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Melanchthonian method as a guide to reading confessions of faith: the index of the Book of Concord and Late Reformation learning.

Horst Kunze, the contemporary German authority on indexing, writes, "An index is not a tool that has its own independent existence. It is an aid for the use of another literary object. It is like a signpost. Like a signpost it has no other purpose than to point the way in certain directions." (1) Indices seldom attract scholarly investigation. Casual users accept the index as a more or less objective guide to the contents of a book. However, the index prepared in 1580 for the initial publication of the Book of Concord, (2) appearing in several of its first printings, (3) was designed to point in specific directions, to cultivate a particular way for its primary audience to read the volume and put it to use. It took the form of loci communes--topics--as they had been developed a generation earlier by Martin Luther's Wittenberg colleague Philip Melanchthon for the proper, fruitful, study of theology. By selecting the doctrinal topics and categories into which pastors and teachers were to organize the content of this volume for their own use, this index offers one of the first theological commentaries on the Book of Concord. (4) The index also reveals how Melanchthon's theological method continued to dominate the way the heirs of the Wittenberg Reformation thought--in spite of the fact that it directs readers away from and against the theology of some of Melanchthon's followers whom scholars have dubbed with his name, "Philippists." (In fact, some contemporaries objected to the Book because they believed it to be anti-Melanchthonian. (5))


The publication of the Book of Concord decisively changed public discourse within Evangelical Germany. It provoked strident opposition from "Calvinist" and radical Lutheran ("Flacian") critics, (6) but it created an agreement that ended doctrinal disputes a quarter century old for two-thirds of Protestant Germany. It did so by bringing together ten documents that were to govern public teaching and ecclesiastical life in German Lutheran lands as a corpus doctrinae. This term had evolved in the usage of Wittenberg theologians from an expression governing a commonly understood analogia fidei, or rule of faith for public teaching (in the 1530s) into a designation for specific documents in which the content of that analogia fidei could be found (by the early 1550s). In a third stage of the term's use it became the title for a single volume that contained such documents as an official definition of the public faith of a territorial church committed to Wittenberg theology. In the year 1560 Melanchthon's key writings were published under the title Corpus Doctrinae Christianae (popularly dubbed "Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum"). Quickly this volume was adopted as the law of faith for electoral Saxony (1566) and, with additions from Luther's pen, for Pomerania (1561). By 1576 several similar collections were given official status in individual German principalities and cities. They usually included the three ancient Christian creeds, Melanchthon's Augsburg Confession and his Apology composed in its defense, along with Luther's catechisms and his Smalcald Articles (with Melanchthon's "Tractate on the Power and Primacy of the Pope" appended) and one or more local confessions. (7) Such printed collections of standard-setting documents reflect the increasing influence of the medium of print upon the way in which theologians and church leaders structured the theological enterprise.

This development in the expression and regulation of public teaching took place in the midst of sharp controversy within the Lutheran churches of Germany as Luther's and Melanchthon's students disputed over the proper interpretation of their legacy in the third quarter of the sixteenth century. A number of disputes centered on Luther's understanding of justification by faith, the freedom or bondage of the will, and the use of the law in the Christian life. Perhaps the most intense disagreement between Luther's and Melanchthon's successors on the faculty in Wittenberg and their critics from several comers of Lutheranism concerned the presence of Christ's body and blood in the Lord's Supper. Although the "Crypto-Philippistic" (8) Wittenberg theologians had long tried to keep their views out of public discussion, their understanding of the sacrament and of related Christological issues broke into open debate around 1570. In 1574, when Elector August of Saxony discovered that some of his closest and most trusted advisors had been working secretly to alter the public teaching on the Lord's Supper in his domains, a profound governmental and theological crisis erupted, disrupting attempts by these leading members of the Saxon ecclesiastical establishment to alter their church's sacramental teaching. August's government deemed it necessary to launch a special program of reform to bring the Saxon church back to its roots in the theology taught by Luther and Melanchthon in the 1520s and 1530s (as the court perceived the situation). August brought the leading ecclesiastical diplomat in Lutheran lands, Jakob Andreae, from Wurttemberg to assist the remnants of his church's leadership in accomplishing this reorganization and reorientation of the Saxon church. Andreae and August also decided to use this effort as the basis for addressing the larger conflicts within German Lutheranism.

