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Mesopotamian scholarship in Hattusa and the Sammeltafel KUB 4.53.

The tablet published as KUB 4.53 is something of an enigma in the cuneiform text corpus from Hattusa. E. Weidner (1922) first included it among the Akkadian-language "Med-izinische Texte" (KUB 4.48-62) from the early excavations at the Hittite capital, placing it in a heterogeneous group of fragmentary sources that consist mainly of medical therapeutic texts with incantations and recipes. (1) Several decades later E. Laroche (1971: 148) listed KUB 4.53 among the unidentified fragments of Sumero-Akkadian literary compositions (CTH 819), and G. Wilhelm (1994b) made hesitant mention of the tablet in his edition of the medical diagnostic texts from Hattusa, a classification that has gained traction in subsequent discussions (e.g., Sassmannshausen 2008: 286). The purpose of this article is to reexamine KUB 4.53 in order to situate it more precisely within the traditions of cuneiform scholarship in circulation in Hattusa during the Late Bronze Age. In what follows I argue that KUB 4.53 is a collective or Sammeltafel with an incantation-prayer or hymn (perhaps to the sun-god Samas) on its obverse and a collection of terrestrial omens on its reverse.

In the course of the complex editorial history of ancient Mesopotamian divinatory compositions, individual omens or groups of omens were sometimes incorporated into a variety of different omen series known principally from first-millennium manuscripts. The case of KUB 4.53 rev, is curious in that it may correspond with sections of two different first-millennium omen compositions. I suggest that KUB 4.53 rev, contained terrestrial omens of the kind later incorporated into the series gumma Nu. At the same time, this section of text may also provide a second-millennium forerunner of the otherwise unknown Tablet 25 of the medical diagnostic-prognostic series Sakikka. However, before investigating the specific contents and significance of KUB 4.53 it is necessary to provide a few general remarks about the diagnostic-prognostic series and the relationship between that genre and the wider text corpus of Mesopotamian omen literature. I will then discuss the placement of KUB 4.53 in the Mesopotamian scholarly traditions of Hattusa, focusing on both the specific textual genres that contain therapeutic recitations against illness and the transmission of terrestrial omen texts. An edition of KUB 4.53 can be found in the appendix.

The forty-tablet Mesopotamian treatise on disease, medical diagnosis, and prognosis, the standard diagnostic handbook or diagnostic-prognostic series, is referred to in first-millennium Babylonia and Assyria by the incipit of its first tablet, Enuma ana bit marsi asipu (2) illaku, "When an exorcist goes to a sick man's house," as well as with the designation SA.GIG = sakikku, probably to be glossed as 'symptom(s)' (Labat 1951; Hee[beta]el 2000; Maul 2003: 64-66). First-millennium scribal traditions attributed the redaction of this text to an eleventh-century Babylonian scholar (Finkel 1988; Hee[beta]el 2000: 104-10), and a number of fragmentary sources point to the existence of the genre in the second millennium B.C.E., so it is no surprise that Akkadian-language medical diagnostic texts have been found in the tablet collections of the Hittite capital (CTH 537). (3) To date some eighteen fragmentary sources have been identified, and among them are at least three sets of duplicates. (4) These sources are witnesses from an important and poorly documented period in the transmission of both medical and divinatory texts from Mesopotamia proper.

The series Sakikku is a treatise devoted specifically to reading and interpreting medical signs, but in fact a variety of Mesopotamian omen collections have select entries or entire sections that read aspects of the phenomenal world vis-a-vis health, illness, and death (van der loom 1985: 77-78; Bock 2000: 33-37; Hee[beta]el 2000: 76-77; Geller 2010: 39-42). Omens read from signs around (as opposed to on) the patient's body were even incorporated into Sakikku itself: it is well known that the first two tablets of the standard version of Sakikku are devoted not to a patient's medical signs but rather to various terrestrial omens that find their clearest parallels in the first-millennium omen series gumma alu (Freedman 1998, 2006; Hee[beta]el 2001-2b, 2007; Maul 2003: 58-62). In the case of Sakikka 1 the omens pertain to the exorcist's observations on the way to making his house call, while most of the entries in Sakikka 2 have direct parallels in various tablets of the series Summa alu (George 1991; Hee[beta]el 2001-2a). Although compendia of terrestrial omens are known from the second millennium (Hee[beta]el 2007: 2), very few of the entries in Sakikku 1-2 have clear antecedents among the early omen collections. (5) Therefore, if correctly identified, the omen text on KUB 4.53 rev, would contribute to the current understanding of the circulation of terrestrial omen texts in Hattusa (CTH 536; Riemschneider 2004: 6-7; Cohen 2007). Before discussing this omen text, I will first summarize what is known about KUB 4.53 and then address the text on its obverse.

KUB 4.53 (Bo 1284) is an upper-right-hand fragment with some fifteen lines on the obverse and ten lines on the reverse, and its ductus has been identified as that of the so-called Mittanian school (Wilhelm 1994b: 6; cf. Schwemer 1998: 8-39). Both the obverse and the reverse have a vertical ruling that gives a guide for properly spacing the text across the tablet's surface. The obverse consistently follows this vertical line, while the text on the reverse does not. (6) Only the reverse has regular horizontal rulings. Virtually nothing is known about where the tablet was found (Kosak 2005: 43). KUB 4.53 can be referred to as a collective/combination tablet or Sammeltafel because the fragmentary contents of the obverse and reverse are difficult to reconcile with one another as a single continuous text. As noted above, Wilhelm (1994b: 73-74, Fragment N) was duly cautious about including KUB 4.53 rev. in his text corpus, but the appearance of the lexeme silittu < sili'tu, 'illness', on the reverse seemed to provide reason enough for him to mention it as a possible medical diagnostic text. In fact, Wilhelm bracketed this example and referred to it as a "Schulertafel" on account of the "isolierte Worter und Wendungen" on its obverse (Wilhelm I 994b: 5, 74: Biggs 1997: 231; van den Hout 2003: 89).

Enough is intelligible on KUB 4.53 obverse to suggest that it contained an incantation-prayer or hymn, and the isolated words, phrases, and epithets are consistent with an address to Samas (cf. Tallqvist 1938: 453-60). Although it must be stressed that the divine name Samas is not found in the extant text, the epithets and descriptive phrases that can be identified do not fit well with either Ea or Asalluhi. The preserved section is only an introductory address, presumably to curry divine favor, and the overall structure and function of the text remain elusive. However, Sumerian-Akkadian bilingual and Akkadian-language incantation-prayers and hymns to the sun-god are known to have existed in Hattusa, (7) and parallel phrases can be found in a variety of later texts. (8)

The reverse of KUB 4.53 poses altogether different problems, since no parallels have been recognized thus far in the medical diagnostic-prognostic series (Wilhelm 1994b: 74; Biggs 1997: 231). My contention here is that KUB 4.53 rev, is a second-millennium version of an omen text introduced summa naru sa res marsi, "If the lamp at the head of a sick man," some version of which was later incorporated into the terrestrial omen series Summa alu. Although its incipit is not preserved, the topic of one version of Summa alu Tablet 94 is given in a section rubric on the reverse of a Neo-Assyrian manuscript from Nineveh (CT 39.36 r.17', Freedman 1998: 341-42, cf. 22):
  Twenty-five (entries): "(If) the lamp at the head of a sick man."
  94th Tablet, "If a city is set on a height."

