Political history of Siam, p. 183.

(76) DR 1636, p. 55.

(77) Davisakd, 'Ayudhya in Patani's grasp', p. 7; David K. Wyatt, Thailand: A short history (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), p. 111; Dhiravat, Political history of Siam, pp. 227-8.

(78) Ibid., p. 228.

(79) Ibid., pp. 228-9.

(80) Ibid., p. 231.

(81) David and Portman to Surat, 3 Feb. 1671, RR II, p. 101.

(82) The letter stated that Patani's army was four times the size of Songhkla's force. This also coincides with the population difference between the two polities likely due to Songhkla's two and a half decades of near-constant conflict with Siam. Refer to ibid.

(83) The intrigue between Patani and its peninsular neighbours in the 1670s to 1680s plays out in Section V of the Hikayat Patani, which chronicles the many political players during the reign of Raja Emas Kelantan. Corroborating the events and key figures from the Hikayat Patani with Dutch and English records support the revised chronology of this article. Refer to LC 1839, pp. 83-8; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 136-40, 205-10.

(84) An English East India Company agent in Kedah claimed the war had ceased nine months prior with Siam as the victor. Refer to letter of Burroughs to Surat, 28 Oct. 1674, Ibid., p. 111.

(85) Ibid.

(86) The two-year interval between the rebellions of 1674 and 1676 fits with the chronology given in the Hikayat Patani. Refer to LC 1839, pp. 84-5; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 137, 206; DR 1676, p. 340; GM IV, p. 160.

(87) Potts to Siam Factors, 18 Sept. 1678, RR II, p. 178.

(88) DR 1678, p. 20.

(89) DR 1679, p. 563.

(90) William Strangh's Journal, 23 Nov. 1683, RR III, p. 234.

(91) GM IV, p. 380.

(92) Dhiravat, Political history of Siam, p. 339. One of the Siamese officials sent by Ayudhya in the early 1680s to solidify its position in Patani, Aya Wang or Okya Wang, appears both in Malay and Dutch records, which helps to solidify the revised chronology set forth in this article. Refer to LC 1839, p. 85; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 137-8, 206-7, 269; GM IV, p. 662.

(93) Junk trade, pp. 115, 118.

(94) Ibid., pp. 120, 122-4; John O'Kane, The ship of Sulaiman, Persian Heritage Series, no. 11 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1972), p. 219.

(95) Note that an initial Dutch report listed the Siamese casualties as 60,000, but later amended the number. See GM IV, pp. 464, 499; Dhiravat na Pombejra, 'Ayutthaya at the end of the seventeenth century: Was there a shift to isolation?', in Southeast Asia in the early modern era: Trade, power, and belief, ed. Anthony Reid, Asia East by South series (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), pp. 256-7.

(96) The tactic apparently inflicted frequent casualties, however. Refer to Junk trade, pp. 121-4; GM IV, p. 660.

(97) Alexander Hamilton, A new account of the East Indies, vol. II, ed. William Foster (London: The Argonaut Press, 1930), p. 84; also see Junk trade, pp. 124-9.

(98) John Villiers, 'The cash-crop economy and state formation in the Spice Islands in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries', in Southeast Asian port and polity: Rise and demise, ed. J. Kathirithamby-Wells and John Villiers (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1990), p. 91; Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the age of commerce 1450-1680, vol. II: Expansion and crisis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), pp. 265-6.

(99) For an account of Patani's sixteenth-century rise to prominence, refer to Francis R. Bradley, 'Piracy, smuggling, and trade in the rise of Patani, 1490-1600', JSS, 96 (2008): 27-50.

(100) W.P. Groeneveldt, De Nederlanders in China. Vol. 1: De Eerste bemoeiingen om den handel in China en de vestiging in de Pescadores (1601-1624), Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1898), pp. 14-19; for an account of VOC activities in Patani, refer to H. Terpstra, De Factor(j der Oostindische Compagnie te Patani (The Hague: Martinus Niihoff, 1938).

(101) DR 1636, p. 45; De Opkomst van het Nederlandsch Gezag in Oost-Indie (1595-1610), vol. II, ed. J.K.J. de Jonge (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1865), p. 247; Jan Pietersz. Coen: Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indie Verzameld, vol. II, ed. H.T. Colenbrander (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoft, 1920), pp. 228-9, ibid., vol. III (1921), p. 856; Bouwstoffen voor de geschiedenis der Nederlanders in den Maleischen Archipel, ed. P.A. Tiele (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoft, 1890), pp. 173-4, 220.