Thus, out of this Saxon impetus, with the aid of other Lutheran churches and princes, the Book of Concord was produced, climaxing long efforts to reconcile the various positions in these disputes through the Formula of Concord. It was ready after extensive consultation with churches throughout the German Empire in 1576-77, (9) and its authors incorporated it with the Augsburg Confession, its Apology, and Luther's catechisms and Smalcald Articles into the Book of Concord. Intensive efforts seeking acceptance of the entire collection climaxed with the publication of the Book on June 25, 1580, the fiftieth anniversary of the presentation of the Augsburg Confession to Emperor Charles V. (10) Added to the ten documents as an appendix was a collection of patristic citations assembled by the leading authors of the Formula of Concord to support its teaching regarding the doctrine of the person of Christ, the "Catalog of Testimonies," (11) as well as a partial list of those who subscribed to the "Concordia" and an "Index of the Most Important Chief Parts of Christian Teaching That are Treated in This Book." (12) This index was a minor but significant part of the effort to make the Book of Concord an effective tool in determining public teaching and proclamation in Lutheran lands.

The authors and sponsoring governments that had invested so much in creating the Book of Concord clearly intended it to serve as a settlement of the controversies that had divided their churches and as an official public standard for what was to be taught and preached in their lands. They devoted a great deal of energy to make it an effective agent of governance and guidance in church life. Nowhere was more urgency felt regarding this task than at the electoral Saxon court in Dresden, where Elector August had at hand a working group that he had constituted to direct the reform of his lands almost immediately after the disclosure of the Crypto-Philippist agenda in 1574. (13) Members of this cluster of theologians and counselors sought support for the Formula and Book of Concord by various means. In 1577 and 1578, for instance, they held intensive meetings with local clergy, and Andreae himself went on a preaching mission across the land. (14) The government also coveted the support of the laity. To win the allegiance of the common people to the settlement, a deacon in Dresden, Caspar Fuger, published a simple explanation and defense of the Concordist effort intended to convince the common people of the legitimacy of the Book of Concord. (15) Fuger had served as one of the proofreaders of the Book, along with a colleague from Dresden, the municipal preacher Peter Glaser, who has been identified as the author of the index of the Book of Concord. (16)


Son of a mayor of Dresden, Glaser (1525-83) had assumed the rectorate of the school in Radeberg after attending secondary school in Schulpforta. Following study in Wittenberg, he became pastor in Reinersdorf and then deacon of the Church of the Holy Cross in Dresden. (17) He had served as preacher of the city for fourteen years when, in 1578, Andreae also enlisted Glaser to prepare the index for the Book, following a model first employed for Melanchthon's own Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum almost twenty years earlier. Since the crisis over public teaching on the Lord's Supper began in 1574, Glaser had been an active member of the commission of fifteen theologians that August charged with a series of special tasks. He had helped draft a new definition of public teaching on the Lord's Supper in the "Torgau Articles" of 1574 and met with those implicated in the spiritualizing efforts of the Crypto-Philippists in an attempt to win them over to the moderating position of those Articles.

Glaser also played a prominent role in the mounting of what Hans-Peter Hasse has labeled a "publications offensive," editing materials to demonstrate that Melanchthon had held the same position as Luther on the Lord's Supper (an important element in paving the way for broad acceptance of the Concordist settlement in electoral Saxony). (18) In 1575 he had urged Elector August to engage Andreae in the efforts to restore the theology of Luther and Melanchthon in electoral Saxony. (19) After attending the first meeting dedicated to planning the new statement of faith that would reconcile conflicting parties within the church, at Lichtenberg, February 15-17, 1576, Glaser also participated in the drafting of that statement at the Torgau conference in April of that year. From this draft prepared at Torgau and critical reactions to it collected from most German Evangelical churches, the Formula of Concord emerged the next year. Glaser also took part in the visitation of Saxon parishes mounted to win the support of clergy and laity for the Concordian settlement. (20)