The only source published at present (K.4097+) has excerpts from at least four different tablets of the canonical series. (9) The topic of igniting fire does occur in a small section of one of the two terrestrial omen tablets incorporated into the beginning of the diagnostic-prognostic series Sakikku (Sakikku 2:78-81), but any possible correspondence between this section of canonical Sakikku 2 and Summa alu is still not clear due to the incomplete preservation of the latter (Hee[beta]el 2001-2a: 25, 36-37). Nevertheless, the presumed topic of Summa alu 94 and its precursors--the behavior of the light source placed at the head of someone who is sick--would suggest that it would have been ideal for inclusion in Sakikku. The text of Sakikku has not been fully reconstructed, but according to the Sakikku-Alamdimmu catalog, the incipit of Tablet 25 of Sakikku is summa nuru sa ina res marsi kunnu, "If a lamp that was set up at the head of a sick man" (CTN 4.71:30, Finkel 1988: 147). At present no sources for this tablet are known (Hee[beta]el 2000: 32). (10) The parallel apodoses (see appendix) give hints that the reverse of KUB 4.53 may preserve at least one textual tradition behind Summa alu 94 (and perhaps Sakikku 25). That is to say, if correct this identification would make KUB 4.53 rev, only the second Akkadian-language compendium of terrestrial omens known in the text corpus from the Hittite capital (cf. KBo. 36.47 rev., Cohen 2007: 235-37, 243-47), and it would also provide a second-millennium forerunner of an otherwise unknown tablet in the medical diagnostic-prognostic series. Confirmation or refutation of these claims must await additional data such as joins, duplicates, or more complete parallels.

The following concluding remarks speak to three issues that are germane to the present discussion: the identification and reconstruction of the texts found on KUB 4.53; the question of the relationship between the texts on the obverse and reverse of the tablet; and the significance of the circulation of a source like KUB 4.53 in Late Bronze Age Hattuga.

The first question is: can a specific scholarly text be identified by its apodoses when they are compared diachronically? Because the text on the obverse of KUB 4.53 is so fragmentary, I will focus on the reconstruction of the text found on its reverse. Identifying the transmission of a given textual tradition relies on being able to observe the distinctiveness and the stability of a text over time. Examples could be taken from a variety of sources, such as the medical diagnostic-prognostic series, but the following survey will be restricted to the corpus of terrestrial omens. These texts can shed light on the little-known dynamics of textual transmission in the second millennium. Despite the fact that textual transmission in Hattusa followed its own distinctive course, Akkadian-language compendia of terrestrial omens had their origins further east, making it necessary to look there for possible parallels that may be useful for modeling diachronic changes in the textual traditions in question.

The apodoses of Old Babylonian and Standard Babylonian collections of bird omens exhibit well-known similarities in "tone" and are occasionally even expressed in identical language (Weisberg 1969-70: 103). For example, certain individual terrestrial omens found in Old Babylonian (BM 113915 ii 16-21) and Standard Babylonian (catchline CT 41.14:9-10, Sm.1952+) copies manifest identical formulations of both the omen and its apodosis (Weisberg 1969-70: 96). (11) However, other OB/SB parallels are not quite as tidy (Freedman 1998: 13). (12) The short Old Babylonian compendium of terrestrial omens from Haradum shows thematic similarities with various sections of Summa alu (Joannes 2006: 147-50, no. 107), but there are very few direct parallels (Joannes 1994: 307, line 2'; cf. Freedman 2006: 138-39 and 145, Summa alu 30:53'). Later second-millennium sources exhibit even greater continuity with those from the first millennium, but parallels are still lacking in many instances. For example, a detailed comparison of Middle Babylonian (BM 108874) and Standard Babylonian (K.6278+) versions of bird omens shows that most identical omens likewise have identical apodoses, though admittedly some are different (De Zorzi 2009: 91, 93-94).

Furthermore, a number of terrestrial omen compendia were found at Assur and are conventionally dated to the Middle Assyrian period based on ductus, format, and contents. Among these tablets are several copies of terrestrial omen texts, some of which contain entries that were later incorporated into the series Summa alu (Hee[beta]el 2007: 6). (13) The source material from Ugarit is difficult to match with later textual traditions due to the incomplete preservation of the former (RS 92.2018; see D. Arnaud in Yon and Arnaud 2001: 334-35, 337, no. 30), and the very existence of the genre at Emar remains disputed (e.g., Emar VI/4.685 and 700; cf. Cohen 2009: 213). In Hattusa the Sammeltafel KBo. 36.47 contains omens later incorporated into the series Summa immeru (behavior of the sacrificial sheep) and Summa alu (one entry in SB Tablet 41), which are separated by an internal colophon (see Cohen 2007 for text and discussion). In the case of the entry found in both second- and first-millennium sources (KBo. 36.47 r. iii 7' // CT 41.9, Sm.919 r.? 6'; see Cohen 2007: 235, 243) both apodoses are broken, but the traces are difficult to reconcile with one another.

Returning to the topic at hand, a comparison of the sources from Hattusa and Nineveh illustrates that the texts of KUB 4.53 rev, and Summa alu Tablet 94 are similar though not identical (see appendix), with one identical protasis-apodosis pair (r.7'), four identical apodoses (r. 3', 7', 9', 10'), three possibly identical apodoses (r.1', 2', 8'), and three divergent lines (r.4', 5', 6'). Because the left edge is not preserved, it is even possible that some entries on KUB 4.53 rev, occupied more than one line. Despite the lack of total agreement between the Hittite and Neo-Assyrian versions, no better parallel suggests itself. Furthermore, the Old Babylonian, Middle Babylonian, and Middle Assyrian versions of this genre illustrate that textual distinctiveness and stability can be expected to occur only at the level of individual entries and sections, if at all. Reading horizontally, terrestrial omen texts can be relatively stable over time, which is illustrated nicely by the one nearly complete omen and its apodosis in the versions from both Hattusa and Nineveh (see KUB 4.53 r. 7'). However, it can be difficult to assess the point at which reading a sequence of entries (i.e., vertically) constitutes a distinctive and stable text, since with many ancient compositions stability is illusory.