(102) DR 1624-29, p. 125; Reid, Age of commerce, 1. II, p. 129; W. Cummings, 'The Melaka Malay diaspora in Makassar, c. 1500-1669', JMBRAS, 71, 1 (1998): 114; Heather Sutherland, 'The Makassar Malays: Adaptation and identity, c. 1660-1790', in Contesting Malayness: Malay identity across boundaries, ed. Timothy P. Barnard (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2004), p. 80.

(103) Even after the 1630s conflict, the German traveller Mandelslo estimated Patani's 'fighting men' to number approximately 10,000. Refer to John Albert de Mandelslo, The travels of John Albert de Mandelslo, (a gentleman belonging to the embassy) from Persia, into the East-Indies (London: Printed for Thomas Dring and John Starkey, 1662), pp. 133-4; Coen, vol. VII, pp. 639-49; Peter Floris, pp. 94-5; Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the age of commerce, vol. 1: The lands below the winds (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), p. 21; Terpstra, Factorij der Oostindische Compagnie, p. 163.

(104) Anthony Reid, 'Economic and social change, c. 1400-1800', in Cambridge history of Southeast Asia, Vol. 1: From early times to c. 1800, ed. Nicholas Tarling (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 485.

(105) Ibid., p. 479; Floris borrowed money from the raja of Patani at 7.5% interest during his visit to the port in 1612. Refer to Mooreland, Peter Floris, pp. 75-6.

(106) Patani supplied pepper to Aceh and several ports of northern lava, but the Dutch and English companies began to interrupt this trade gradually after 1600. The head of Dutch mercantile strategy, Jan Pieterszen Coen, led the push by the VOC to control the Jambi pepper trade after 1615 which cut off one of the supply lines to the Patani market. The Dutch Dagh-register affords Patani noticeably fewer entries in the 1650s and 1660s than in the preceding and succeeding decades. Refer to DR 1631, p. 19; Bouwstoffen, p. 221.

(107) GM III, pp. 56, 68, 323.

(108) Reid, Age of commerce, vol. II, p. 320.

(109) The letters of Samuel Potts, the English East India Company agent in Songhkla (Malay: Singgora), are invaluable to the study of Patani's relations with the company during the period. 'Several transactions at Siam', July-Nov. 1678, RR II, pp. 167-8; Letter of Potts to Siam Factors, 18 Sept. 1678, RR II, pp. 177-81; Letter of Burnaby to Bantam, 28 Oct. 1678, RR II, p. 184; Letter of Potts to Burnahy, 16 Nov. 1678, RR II, pp. 189-90; Letter of Potts to Burnaby, 19 Dec. 1678, RR II, pp. 200-1; Letter of Potts to Burnaby, 22 Jan. 1679, RR II, pp. 214-15; Letter of Potts to Burnaby, 23 Mar. 1679, RR II, pp. 220-1; Letter of Potts to Burnaby, 9 Aug. 1679, RR II, pp. 237-9; 'Council at Batavia to the Dutch East India Company', 3 Mar. 1680, RR II, p. 267.

(110) Potts to Siam Factors, 18 Sept. 1678, RR II, p. 178.

(111) GM IV, pp. 691, 760.

(112) DR 1632, p. 123.

(113) The Chinese were most prevalent at Patani, Johnre, and Melaka. GM III, p. 19.

(114) Nieuhoft, 'Voyages and travels', p. 218.

(115) Anthony Reid, 'Understanding Melayu (Malay) as a source of diverse modern identities', JSEAS, 32, 3 (2001): 301.

(116) Ibid.

(117) GM III, p. 323.

(118) Sutherland, 'The Makassar Malays', p. 83.

(119) GM IV, p. 417.

(120) Reid, 'Economic and social change', p. 493.

(121) Sinnappah Arasaratnam, 'The Coromandel-Southeast Asia trade 1650-1740: Challenges and responses of a commercial system', Journal of Asian History, 18 (1984): 126.

(122) E.M. Satow, 'Notes on the intercourse between Japan and Siam in the seventeenth century', Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 13 (1885): 140.

(123) Reid, Age of commerce, vol. II, pp. 289-90.

(124) Junk trade, pp. 103-29; GM IV, p. 537; Sarasin, Tribute and profit, pp. 15-16, 65-6.

(125) Junk trade, pp. 115-29; Sarasin, Tribute and profit, p. 66.

(126) Hamilton, New account, p. 84.

(127) GM V, p. 721.