When Glaser undertook the composition of the index of the Book of Concord, he was designing an instrument for guiding use of the volume that was familiar to clerical readers in Saxony. For their public teaching had been guided by the Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum. When it appeared shortly before Melanchthon's death in 1560, in Latin and German (a Plattdeutsch translation appeared soon thereafter), it contained indices, unlike other Corpora doctrinae published in the following sixteen years. (21) Each of the editions provided readers with a different complex of indices. The first German edition contained an index of ancient teachers of the church and ancient and modern heretics, an index to important citations of Scripture, and an index of fifty-four doctrinal loci communes, taken from the model of Melanchthon's Loci communes theologici. (22) This last index, but not the first two, appeared in the Plattdeutsch edition of 1562. (23) The Latin edition of 1561 likewise omitted the first two indices, but did include a slightly different version of the index to passages related to the doctrinal topics of the Loci communes and added a regular topical index, alphabetically arranged rather than in dogmatic sequence. (24) Subsequent editions sometimes used but sometimes omitted the index to doctrinal topics on the Melanchthonian model. (25)

Diverging from modern indexing patterns, the index to the Book of Concord followed the model of the Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum in constructing a "topical" index, but in the special sense of that word in late medieval and early modern rhetoric. It informs readers where to find materials relating to "chief parts," a frequent German translation for the scholastic term "article of faith," a rough equivalent for the topics (topoi) or loci communes of Melanchthon's approach to the practice of theology. Melanchthon had adapted the rhetorical method of the earlier humanists that lay at the foundation of all learning: the identification of the chief topics that defined a subject and provided the necessary materials for an effective rhetorical presentation of them. He presumed that the discipline of theology had as its prime purpose the proclamation of the gospel of Jesus Christ; he presupposed that effective conveying of this gospel begins by organizing it according to topics that permitted the biblical message to be effectually delivered to the people of God. (26)

Although Melanchthon's loci method was devised to serve learning and teaching in all disciplines, the Preceptor Germaniae used it himself particularly in theology, issuing his first Loci communes theologici in 1521, totally revising it in 1535, fine-tuning it extensively in 1543 and in minor ways thereafter until the year before his death, 1559. (27) The patristic and scholastic traditions of analyzing biblical teaching, particularly those of John of Damascus and Peter Lombard, influenced to some extent the topics he chose and the order in which he placed them. However, particularly in its initial stage his Loci communes theologici shows the marks of Luther's thinking as well, combining the ancient credal outline--topics relating to the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit--with the presupposition that God's Word had to be applied to people's lives according to Luther's distinction of law and gospel. (28) As a student at the University of Wittenberg in the early 1550S, (29) Glaser had learned theology within the structure of the Preceptor's theory of learning. He thought in a Melanchthonian way; that meant that as a theologian he looked at biblical teaching in terms of its topics.

Melanchthon did not believe that biblical teaching and the Christian tradition consisted of a set number of topics. His first edition had eleven, the second twenty-seven, and the third twenty-eight; by subdividing and adding topics, the indices for the Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum brought the number to more than fifty. In the years following the second and third editions of his Loci, a number of members of the Wittenberg circle had followed Melanchthon's model, constructing doctrinal textbooks with varying schemes of organizing their topics and a variety in the number of topics. (30) The loci communes in the Book of Concord index numbered twenty-four, largely copied from Melanchthon's ordering of biblical teaching by topic.

It is clear that the index to theological loci of the Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum was intended to direct the reading and use of that volume in particular ways. A preponderance of its references led users to the Loci communes and thus to Melanchthon's most recent utterances rather than to the Augsburg Confession and Apology (which had much less material and treated fewer topics, it is true). The Latin reflected the specific polemical concerns of the Philippist party even more than did its German equivalent. The German index included more material from the Augsburg Confession and the Apology and more references in general; it gave a broader basis for finding passages that could be useful for clerical readers in preaching and teaching on subjects not related to the contemporary controversies. But its doctrinal direction clearly reflected Philippist positions.