A second question is: what is the relationship between the texts on the obverse and reverse of KUB 4.53? KUB 4.53 has been identified as a "school tablet" (e.g., Wilhelm 1994b: 5), and it is commonplace to assume that there is no relationship between or among the various compositions written or excerpted on a Sammeltafel derived from scribal training. Looking in particular at Hittite literature, Hutter (2011: 123, 125) has recently suggested making a finer distinction between "school tablets" and proper Sammeltafeln, whose contents cohere according to some discernable logic. However, even seemingly disparate compositions are connected on a collective school tablet, if only by the apprentice scribe who had to think about and write both of them while holding the tablet and stylus. If it is correctly identified as a school tablet, placing KUB 4.53 in an educational context provides an additional impetus to attempt to understand connections between the texts on the obverse and reverse. However, because the find-spot of KUB 4.53 is an entirely unknown, it is all the more difficult to place it within the library culture and school curricula in the Hittite capital (cf. Weeden 2011: 603-8).

If, as I have argued, the text on the obverse is the beginning of an incantation-prayer or hymn and the reverse is best understood as a collection of terrestrial omens, then it may be tempting to see the fragmentary text on the obverse as a second-millennium precursor of the well-known namburbi literature. The apotropaic rituals and incantations designated NAM. BUR.BI (Akk. namburbu) typically functioned to counter the ill effects of ominous signs, and it is well known that namburbis were often associated with Summa alu, among other texts (Maul 1994: 163-65; Freedman 1998: 12-13).

However, two factors speak against such an interpretation of KUB 4.53. First, the namburbi literature generally dates to the first millennium, While Maul (1994: 102-3, 159) has argued that the earliest namburbi is present in the text corpus from Hattusa, (14) Schwemer (1998: 148) rightly objects that only parts of two lines appear to correspond to the alleged later version of the text and that lumun libbi in KUB 4.17:1 more likely denotes an illness than an instance of the expression lumun X, "evil of (some ominous sign)," found in many namburbis. More promising is a fragment from the so-called "House of Urtenu" in Ugarit (RS 92.2018) that may provide evidence for an early combination of terrestrial omens and namburbi-like corrective rituals (Yon and Arnaud 2001: 334-35, 337, no. 30). Regardless, the earliest unambiguous copy of a namburbi appears to be a late-Middle Assyrian tablet from Assur (LKA 116), which contains measures to counteract the appearance of katarru-fungus (Maul 1994: 161, 355-66; cf. Summa alu 12:32, Freedman 1998: 194). The order of the texts on KUB 4.53 also makes it unlikely that it consists of an omen extract with its namburbi: in all cases the namburbi follows the omen statements it is meant to counteract, either embedded between entries or inserted at the end of the omen text as a whole (e.g., CT 38.29, Freedman 1998: 295-305; KAR 377, Freedman 2006: 256). The presence of a colophon directly after the omens in KUB 4.53 clarifies the order of the tablet's obverse and reverse, though it could be argued that such conventions in textual presentation were unknown or ignored in Hattusa. In any case, a full incantation of the kind presumably on KUB 4.53 obv. would be unexpected in an embedded namburbi. The embedded namburbis typically contain procedural instructions that may cite an incantation by its incipit, but they do not give the more lengthy recitations found in full namburbi tablets.

Another possible connection between the texts on the obverse and reverse of KUB 4.53 is the theme of the lamp and the patient, which is attested in both iconography and texts from the first millennium. For example, the central registers of two unprovenienced Lamastu plaques show a lamp on a stand situated at the head of a bed-ridden patient (Wiggermann 2007: 107-8, Fig. 3). Furthermore, the series Bit meseri (15) contains an incantation-prayer to Nusku with a rubric that gives instructions for reciting the text in front of nuru ([.sup.d]ZALAG) sa res marsi saknu, "the lamp that is placed at the head of a sick person" (KAR 58:25 and dupls. = UFBG Nusku 2, Mayer 1976: 482-84). There is evidence that Nusku was associated with the lamp ([.sup.d]ZALAG, [.sup.d]IZI.GAR, nuru) as early as the Kassite period (Streck 2001: 632), making Samas and Nusku a natural pair, the gods that illuminated the day and the night. There are even different versions of incantation-prayers in which Samas and Nusku were interchangeable: the version of at least one incantation in Bit rimki is addressed to Samas, while its counterpart in Maqlu calls on Nusku (UFBG Nusku 9, Mayer 1976: 407; see further Schwemer 2007a: 53-55). The possibility of such a connection between KUB 4.53 obverse and reverse is tantalizing, but unfortunately the specifics of the parallel are too weak to be decisive: there is simply no reason to associate the text on the obverse with the god Nusku. Looking at the obverse and reverse of KUB 4.53, the most compelling connection that can be inferred is quite general: a common concern with illness, both an appeal for divine aid (obverse) and reading the signs encoded around it (reverse).

A reconsideration of KUB 4.53 also makes a modest contribution to our understanding of Mesopotamian scholarship in the Hittite capital. Almost thirty years after the foundational study on this topic (Beckman 1983), there is renewed interested in how best to interpret the presence of Mesopotamian literature and learning in kjatti (e.g., Fincke 2009; Fincke 2010b; Klinger 2010). It appears that Mesopotamian texts were not just copied and kept but also understood and, at times, even translated and used in Hittite circles. Akkadian and Sumerian-Akkadian bilingual hymns to the sun-god are found in Hattusa (see n. 7 above), but these texts are commonly viewed as scholastic curiosities that contributed little to active Hittite religious ideology and cultic practice (Wilhelm 1994a: 68-69). A look at the Akkadian-language incantation-prayers to Samas from Hattusa shows that the situation with Mesopotamian therapeutic texts is more complex (Mayer 1976: 422, UFBG Samas 103-5). Texts of this kind are found embedded within various therapeutic collections, some with recipes against a type of fever termed "li'bu of the mountain" (CTH 811; cf. Stol 2007: 12-13) and others with anti-witchcraft recipes introduced Summa amelu kasip, "If a man is bewitched" (CTH 803; Schwemer 2007a: 30-31 with Fig. 1). (16) Both of these compositions are Mesopotamian in the sense that they betray no trace of local languages, local cultural features, or, for that matter, local use. However, other works, such as the so-called "Hittite Ritual for Depression," were composed largely in Hittite and contain entire sections with substantial recitations, in Akkadian, to Samas among other deities (CTH 432, Beckman 2007). (17)

In sum, the fragmentary text on KUB 4.53 obv. may be similar to incantation-prayers found later on in apotropaic and therapeutic settings, and a reexamination of KUB 4.53 rev. shows that it should probably be reckoned among the sources for Mesopotamian terrestrial divination in Hattusa, specifically omens concerned with reading the signs encoded in events surrounding illness. KUB 4.53 rev. may thus provide a snapshot of a specific kind of terrestrial omen text prior to its incorporation into the well-known series Summa alu and Sakikku found in the first-millennium libraries of Assyria and Babylonia.