(128) GM VII, p. 98.

(129) Junk trade, pp. 115, 118; Nieuhoff, 'Voyages and travels', p. 220.

(130) GM VI, p. 813, 856; GM VII, p. 67.

(131) In the Hikayat Patani's account of the bendahara of Patani, it specifically notes that the raja could no longer effectively bestow royal patronage upon court elites. Refer to LC 1839, pp. 74-80; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 128-33, 197-202.

(132) LC 1839, pp. 74-78, 83-88; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 128-31, 136-40, 197-201, 205-10.

(133) Please refer to table 1 (Appendix). Refer to Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, p. 52.

(134) LC 1839, pp. 5, 14, 46, 50, 58; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 71, 78, 103, 106, 113, 148, 154, 175, 178, 184.

(135) This feature appears throughout the text as a bridge between separate sections of the story.

(136) One of the authors complained about how the traditions of the court changed with the first king of the Kelantan dynasty. Among other things, the influx of a new elite patronised by the king, literally replaced the old court functionaries, including those involved in preserving the stories of olden times. See LC 1839, p. 80; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 132-3, 202.

(137) T.J. Newbold, 'A note on Malayan Mss. and books presented to the Society', Madras Journal of Literature and Science, 7 (1838): 85.

(138) Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 201; A note on Malayan Mss. and books presented to the Society: 2.

(139) LC 1839, pp. 20-4; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 83-6, 159-61.

(140) LC 1839, pp. 54-8; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 110-13, 181-4.

(141) Junk trade, pp. 115-24.

(142) Ibid., pp. 127-9.

(143) LC 1839, pp. 74-80; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 128-30, 132-3, 197-9, 201-2, 266.

(144) LC 1839, p. 79, Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 132, 201.

(145) Ibid., p. 266.

(146) Ibid.

(147) Only a weak oral tradition has survived telling of the early raja of the Kelantan dynasty. It may follow from this that a faction associated with the Inland dynasty survived in court life after Raja Kuning was deposed which, for whatever reason, chose not to continue to record tales of the raja of the new dynasty.

(148) Ibid., pp. 200-1.

(149) Wyatt, 'Thai version', p. 33.

(150) Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, p. 50.

(151) A.C. Milner, Kerajaan: Malay political culture on the eve of colonial rule, ed. Frank Reynolds et al., Association for Asian Studies Monograph no. 40 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1982), pp. 53-71.

(152) The instruments of the Patani nobat were far more numerous than any of the other Malay nobats of the peninsula. 'Such a large orchestra is evidence of great affluence and elaborate royal pageantry. Other courts that possessed nobats, viz. Kedah, Perak, Selangor, and Terengganu each consisted of five instruments:

one nafiri, one serunai, two gendang, and one negara, whereas Patani's nobat consisted of eight nafiri, four serunai, twelve gendang, and eight negara.' Letter from Tan Sri Haji Mubin Sheppard to A. Teeuw, 25 Mar. 1969, quoted in Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 59-60; also see 51-2, 141, 211, 285; LC 1839, p. 89.

(153) The Malay word nobat refers to the royal ensemble of the court that had many ceremonial functions. The verb form of the word, menobatkan, means 'to install, inaugurate, crown'.

(154) Sejarah Melayu or Malay annals, Oxford in Asia Historical Reprints, C.C. Brown (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 146.

(155) Syukri, History of the Malay kingdom of Patani, pp. 58-9.

(156) The author used an obscure Arabic phrase, 'la'nat al-zaman', that hints at a religious connotation. See LC 1839, p. 80; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hika)'at Patani, pp. 133, 202.

(157) Until 1809, there is little evidence of a strong literary culture in Patani.

(158) Syukri, History of the Malay kingdom of Patani, pp. 52-3. Fatani, Pengantar sejarah Patani, p. 41.

(159) R. Bonney, Kedah 1771-1821: The search for security and independence (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 81.

(160) Syukri, History of the Malay kingdom of Patani, p. 59; Fatani, Pengantar sejarah Patani, pp. 53-5.

(161) For an account of the abortive 1791 rebellion, refer to Bonney, Kedah 1771-1821, pp. 101-2. After Siam put down the 1808 rebellion, Patani was divided into seven small provinces known collectively as Khaek Jet Huamuang in an aim to quell further resistance to Siamese rule. Refer to Kobkua, Thai-Malay relations, pp. 124, 161. The American missionary Howard Malcolm, who passed through the Patani region in the late 1830s, observed that the area had been depopulated in the recent rebellion and many slaves taken back to Bangkok, where they were distributed to the chief families of the court there. Refer to Howard Malcolm, Travels in South-Eastern Asia, embracing Hindustan, Malaya, Siam, and China; with notices of numerous missionary stations and a full account of the Burman empire with dissertations, tables, etc., vol. II, 6th edition (Boston: Gould, Kendall and Lincoln, 1840), pp. 106.