For instance, on the critical issue of the freedom of the will, a topic of sharp dispute among the heirs of Wittenberg in 1560, the index of the work directs readers to passages in Melanchthon's Loci communes theologici and his Examination for Ordinands that exhibit the "Philippist" concern to eliminate from Lutheran teaching all hints of a concept of divinely imposed necessity and to emphasize the necessity of human obedience to God's commands. To be sure, the Latin index includes the topic "spiritual actions do not take place by free choice without the Holy Spirit," referring readers to the Augsburg Confession and Apology. But the first subtopic under the Latin index's fourth locus, "on human powers or free choice," is "how free choice should be taught;" the only passage to which it refers, the opening of the Examination's discussion of the freedom of choice, opens with a warning against "stoic madness concerning the necessity of all actions in all aspects of reality, among animals and human beings, good and evil." It goes on to comment on the necessity of stressing human obedience to God's law as well as the distinction between external discipline and spiritual righteousness. The German index directed readers to a passage from Melanchthon's Loci to demonstrate that "the human creature is not a block of wood or stone" and to Answer to the Bavarian Articles of Inquisition for material on the subtopics "that the human will is not forced with coercive power by God," and "the freedom of our will is a source of the contingency of our activity and action." (31)

On the equally controverted question of the Lord's Supper, the indices focus on the effect and function of the Supper; Melanchthon centered his discussion of it on these questions and tried to avoid saying too much about the nature of the presence of Christ in the sacrament. (32) The German index began with "To what purpose and why the Supper was instituted," with twelve references to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology, the Saxon "Repetition of the Augsburg Confession" of 1551, the Loci, and the Answer to the Bavarian Articles of Inquisition. Two references, from the Augsburg Confession and the Apology, helped the pastor or teacher explain "that under the form of bread and wine in the Supper Christ's body and blood are present," while three passages from the Loci, and the Answer to the Bavarian Articles of Inquisition under the subtopic "How the Lord Christ is present in the Supper," cultivated Melanchthonian perspectives regarding the presence of the person of Christ in the conveying of the sacrament. To foster use of Melanchthon's "reasons why external rites are always added to the promises," the Latin index paraphrased the Loci's general treatment of sacraments: "to remind Christians of God's action, to impart that remembrance to posterity, and to preserve the assembly of the church." It also led readers into the argument of the Loci with "four questions concerning the Lord's Supper," which reflected the outline of Melanchthon's locus on the sacrament: (1) how it was instituted, (2) what the benefits of receiving it are, concerning its proper use in repentance and faith, (3) who is to be admitted to the Supper, (4) on the abuse and desecration of the sacrament. Both indices included subtopics directed against Roman Catholic false teaching and superstitious misuse of the sacrament (seven of twenty in the German, nine of twenty in the Latin). (33)

The Saxon pastors who were Glaser's primary audience had learned to read a "corpus doctrinae" with an index to its doctrinal topics patterned after Melanchthon's loci communes. It is not surprising that electoral Saxon policy makers wanted the replacement for the Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum, the Book of Concord, to have an index, too. Glaser's task was to adapt the topics and references of such an index to conform to the goals of the Concordist effort. The index enabled readers to use the Book in a general way, to inform proclamation on a wide spectrum of topics, but it also guided readers to the Formula's solution of specific controverted issues of the time. This index confirms that the authors of the Book of Concord regarded their volume as useful not only for officials governing the church, but also for pastors and teachers. They were to find profitable and edificatory materials for their own teaching and preaching in its pages. The index was forged to create a practical tool for their ministry by making the Book of Concord a volume they could put to use in the proclamation of the legacy of Wittenberg theology to their parishioners according to the pattern of theological analysis they had learned at the electoral Saxon secondary schools and universities. The fundamental aim of the Concordist effort was to insure the proper application of the biblical message by pastors and teachers at the parish level.