KUB 4.53 OBVERSE (18)

Text and Translation

1   [EN [.sup.d]UTU(?) ...    u 'qar-ra-du'     [.sup.d]asal-lu-hi
    [.sup.d]] 'e'-a
    [Incantation: Samas(?)
    ...] Ea and warrior

2   [[.sup.d]UTU(?) ...                         'x'NIG? AN ZU
    sa]r? AN-e u KI-ti [(x)]
    [Samas ... kin]g of
    heaven and earth ...

3   [... mus-te-s]ir          pu-ru-us-'se'     'ma'-a-ti
    [... who sets] aright
    the decision(s)
    concerning the land,

4   [...] nur DING]IR?/MES                       ka-ia-ma-nu
    [...] constant [light
    of the go]ds,

5   [... belu ra]-'bu?'-u                       'sa' KUR.KUR-ti
    [... gr]eat [lord] of
    the lands,

6   [...]                                       'i'-na a-se-e-ka
    [...] when you go out/

7   [... A]N?-e               DINGIR.MES        el-lu-[tu.sub.4]
    [...] heaven [...]
    the pure gods,

8   [...]                     is-ba-[tu.sub.4]  'SU'.MES-ka
    [...] (they) assisted

9   [...]                                       'i-na' pe-ti-ka
    [...] when you open,

10  [...]                                       i-na e-re-bi-ka
    [...] when  you enter

11  [...]                                       i-na 'x'-ri-'ka'
    [...] in your ... /
    when you ...

12  [...]                                       'ek-le-ta'
    [...] darkness.

13  [                                           ...] 'a?-di'
    [...] until you set,

14                                              ...] 'x' RA
                                                'TI?' x [(x)] ' x'
    [...] ...

15  [                                           ...]'x x' [...]
    [...] ...



L. 1: It is also possible that the beginning of the line should be reconstructed EN E.NU. RU, "enuru-incantation" (cf. KUB 4.24, CTH 806). Although the beginning of the line is not preserved, several of the epithets and phrases in the following lines appear to point to restoring the DN Samas in the break (see the parallels in the notes on subsequent lines). In any case, it would be difficult to see Ea or Asalluhi as the subject of the epithets and descriptive phrases in the subsequent lines. The sequence Ea, Samas, and Asalluhi is quite common in the incantation literature (Bottero 1988: 228-31; Maul 1994: passim), and there is even a namburbi with the incipit Ea Samas u Asalluhi (Maul 1994: 465-83). The proposed sequence here must be different, but the order Samas, Ea, and Asalluhi occurs as well (e.g., Maul 1994: 230, line 10'; cf. Biggs 1967: 38, 40, with Istar).

The traces before Asalluhi are difficult to interpret. An epithet of Samas is possible but. to my knowledge, without a compelling parallel (i.e., "Samas, X of Ea and Y of Asalluhi"), Thus, an epithet of Asalluhi seems more likely, and the phrase "warrior Asalluhi/Marduk" appears several times in the incantation series Utukku lemnutu: ur-sag [.sup.d]asal-lu-hi // qarradu Marduk (2:9 and 10: l'-42', see Geller 2007: 97, 151-52). Therefore, perhaps the traces could be read 'qar-ra-du' or 'qa-ra-du', though the former seems more likely based on some local parallels (e.g., KUB 37.139:6-7, CAD Q 143b). Another possibility would be "his (i.e., Ea's) son Asalluhi," but the traces do not seem to give much credence to such a reading.

L. 2: There are a couple of possible restorations for the head noun before the stock phrase same u erseti, (19) and the sign SAR would certainly fit the existing traces. Various possible parallels include Samas sar same u erseti, "Samas, king of heaven and earth" (KBo. 1.12 oby.! 1, Ebeling 1954: 213); [[.sup.d]utu] en gal lugal an-sar [ki-sar-ra(-[ke.sub.4])] / [Samas] belu tuba sar? kissat [same u] erseti, "[Utu/Samas] great lord, king of all heaven and earth" (KUB 37.115 (+) KBo. 7.2, Cooper 1972: 71, Bo 9; coll, from photo PhotArch BoFN05415). The end of line 2 in KUB 4.53 obv. is extremely problematic. Perhaps the entire line could be read instead: [i-n]a? AN-e u KI-ti 'su?'-'pat?' DINGIR-su, [ ... in] a same u erseti supat ilussu, "... his divinity is manifest in heaven and on earth." Against such a reading are the second person suffixes that appear in most of the lines that follow, but perhaps one could expect a shift from the third person (descriptive epithets) to the second person (descriptive address/appeal).

L. 3: This epithet appears to be unique so far (CAD P 533a sub purussu), but a similar epithet of Samas is found among the Akkadian texts from Hattusa: Width purusse, "giver of verdicts" (KBo. 1.12 obv.! 2, Ebeling 1954: 213). A few verbal constructions are relevant here as well, including purussaina tustesser, "you (Samas) set aright the decision concerning them (i.e., the wronged man and woman)" (summa amela etemmu isbassu, UFBG Samas 73 = BAM IV.323:27 // K.2132 obv., Scurlock 2006: 531, no. 226) and [[.sup.d]utu] es-bar kur-kur-ra si-sa-da za-e-me-en: Samas purusse matati sutesuru [...] "Yours (Sum.), 0 [Utu]/Samas, is the ability to set aright decisions concerning the lands" (Laessoe 1955: 53, 55, line 27, a ki-[/.sup.d]utu-kam incantation of the fifth "house" of Bit rimki). Another similar chain of epithets is found in the expression Samas sar same u erseti mustesir matati [atta], "Samas, king of heaven and earth, [you are] the one who keeps the lands in order" (Maul 1994: 241, line 67). The epithet mustesiru, lit. 'the one who puts/keeps (something) in (proper) order', exemplifies the role Samas plays in the namburbi literature (Maul 1994: 9). (20)

L. 4: Perhaps restore [nur DING]IR.MES ka-ia-ma-nu based on the epithet of Samas eddesu nur ili kayyanu, "ever self-renewing, constant light of the gods" (UFBG Samas 98 = PBS 1/1.13:3 // Sm.635+, Bit rimki; cf. Maul 1994: 411, line 10). Another text has the variants ka-ia-ma-nu / ka-a-a-nu when describing Samas (OECT 6, p. 52:29-30 // SpTU 4.127:19-20, ki-[.sup.d]utu-kam incantation, sixth "house" of Bit rimki, cf. Laessoe 1955: 67-68). Note also the following broken passage from the ki-[.sup.d]utu-kam incantation of the fifth "house" of Bit rimki: [...]-pa-e / [...] ka-a-a-man-nu (Sm.690+:20; see Laessoe 1955: 53). Cf. CAD K 37 sub kajamanu.

L. 5: The epithet en gal kur-kur-ra / belu rabu sa matati, "great lord of the lands," refers to Samas in the ki-[.sup.d]utu-kam incantation of the sixth "house" of Bit rimki (OECT 6. p. 54:17-18; cf. Laessoe 1955: 67-68). Another possibility would be to read the beginning of the line [ru]-'bu'-u (cf. CAD R 396a, 399a sub rubu).