(162) The head of British operations in Penang, Francis Light, in one of his letters to the governor-general of India, wrote of the invasion, 'The Siamese general is extirpating Pattany [sic] of all the men, children and old women, he orders to be tied down upon the ground and then trampled to death by elephants.' Quoted in Bonney, Kedah 1771-1821, p. 79. Furthermore, the uparat of the Siamese army warned Sultan Abdullah of Kedah not to accept any refugees from Patani, though such was an impossibility given their incredible number. Refer to ibid., pp. 79-80. Population estimates are difficult during this period. In the seventeenth century, Patani's population peaked around 50,000. By the 1820s, the British envoy Henry Burney approximated Patani's population to have grown to only 70,000, which seems likely due to its recent wars. Refer to Henry Burney, The Burney papers, vol. V, pt. 1 (Bangkok: Vajiranana National Library, 1914), p. 30.

(163) C.E. Wurtzburg, 'A brief account of the several countries surrounding Prince of Wales's Island with their production', JMBRAS, 16, 1 (1938): 123.

(164) Islam had well-established roots in the Patani Sultanate dating to as early as the 14th century. After the invasion, however, which resulted in the destruction of the political elites but which left Islamic leadership more or less intact, religious elites no longer had to 'compete' with court notables for positions of leadership in the community. The entire system of symbolic authority surrounding the raja, including the royal regalia of nobat, the centrality of the palace, and the strength of the cannons had all been swept away. Refer to 'Eredia's description of Malaca, Meridional India, and Cathay, translated from the Portuguese with notes', ed. and trans. I.V. Mills, JMBRAS, 8, 1 (1930): 49; Syukri, History of the Malay kingdom of Patani, p. 56.

(165) Sheikh Daud bin Abdullah al-Fatani was the first of the prominent Patani ulama who, through the course of the 19th century, became involved in pan-Islamic movements towards reforming education not only in Patani but throughout Islamic parts of the peninsula, Sumatra, Cambodia and Vietnam. Refer to William R. Roff, 'The origin and early years of the Majlis Ugama', in Kelantan: Religion, society and politics in a Malay state (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1974), pp. 101-52; Virginia Matheson and M.B. Hooker, 'Jawi literature in Patani: The maintenance of an Islamic tradition', JMBRAS, 61, 1 (1988): 1-86; Mohd. Shaghir Abdullah, Syeikh Daud bin Abdullah al-Fatani: Ulama dan pengarang terulung Asia Tenggara (Kuala Lumpur: Penerbitan Hizbi, 1990); Ismail Che Daud, Tokoh-tokoh Mama semenanjung Melayu (Kota Bharu: Majlis Ugama Islam dan Adat Istiadat Melayu Kelantan, 1992); Peter Riddell, Islam and the Malay-Indonesian world: Transmission and responses (London: Hurst, 2001), pp. 198-200; Ahmad Fathy al-Fatani, Ulama besar dari Patani (Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 2002); Hasan Madmarn, The pondok & madrasah in Patani, ed. Wan Hashim Wan Teh, Monograph Series of Malay World and Civilisation (Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 2002), pp. 17-48; Azra, Origins of Islamic reformism, pp. 122-6.

Francis R. Bradley is a Doctoral Candidate at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. Correspondence in connection with this paper should be addressed to: I would like to thank Dr Michiko Tsuneda for her comments on a draft of this article. I would also like to thank Dr Srisompob Jitpiromsri, Mr Ahmad Somboon Bualuang and Mr Ismail Benjasamith for their kindness and assistance throughout my various research trips to Pattani, Thailand. I also wish to acknowledge the help of Mr Larry Ashmun in obtaining a copy of the 1839 Abdullah Menshi recension from the Library of Congress. Finally, I wish to thank Bang Lah for sharing his many stories, maps and histories with me. I also extend my gratitude to the Social Science Research Council for funding my research trip in 2006 during which time I conducted part of the research for this article.
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Author:Bradley, Francis R.
Publication:Journal of Southeast Asian Studies
Article Type:Critical essay
Geographic Code:9THAI
Date:Jun 1, 2009
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