The index of the Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum expanded the list of topics from the twenty-eight of the last edition of the Loci communes theologici largely by breaking a number of its topics into parts. For instance, instead of one topic, "God," four now appeared: "God," "Father," "Son of God," and "Holy Spirit." Glaser reduced the number of topics but in key instances followed the pattern and formulation of the index of the Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum rather than the Loci communes theologici. After 1535 Melanchthon's Loci began with the topic "God." Some of his students had begun to add a treatment of the epistemological presupposition of knowing about God with a locus on "The Word of God" shortly before the Preceptor's death, (34) and some new confessions of the faith and other treatments of theology by Wittenberg theologians in the 1550s and 1560s had commenced their surveys of biblical teaching with a discussion of how to determine what were proper expressions of God's Word. The Formula of Concord had not used the usual title for such an introductory orientation, "corpus doctrinae," but had substituted the topic "Binding Summary, Basis, Rule, and Guiding principle, How All Teaching Is to Be Judged in Accord with God's Word." (35) The Book of Concord's index begins with five subtopics that had no topical title, as do the other twenty-three sections. They first asserted the authority of Scripture, explained what other books contribute to Christian teaching, and defended the presentation of that teaching in the Book of Concord.

The index expanded Melanchthon's topic "God" into three topics: "God," "The Person of Christ and His Work," and "The Holy Spirit." The Loci communes topic "Creation" was subsumed under the next index topic, "Law and Gospel," which embraced separate Melanchthonian topics of law (divine and natural) and gospel. Then the index followed with Philip's topics in Philip's order: "Free Will," "Sin," "Justification in God's Sight," and "Good Works." Deviating from Melanchthon's order, but among his Loci topics, came "Traditions and Human Regulations," followed by "Predestination or God's Eternal Election," in the order of Melanchthon's 1535 Loci (he had placed the topic later in his list in 1543). Where Melanchthon had, in 1535, the single topic "Sacraments," the index made as chief topics "Repentance," "Confession and Absolution," "Sacraments," "Baptism," and "The Holy Supper." "Adiaphora," which had no equivalent as a separate topic (apart from "human traditions") in Melanchthon's system, preceded "Church," where that topic had come--after "Sacraments'--in 1535. The Loci communes placed "Resurrection of the Dead" before "Afflictions or Bearing the Cross," "Prayer," and "The Civil Magistrate," whereas the index placed "The Christian's Cross," "Prayer," and "Temporal Authority," along with the additional topic "Marriage," before its concluding topics, "The Resurrection of the Dead," "Hell," and "Christ's Descent into Hell."

The index omitted several of Melanchthon's topics, including "The Distinction of Commands and Counsels," "The Distinction of the Old and New Testaments," "Spirit and Letter," "Mortification," and "Offense." These topics, which were inherited from Peter Lombard's outline, had less to do with the chief concerns of Wittenberg theologians than did those that the index employed. The index indeed reflected Melanchthon's way of thinking about the shape of the biblical message.


The twenty-three topics, plus the introductory subtopics on Scripture and public teaching, guided readers through a series of one hundred ninety-eight subtopics to three hundred ninety-eight specific pages in the Book of Concord. Christian theologians have usually let the polemical agenda before them determine at least in part the way in which they taught the faith. This index reflects that fact. The statistical balance of attention paid to topics demonstrates that the index was designed first of all to help readers find answers to pressing questions raised by the controversies that the Formula aimed to end. In terms of the political and ecclesiastical situation, especially in Glaser's Saxony, the most crucial and critical of those controversies had been that over the presence of Christ's body and blood in the Lord's Supper, and the related dispute over Christology, (36) examined in Formula of Concord articles VII and VIII. "The Holy Supper" and "The Person of Christ" were the first and fifth most prominent of the index's topics, both in terms of the number of subtopics (32 and 17 respectively) and page references (67 and 27). The second, third, and fourth most prominent topics were "Justification," "Good Works," and "Law and Gospel," (23, 27, 20 subtopics; 43, 37, 34 page references). These three topics reflected the controversies addressed in articles III-VI of the Formula on issues related to justification by grace through faith in Christ and the new obedience that flows from faith in Christ.