L. 6: A number of passages in incantation-prayers refer to the sun-god "going out," i.e., rising. Examples include: Samas ina asika inammira kibrati, "When you go out, Samas, the regions (of the world) become bright" (UFBG Samas 73 = BAM IV.323:22 // K.2132 obv. // Sm.1118 obv., Scurlock 2006: 531); cf. Samas ina asika mu kasuti limhuruka, "When you go out, Samas, may cool waters meet you" (UFBG Samas 98 = PBS 1/1.13:10 // Sm.635+; cf. Laessoe 1955: 57, line 64); [[.sup.d]utu an-sa]-ga-ta-e: Sames ina same [ina asika] (Sm.690+:15, Laessoe 1955: 53, ki-[.sup.d]utu-kam incantation, fifth "house" of Bit rimki; cf. Maul 1994: 308, line 34'; OECT 6, p. 12, line 28). Cf. ina asika in reference to Nusku (KAR 58:30 = UFBG Nusku 3).

L. 7: The expression Samu ellutu is common (e.g., CAD S/1 341a, 344a, 345a sub samu, all in texts that mention Samas), but syntax dictates that the expression here should be ilu ellutu. Perhaps restore [ina/ana A]N-e, ina/ana same, at the break.

L. 8: Lit. "(they) seized your hands"; for this idiom, see CAD S 31b sub sabatu. Are "they" the "gods" from line 7 or Ea and Asalluhi from line 1? It is also conceivable that "your hands" are the subject of the verb, i.e., "your hands seized [...]."

L. 9: A reading i-na bi-ti-ka, "in your house/temple," is possible but difficult to interpret in the present context (cf. KAR 55:13). Samas has several epithets in which he is petu X. 'the one who opens X', and is described as opening various parts of the cosmos (e.g., CAD P 343b, 35 lb sub petu; UFBG Samas 98 = PBS 1/1.13:9 // Sm.635+, Bit rimki; UFBG Samas 1 = AGH 48:107). Examples include: petu ekleti (BWL 126:17, 136:177; cf. K.8380:20 = BBR 60); petu dalat same elluti (UFBG Samas 47 = KAR 7:4). Thus, ina petika, "when you open [...]," is at least possible. The least attractive option is to emend the text: i-na <qi>-bi-ti-ka, "at your command."

L. 10: A number of passages in incantations refer to the sun-god "entering," i.e., setting. Examples include Samas ina erebika nur nisi utatte, "When you set, Samas, the light of the people is darkened" (UFBG Samas 73 = BAM IV.323:22//K.2132 obv., Scurlock 2006: 531); [.sup.d]utu an-sa-ge [ku.sub.4]-[ku.sub.4]-da-zu-de/ana qereb .same ina erebika, "Utu(/Samas), when you enter into the midst of the heavens" (OECT 6, p. 11, lines 1-2, ki-[.sup.d]utu-kam incantation for sunset). Cf. nuru ([.sup.d]ZALAG) ana bit marsi ina erebika, "When you enter into the sick man's house, 0 Lamp," which is in reference to Nusku (UFBG Nusku 2:5, Mayer 1976: 482; cf. Nusku 6:24a, Mayer 1976: 486).

L. 11: Perhaps the effaced sign should be read i-na [nu!]-ri-ka, "in/by your light."

L. 12: Note Samas. mustesir ekleti (BAM IV.323:21//Sm.1118, Scurlock 2006:531; CADI/J60-61 sub ikletu). The following phrases occur as well: petu ekleti, "he who opens the darkness" (see the note on line 9), and munammir ekleti Samas attama,"Samas, it is you who are the one who illuminates the darkness" (Maul 1994: 392, line 8').

L. 13: The lexeme in question is not attested thus far with the preposition adi (see CAD R 322-23 sub ribu B), but a possible restoration might be: [... istu niphika] adi ribika,"[... from your rising] until your setting."

LI. 14-15: These lines are too broken to transliterate, restore, or translate.

KUB 4.53  [... GIG B]I? e-ri-is-[ti?]

          [... th]at [sick man ...] request [for/of ...]

KUB       DIS [MIN] [ ] APIN-is

          If ditto (= a lamp at the head of a sick man) ... will request

KUB 4.53  [...] si-li-it-ta-su [it?]-[ta]-[(x-)][x-ma? x x][(x)]

          [...] his illness ... [ ]

K.4097+   DIS MIN nab-li-s[u? ... GI]D? i-sa-hap-su

          If ditto (= a lamp at the head of a sick man) its flame

          [...1, ... will overwhelm him.

KUB 4.53  [...][x] GIG su-u ar-hi-is i-te-eb-bi []

          [...] ... that sick man will soon rise. [(blank)]

K.4097+   DIS MIN ib-te-ne-[el-li GIG BI(?) a]r-his ZI-bi

          If ditto (= a lamp at the head of a sick man) keeps going
          out, [that sick man] will soon rise.

KUB 4.53  [...] it-ta-na-ak-kan []
          [...] he will continuously place. [(blank)]

K.4097+   DIS MIN BABBAR [(...) SU] [ma-al]-ki

          If ditto (= a lamp at the head of a sick man) is white,

          [(...) hand] of a malku-demon.

KUB 4.53  [...] ra-gu-mu-su []

          [...] they call out to him(?). [(blank)]

K.4097+   DIS MIN S[A.sub.5] [(...) SU] GIDIM
r. 1 2'

          If ditto (= a lamp at the head of a sick man) is red R ...),
          hand] of a ghost.

KUB 4.53  [... ki-mil-ti(?)] [d]30 u [.sup.d]UTU UGU-su GAL-si
          [..., the wrath of] Sin and Samas will be upon him.

KUB 4.53  [...]-is da-im ma-za-az [.sup.d]ku-bi

          [...] ... is dim, presence of kubu.

K.4097+   DIS MIN da-'-im [(...)KLGUB][.sup.d]ku-bu
          If ditto (- a lamp at the head of a sick man) is dim [...
          presence] of kubu.

KUB 4.53  [...] [la?]-al-li

          [...] ...

K4097+    DIS MIN SI[G.sub.7] [(...) S]U [.sup.d]MAS.TAB.BA

          If ditto (= a lamp at the head of a sick man) is

          yellow-green, [(...) halnd of the Twins.

KUB 4.53  [... GI]G BI a-na 3 [u.sub.4]-mi BA.U[G.sub.7]
          [...] that [sic]k man will die in three days.

K.4097+   DIS MIN EME ZAG-su S[A.sub.5]-at E[ME GUB-su(?) BABBAR-at(?)
r.15'     G]IG BI ana UD 3.KAM BA.U[G.sub.7]

          If ditto (= a lamp at the head of a sick man) the tongue on
          its right side is red (and) the ton[gue on its left side is
          white], that sick man will die in three days.