The next five most extensively elaborated topics also dealt with articles of the Formula: "Sin" (article I, 12 subtopics, 23 page references), "Human Traditions" (article X, 6 subtopics, 23 page references), "Free Will" (article II, 11 subtopics, 20 page references), "Predestination" (article XI, 9 subtopics, 18 page references), and "Adiaphora" (article X, 6 subtopics, 16 page references). Only the topic of the Formula's ninth article, "Christ's descent into hell," (in fact, a very brief appendix to the article on Christology) did not appear among the most prominent topics of the index. As the concluding topic of the index, it offered only two subtopics and four page references. In addition, the rejection of antitrinitarian thought in the final article of the Formula (XII) provided material for the topic "God." Topics from "Confession and Absolution" (5 subtopics, 15 page references) to "Hell" and "Temporal Authority" (one subtopic, one page reference each) followed behind those related to the Formula in the index's list. Its author apparently believed that pastors and teachers would be turning to the Book of Concord to seek the answers to the questions controversy had posed much more than other questions of pastoral care and concern.

A comparison of the documents from which were drawn the nearly four hundred citations to which the index points its users also demonstrates the pre-eminence of the Formula of Concord in the composition of the index. Its two parts constitute less than a quarter of the Book's pages, but half (201) the page references in the index came from its Epitome (76) and the Solid Declaration (125). Ten percent of the page references come from the Augsburg Confession (40), another ten percent from Luther's Smalcald Articles (39), with two additional page references from the Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope (viewed at the time as an appendix of the Smalcald Articles). Nearly one fourth of the references call upon the Apology of the Augsburg Confession (97), but Luther's catechisms are hardly represented, with nine page references from the Small Catechism and eight from the Large.

The Catechisms supplied fundamental instruction for topics such as prayer, baptism, the Lord's Supper, and the Holy Spirit, as well as material on justification and law and gospel. Quotations from the Smalcald Articles appear under several topics, chiefly on sin, human traditions, and the Holy Supper. Although not every topic contained references to the Augsburg Confession, most did; its page references were rather evenly distributed throughout the index. The Apology had proved particularly useful on justification, good works, and the Lord's Supper. Only half of the topics cited the Formula of Concord; the references to the Formula were concentrated obviously in precisely those topics that were the subjects of its articles.


That is not to say that the index's twelve topics that reflect the Formula's content focused only on the concerns that stood at the heart of the controversies of the period. The topic "On the Person of Christ and His Work" did not address a specific contemporary dispute when it cited the Smalcald Articles' treatment of Christ's "office and work for the redemption of sinners" as the last of its seventeen subtopics. But all its other subtopics dealt with controversies at hand: the dispute with "new Arians" and others who denied Christ's divinity (a subject Formula article XII addressed), but primarily the contention that had rent the Wittenberg circle in the 1560s and 1570s over the communication of attributes and the relationship of the human and divine natures within the one person of Christ.

The subtopic "How the Controversy over the Person of Christ Arose" introduced this subject with a page reference from the Formula's eighth article (on the person of Christ). (37) It was followed by a subtopic with three further references that summarize that article's content by referring to the digest of its teaching in the Epitome and to the introduction to the subject in the Solid Declaration. After mention of passages that reject false teaching, the index provides references to specific issues in the controversy with the help of page references from the Formula: the "real communication, that is the true sharing of the characteristics of the two natures in Christ"; "that it is correct to say ... that God suffered and died for us"; "how to understand that Christ's blood cleanses us from our sins"; "that Christ according to his human nature received almighty power even in the womb and revealed that also in the state of his humiliation"; "that Christ knows all things"; "that Christ has flesh that gives life"; "Christ can be present according to his humanity anywhere he wishes and thus also in the Lord's Supper with his body and blood"; "how it comforts us that Christ is present with us everywhere according to his humanity"; "that this book does not hold the position that the human nature in Christ is combined with the divinity, neither in its essence nor in its characteristics." Glaser offered readers one to four references per subtopic. These subtopics represent an excellent synopsis of the argument advanced in behalf of Luther's Christology within the Wittenberg circle since open discussion of the subject erupted in the 1560s.