KUB 4.53  [... GI]G BI a-na [u.sub.4]-um sa ta-mu-ru-su-ma
r.10'     BA.U[G.sub.7]
          [...] that [sic]k man will die on the very day that you see

K.4097+   (10) DIS MIN EME GUB-su S[A.sub.5]-at EME [ZAG-su BABBAR-at]
r.16'     GIG BI ana UD IGI-su BA.U[G.sub.7]

          If ditto (= a lamp at the head of a sick man) the tongue on
          its left side is red (and) the tongue on its right side is
          white, that sick man will die on the day that you see him.

KUB 4.53  Colophon

          ] MAN
          ] UMBIN Ta-rgiAAKUR'
          ] handwriting of Aki-Te'gup.

K.4097+   Rubric
          25.AM IZI.GAR sa SAG []GIG DUB.94.KAM DIS URU ina
          SUKUD-e GAR

          Twenty-five (entries): "(If) a lamp at the head of a sick
          man." 94th Tablet, "If a city is set on a height."

Notes (22)

Rev. 1': Perhaps restore [... GIG B]I? e-ri-is[ti?] [... DINGIR/DN ... irris, which would provide a possible parallel with the version from Nineveh (cf. CAD E 284 sub erau and 298-99 sub eristu). Based on the section-ending rubric in K.4097+, MIN in this and the following lines of K.4097+ should probably be interpreted as a placeholder for the phrase IZI.GAR 2fa SAG []GIG.

Rev. 2': On sili'tu, 'illness', see now Stol 2009. Note the apodosis in Sakikku 1:28, which reads: GIG BI si-li-ta-su GID.DA (George 1991: 144); cf. entry 20 in BM 108874 (MB bird omens, De Zorzi 2009: 93,117-18). Perhaps read the final traces [BA?].U[[G.sub.7], though the traces of the first sign exhibit too many verticals.

Rev. 3': The apodosis signals the patient's recovery. For K.4097+ r.10', note also [DIS MIN ... GIG B]I ar-his ZI-bi (K.4097+ r.7'). The identical apodosis occurs in Sakikku 1:37 (George 1991: 144) and Sakikku 2:3 (HeeBel 2001-2a: 28); cf. entry 21 in BM 108874 (MB bird omens, De Zorzi 2009: 93,117-18).

Rev. 4': This sequence of signs is difficult to interpret, though it is presumably a finite verb. Wilhelm (1994b: 73) tentatively translates it as a corrupted form of sakanu (Gtn).

Rev. 5': There is no reason to assume that i-ra-gu-mu-su is an Akkadogram (so CAD R 66a sub ragamu), but the form is not known to occur in Sakikku (Biggs 1997: 231). In fact, it is not common in omen texts of any kind (see CAD R 66b sub ragamu). The protasis DIS ma E NA GIDIM i-rag-gu-um is probably not relevant (summa alu 19:64', Freedman 1998: 280; CAD R 62b sub ragamu), but perhaps compare the protasis DIS IZI.GAR MIN (= saina E NA kun-nu), "If a lamp that was set up in a man's house keeps making noise" (CT 39.35:39, K.4047+, SB Summa alu 93).

Rev. 6': Although qat DN, "the hand of DN," is a common diagnosis type in Sakikku, Wilhelm's restoration [SU] here is without parallel in that text. Biggs (1997: 231) has plausibly suggested restoring kimilti, 'divine wrath'. The phrases kimilti ili/DN(s) elisu/ana ameli suati ibassi, "The god's/DN's wrath will be upon him/against that man," occur in medical therapeutic texts as well as in SB gumma a/u (CAD K 372-73 sub kimiltu). Another possible restoration is eristi, e.g., iristi Marduk u Istar elisu ibassi, "He has to satisfy a request from Marduk and Istar" (CT 40.35:13, SB gumma Wu, cited CAD E 299a sub eristu A).

Rev. 7: This is the only line of KUB 4.53 rev, that clearly preserves the end of the protasis, which is a minor orthographic variant of what is found in SB Summa alu. Perhaps restore an adverb before the break, such as kalis, 'completely', or madis, 'very'. The being designated kubu may be thought of as the etemmu, ghost', of an infant who was stillborn or died not long after birth (CAD K 487-88 sub kubu A; Stol 2000: 28-32) and could cause disease, i.e., the 'hand of kubu' (Scurlock and Anderson 2005: 387, 512-14). An Akkadian-language therapeutic ritual found in Hattusa has a section that invokes the kubu, though the condition for which that ritual is prescribed is not preserved (KBo. 36.29 i l'-44', Schwemer 1998: 55-57, 86-88). The "presence" of a supernatural being occurs in various omen collections and is especially well attested in the OB compendia of oil omens (Pettinato 1966: I 189-93; cf. Winitzer 2010: 185-91). For the restoration of K.4097+ r.13', note the apodoses on the model KI.GUB DN in a section near the beginning of Tablet 15 of the series Summa alu (Freedman 1998: 230).

Rev. 8': This line is difficult. Within the corpus of OB oil omens there are parallel writings [.sup.d]MAS. TAB.BA, ilu kilallan/ili kilallin (Pettinato 1966: I 182-83, cf. An = Anum 5:306), and the form ki-la-al-lu-u occurs in the medical diagnostic texts from Hattuga (Wilhelm 1994b: 22, A:18-20; cf. the OB form ki-la-al-li, CAD K 354a sub kilallan); however, ki-la-al-lu-u is not used in reference to the gods, written [.sup.d]MAS[TAB.BA] (Wilhelm 1994b: 34, B:4'-5'). Another possibility is to see la-al-li as an otherwise unattested variant of le-el-li, i.e., Li1(1u), a minor deity whose "presence" is mentioned in the apodoses of some OB omens taken from the exta (CAD L 190a sub lillu B; Krebernik 1987; cf. Farber 1987: 23).

Rev. 9': The apodosis is not unique to these texts, and it occurs very often in Sakikka (e.g., Tablets 15:37' and 90', 16:54' and 61', 17:45, 33:32; see HeeBel 2000: passim; cf. Sakikku 2:20, HeeBel 2001-2a: 31). For the restoration of K.4097+, see the following line.

Rev. 10': The apodosis appears to be uncommon (CAD M/1 293a sub marsu). The pleonastic relative pronoun sa is not present in the source from Nineveh. In K.4097+ a line tally mark U = '10' is present in the copy to the left of the DIS sign. The "you" of the apodosis is presumably directed at the healing specialist, i.e., the asipu/masmassu.