Glaser followed the same strategy in presenting material on the Lord's Supper. (38) He led into his locus with the subtopic, "That the words of Christ's testament are to be understood literally," the first hermeneutical principle for north German Lutheran disciples of Luther. (39) The subsequent subtopics elaborated on the implications of the first: the Words of Institution of the sacrament are necessary for its proper use; Christ's power in his Word, not the human speaking of them, creates the presence of Christ's body and blood; what sense "under, with, and in the bread" has; the recipients receive Christ's true body and blood with the visible bread and wine and do so not only spiritually but also orally; that Luther used the word "spiritual" in a different way than had his "sacramentarian" opponents. In the explanations of these theses, Glaser provided a good summary of the official Saxon interpretation of Luther's views on the presence of Christ's body and blood in the Lord's Supper with references to the Formula of Concord, the Augsburg Confession and its Apology, the Smalcald Articles, and Luther's two catechisms.

The Formula of Concord concentrated its treatment of this sacrament on the differences regarding Christ's presence in the bread and wine that had separated Lutherans from Calvinists and divided other Lutherans from the Saxon spiritualizing "Crypto-Philippists." But the Formula had also addressed other issues that Lutherans had debated with Roman Catholics or that arose in the course of the use of the sacrament in pastoral care. Therefore, Glaser also presented questions regarding the ex opere operato understanding of the Supper and what constituted worthiness for its reception. The six subtopics concerned with the latter concept began with the affirmation that because the Word of God effects Christ's presence, unbelievers also receive his body and blood, though apart from faith they do not receive the benefits of the sacrament. Only unbelief and lack of repentance render a person unworthy of the sacrament. The unbelief or unworthiness of a priest does not invalidate the sacrament. Specific references to the Formula's summary of Luther's argumentation regarding the presence of Christ's body and blood in the Supper follow, along with his prophecies that after his death his position would be misinterpreted. These subtopics were joined with an explanation of the reason for including the issue in the Book of Concord and of the distinction between open and subtle sacramentarians.

Then Glaser turned to a series of issues specifically aimed at Roman Catholic views of transubstantiation, the mass and its sacrificial nature, and papal views of the priesthood and its privileged status and special powers. Except for Luther's Catechisms, all the sixteenth-century documents in the Book of Concord contributed to this critique of Roman Catholic sacramental theology.

Much the same pattern of presentation emerges in the topic "Law and Gospel." (40) Two passages from the Apology of the Augsburg Confession (IV:1-8 and 183-204) are enlisted to explain the first subtopic, "That God's Word is divided into the teachings of law and gospel," a general presupposition for what follows. The next seventeen subtopics are a series of propositions related to controversies regarding the definitions of the terms law and gospel and the usage of the law in the Christian life. At the end of this topic the authors also refer readers to two subtopics not related to the disputes of the 1550s-1570s, "Explanations of the Ten Commandments" and "Creation," both of which may be found discussed in Luther's Large and Small Catechisms, in the sections on the Decalogue and the first article of the Creed, according to the direction provided by the index.