Colophon: The so-called "cryptic colophon" [MAN (BE/MAN)] MAN is attested in a number of Late Bronze Age scholastic texts (Hunger 1968: 5-6; Cohen 2009: 59-60). Rather than the SU = qat PN, 'hand of PN', the copyist appears to be designated by the expression UMBIN = supur PN, lit. 'nail of PN' (see CAD S 251a sub supru A). Perhaps the Aki-Tessup (or Agi-Tesob) mentioned in KUB 4.53 was the father of Lurma, []A.ZU TUR [GAB].[ZU.ZU ...], "junior healer and apprentice of ...," who copied KBo. 11.1 (CTH 382, Muwatalli's Prayer to the Storm-god). Singer (2002: 85) has suggested that the PN and title may be read Lurma-ziti A.ZU TUR, rather than Lurma []A.ZU TUR. Only a handful of physicians are known by name and title (Beckman 1990: 630-31). Unfortunately the copyist of KUB 4.53 did not supply a title, though there is room for one after his name, which is Hurrian (Mascheroni 1984: 153; De Martino 2011: 54-55).

A medical expert ([]A.ZU) is attested who bears the name Agiya (De Martino 2011: 75). Unfortunately, the hypocoristicon Agiya was somewhat common (De Martino 2011: 35, 63, 75, 77), so it is impossible to know 1) if Agiya is a shortened form of Agi-Tesob in particular, and, if so, 2) whether this Agiya/Agi-Tesob was the copyist of KUB 4.53. In any case, a Human personal name suggests that the tablet was either a local product or an import from Upper Mesopotamia, and like many Mesopotamian texts from the region it betrays no evidence of local alteration or translation. The incipit of Summa alu 94 given in the rubric recalls the incipit of Tablet 25 of Sakikku (CTN 4.71:30, Finkel 1988: 147):
Summa alu 94  IZI.GAR sa SAG []GIG
Sakikku 25    DIS IZI.GAR sa SAG []GIG kun-nu
              "If a lamp that was set up at the head of a sick man."


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(1.) There are a number of convenient summaries of the various textual genres in question: Wilhelm I994b: 1-3; Schwemer 1998: 4-6; Bock 2001-2; Haas 2003: 1 48. The texts published together by Weidner in KUB 4.48-62 include therapies to restore sexual potency (DIS LU SA.ZI.GA: KUB 4.48, Biggs 1967: 54-60), to cure internal ailments and samana-illness (KUB 4.49; cf. Finkel 1998: 80 n. 9), to cure ailments of the eyes (KUB 4.50, Fincke 2010a; KUB 4.55 // KUB 37.2, Fincke 2000: 154-55, 201; Beckman 1990: 630). to cure unknown ailments (KUB 4.51, KUB 4.57, KUB 4.58), to heal the bites(?) of various animals (KUB 4.52; cf. the order of animals in the hallucinations listed in Sakikku 28:24-27, HeeBel 2000: 310-11), to treat setu-illness (KUB 4.54. Stol 2007: 22-39; cf. Scurlock and Anderson 2005: 53-61), to address symptoms that include aphasia (KUB 4.56; cf. Wilhelm 1994b: 28). to counteract an attack of witchcraft (ana piserti kispi: KUB 4.60 + KBo. 36.38, Schwemer 2007a: 32-33), to heal some affliction with a ritual of affixing a leather pouch (KUB 4.61; cf. CAD S/1 490 sub sapu B), and to treat a disease with no name (KUB 4.62; see CAD N/2 205a sub nibu A); also included by mistake is a fragment of the teratological omen series Summa izbu (KUB 4.59, Leichty 1970: 209).

(2.) Geller (2010: 46-50) may overemphasize the significance of the consistent orthography KA.PIRIG in this passage, since it is just as likely a fixed convention for writing asipu/masmassu, i.e., 'exorcist' or the like, in the text's incipit.

(3.) Late second-millennium sources have been found at Nippur, Assur, Einar, and Hattusa. For a discussion of the Middle Babylonian sources from Nippur as well as additional literature on the diagnostic-prognostic series in general, see Rutz 2011. Note that medical experts bearing the titles asipu/masmassu and asu are mentioned in the royal correspondence between Hatti and Kassite Babylonia (Zaccagnini 1983: 250-54; Bryce 2003: 126-28; Hee[beta]el 2009).

(4.) Wilhelm 1994b: A-C (tablets); Wilhelm 1994b: D-M; VBoT 54 and KUB 37.87, see Hee[beta]el 2000: 330 and 335 (fragments); the duplicates are D1 // D2; J1 // J2; B 12'-r.4 // G r.l'-12' (Scurlock 1997-98). Note also KBo. 35.15 (Wilhelm 1994b: 74; Groddek and Kloekhorst 2006: 17). When find-spots are known, the tablets seem to be associated with Building A on the citadel (Buyukkale) or with some secondary context near that structure (Wilhelm 1994b: 5, 19-20). Building A appears to have housed a tablet repository, and many of the tablets found in it were written in foreign languages, including numerous copies of texts containing Mesopotamian omen literature written in Akkadian (van den Hout 2005: 287-89).

(5.) However, note that entries 20-22 in BM 108874, a Middle Babylonian extract with omens taken from the behavior of birds, find unambiguous parallels in Sakikku 2 (De Zorzi 2009: 117-18).

(6.) KUB 4.53 rev, has an uneven right-hand margin with blank space found at the ends of several lines, a common practice at Hattusa (e.g., the hemerology KUB 4.44 rev.; see Fincke 2010b: 128).

(7.) Note the following: a fragment of the Sum.-Akk. bilingual "Incantation to Utu," KUB 4.11 (CTH 793, Schwemer 2007b; Klinger 2010: 328-31); a collective tablet with Sum.-Akk. bilingual incantations. KUB 37.115 + KBo. 7.1 (+) KBo. 7.2 (CTH 794, Cooper 1972; Klinger 2010: 331-32); an Akk.-Hitt. bilingual hymn exalting the sun-god. KBo. 1.12 // KAR 19, though the Hittite translation is mostly not preserved (CTH 792, Ebeling 1954; the duplicate from Assur is written in an archaizing script and largely syllabic orthography); and perhaps the fragmentary Akk. hymn KBo. 9.45 (CTH 795). KBo. 9.44 (CTH 792) contains ritual instructions and short recitations, some of which mention Samma.

(8.) E.g., the texts and later parallels cited by Cooper 1971: 9-11. In the case of KUB 4.53 obv. possible parallels are mentioned in the commentary. In more general terms note later texts with the header EN = siptu or rubrics such as SU.IL.LA = su'illakku (Mayer 1976; Zgoll 2003). ki-[.sup.d]utu-kam (Krebernik 2001; Shibata 2008), [US.sub.11].BUR. RU.DA = usburrudu (Schwemer 2007a: 56-61), and DINGIR.SA..DAB.BA (Lambert 1974), some of which were later incorporated into larger ritual series like Bit rimki (Laessoe 1955: 27-31) and Maylu (Abusch 2002: 11, 117-18; Schwemer 2007a: 37-55). Other parallels can be found in recitations that were incorporated into the apotropaic procedures designated NAM.BUR.BI = namburbu (Maul 1994). In a recent discussion of Mesopotamian forerunners to the Hittite babilili-ritual (CTH 718), Beckman (2010: 112-14) illustrates the problems associated with attempting to find unambiguous parallels between the Mesopotamian literary and religious texts found in Hattusa and those found in later Assyrian and Babylonian tradition.

(9.) The unpublished fragment K.11811 has been cited as a duplicate of this section of K. 4097+ (Stol 2000: 31 n. 28). The first ten lines of K.11811 are broken before the sequence [ ] GIG BI, "that sick man," and when more is preserved (lines 7'-10' directly following GIG BI in each line is a supernatural underworld being (cf. the order in K.4097+): [.sup.d]a-nun-na-'kr' [, [.sup.d]ma-al-'ki'[, [.sup.d]ku-bu(SU) [, GIDIM [. On the potential orthographic confusion between kubu and the DN Kusu, see Schwemer 1998: 55 n. 148. The absence of SU = qat or KI.GUB = manzaz before Anunnaki, malku, kubu, and etemmu is curious. I am unable to reconcile K.11811 lines 11'-13' with the text of K.4097+. Without a join or a proper duplicate K.11811 remains difficult to place.

(10.) Hee[beta]el (2000: 32 n. 55) confuses K.2238+ (CT 39.41-42), Tablet 95, with K.4097+ (CT 39.34-36), which has excerpts from Tablets 91-94 and perhaps a different version of Tablet 95 (Freedman 1998: 341-42). There are at least two different versions of Summa alu with different contents in Tablet 94 (Freedman 1998: 342).

(11.) This Old Babylonian tablet was found during the course of H. R. Hall's excavations at Ur. Contrary to Weisberg's assertion that its parallel is found in Tablet 67, according to Freedman (1998: 13 n. 60, 339) the first-millennium catchline provides the incipit of Tablet 65 of the series Summa alu.

(12.) Note BM 113915 iii 14-19 // Summa alu 66 (CT 39.23:14), which "has a similar omen," but for a parallel apodosis, see CT 38.39:17 (Weisberg 1969-70: 97); cf. a Summa alu excerpt tablet, Freedman 2006: 191, Ex(1) 20. Note that the restoration of BM 113915 iii 27 is based on gumma alu 66:10 (CT 39.23:10: see Weisberg 1969-70: 98; Freedman 1998: 339).

(13.) Recently published Middle Assyrian sources include the following: KAL 1.1-2:8'-10' (Hee[beta]el 2007: 21); KAL 1.5 (Hee[beta]el 2007: 24) has some parallels, but note the possible apodosis variant in ii 8'; cf Summa alu 19:47' (Freedman 1998: 278-79); KAL 1.6 (HeeBel 2007: 26-27) has some first-millennium parallels, but some lines diverge or are difficult to place; KAL 1.10 (Hee[beta]el 2007: 42) // Samma alu 22:12-18, 21, 24-31, 33 (Freedman 2006: 8-13), but lines 8'-10' on the obverse of KAL 1.10 are still without clear parallels; KAL 1.14 (Hee[beta]el 2007: 58-61, 65-66) has extensive parallels, but cf. the order of the entries in Summa alu 22-23 (Freedman 2006: 8-13, 36-47); KAL 1.16-17 (Hee[beta]el 2007: 67-69, 74, 77) obv. 1-64 is similar to STT 323 (Freedman 2006: 182-89); KAL 1.18 also shows affinities with srr 323 (Hee[beta]el 2007:77); KAL 1.28 (Heck! 2007: 98) is a partial duplicate of CT 41.3.

(14.) Akk.: KUB 4.17 ([+.sup.?]) 18; see Schwemer 1998: 83, 147-50, Texts [X.sub.15]-[X.sub.16]; Hitt.: KUB 53.40.

(15.) This composition is still largely unpublished; see Wiggermann 1992: 105-17, esp. 112.

(16.) Neo-Assyrian dupls.: KAL 2.44, LKA 160 = BAM 140 = KAL 2.46.

(17.) Torri (2007) has recently suggested that traces of Mesopotamian influence can be detected in other Hittite religious texts as well. Looking further afield, four Akkadian-language medical diagnostic texts from Hattusa contain glosses in Hittite or Luwian (Wilhelm 1994b: A, C, D1 // 1)2, E), suggesting active interest in properly understanding the contents of these texts. Two additional fragments hint at the existence of Hittite-language versions of texts in the genre (KBo. 13.32-33, Beckman 1990:630). The Akkadian medical therapeutic text KUB 37.1 (CTH 808; Kocher 1952-53) contains a substantial number of glosses in Hittite, Luwian, and Hurrian, and the appearance of the tablet as well as errors and inaccuracies in the text suggest that it was a byproduct of scribal training.

(18.) Good photographs of the tablet are available through the Mainzer Photoarchiv of the Hethitologie Portal Mainz website: S. Ko[section]ak, hethiter.neth hetkonk (v. 1.81), sub KUB 4.53 (Bo 1284), PhotArch BoFN00065b (obverse) and PhotArch BoFN00064b (reverse). In the edition that follows, uncertain translations are rendered in italics.

(19.) For example, Samas sar game u ersti dayyan elati u saplati (izisubbu-namburbi, Maul 1994: 138 and 150, line 122; 268. lines 9-10; 296, line 1; 316, line 24; 330, line 7'; 446, line 8; 486, line 30; 505. lines 1-2); cf. dayyan same u erseti (UFBG Samas 73 = BAM IV.323:20 // K.2132, Scurlock 2006: 530-31, no. 226): Samas dayyem same u erseti bel matati (UFBG Samas 98 = PBS 1/1.13:1-2 // Sm.635+, Bit rimki); Sames dayyan same u erseti bel elati u saplati nur ill (Borger 1967: 9, lines 86-87, third "house" of Bit rimki).

(20.) For example, Samas mustesir gimir saknat napisti (Maul 1994: 138, line 123); mustesir salmat qaqqadi (Maul 1994: 307. line 26'; 448, line 35): mustesir elati u saplati (Maul 1994: 338, line 16; cf. UFBG Samas 98 = PBS 1/1.13:4 // Sm.635+, Bit rimki); mustesir same erseti (Maul 1994: 347, line 1); Samas sar same (u) erseti mustesir elati u saplati (Maul 1994: 382, line 17'); mustesir tamata (Maul 1994: 416, line 10); cf. mustesir ili sar matati (Surpu 2:131); Samas musresir ekleti sain nuri ana nisi (UFBG Samas 73 = BAM IV.323:21 // Sm.1118 obv., Scurlock 2006: 531, no. 226); mustesir nisi / saplati / teneseti (UFBG Samas 49 = KAR 32:20-23).



Abbreviations follow the Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archaologie. Note that CTH denotes the extensively revised and updated version of Laroche 1971 published online by S. Kogak and G. G. W. Muller (, accessible at
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Date:Apr 1, 2012
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