In each of the other topics that had provoked controversy, readers found some references to the general teaching of the church, but the concentration of subtopics in topics on sin, predestination, adiaphora, and the justification of the sinner in God's sight focused in each case on the controverted issues that had disrupted harmony in the preceding quarter century. The Formula's treatment of justification was occasioned by Andreas Osiander's interpretation of Luther's doctrine of justification by faith in Christ, but it also criticized the doctrine of the Council of Trent. (41) In article XII Anabaptist and Schwenkfeldian errors on salvation, especially on the creation of faith apart from the means of grace, were rejected. (42) Concerns with the teachings of Osiander, Trent, and the "Radical" reformers appear in the index. Glaser directed readers to a proper understanding of justification based on Christ's obedience to the Father's plan of salvation as both God and human creature (rather than on the indwelling righteousness of Christ's divine nature, as Osiander taught) with references to "God's essential righteousness" and "that Christ's obedience, suffering, death, and resurrection are our righteousness." Special concerns of Formula coauthor Martin Chemnitz in his Examination of the Council of Trent (43) were expressed in subtopics such as "that true, saving faith is not merely a knowledge of Christ's history but also a heart-felt trust in God's grace through Christ," "Paul excludes not only ceremonial works but also the works of the ten commandments from justification," "that the particulae exclusivae [excluding phrases] such as Paul's expressions 'by grace,' 'without merit,' 'without the law,' 'without works,' 'not by works,' are to be steadfastly maintained for the preservation of pure teaching regarding the righteousness of faith," and "how regeneratio and vivificatio [regeneration and making alive] are to be understood when used in the Apology [of the Augsburg Confession] in regard to justification since they are elsewhere understood as referring to renewal [sanctification]." (44) Subtopics aimed against Anabaptist teaching included "through the word 'Sola' (Alone) we do not exclude the gospel and the sacraments but only human merit" and "false opinions of Anabaptists and others who teach that we receive the Holy Spirit and faith apart from the hearing of God's Word." The index closed its treatment on justification with references to the exposition of the Apostles Creed in each of Luther's catechisms and to "the comfort, peace, and joy which believers have in the Holy Spirit."

Such applications of the biblical message to people and parish apart from the controversies of the day are found in the half of the index's topics (with one quarter of its page references) devoted to Melanchthonian topics that had not provoked dispute in the period. Some of these topics had specific polemical purposes but were aimed at foes outside the Lutheran arena to which the Formula had dedicated itself. For instance, "On Traditions and Human Regulations" treated pilgrimages, the rosary, brotherhoods, fasting, monastic vows, relics, spirits, and purgatory, on the basis of Smalcald Articles II:ii, using passages from the Augsburg Confession and the Apology as well. "On Confession and Absolution" combined attention to pastoral care with a critique of medieval abuse by referring readers to "confession before God, the neighbor, and ministers of the church," "enumeration of sins is not necessary or profitable," "there is not a particular time at which Confession must take plate," "absolution and the power of the keys," and "excommunication." "On the Church" not only addressed subtopics "that there must be a holy Christian church at all times," "what the Christian church is and where it is located," "that it is recognized by the presence of the gospel and sacraments," "that evil people and hypocrites are in the assembly of Christians," but also presented anti-Roman polemic: "whether the pope iure diuino [by divine right] is the head of the Christian church." Similarly, "On Prayer" provided references to Luther's catechisms for the exposition of the Lord's Prayer and added two subtopics criticizing the invocation of the saints. Marriage and secular government were treated each with one general subtopic although clerical marriage was added as a special concern in the definition of marriage.

Glaser had followed the model of the Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum and provided readers of the Book of Concord an overview and guide of its contents. It did provide orientation for preaching and teaching on a wide variety of biblical topics, but above all it assisted readers in addressing the controversial issues that had plagued their churches, issues that the Formula of Concord was intended to resolve.


New generations succeeded the pastors of the 1580s, but Glaser's index of doctrinal topics continued to be an integral part of the printings of the Book of Concord. (45) By the late seventeenth century it appeared also in Latin translations of the Book of Concord issued by the publishing firm of Gross in Leipzig, slightly revised and joined with indices of heretics, of Scripture references, and of topics in a more modern sense; the index of doctrinal topics was composed of twenty-two Melanchthonian topics, presented in the same order as in 1580 even though some of the original topics and subtopics had been expanded or omitted. (46) The first critical edition of the Book of Concord, by the German pastor J. T. Muller, initially published in 1848, contained six indices, including those for Bible passages, citations from ancient writers, unusual expressions, names and subjects listed alphabetically, and an "Index of the chief parts of Christian teaching," following the order of the original 1580 index to loci communes to a great extent (though not completely). (47) The Melanchthonian topical index disappeared with the 1930 edition. (48)


It is impossible to assess the success of Glaser's efforts to guide the reading of common pastors and teachers as they drew the Book of Concord from their shelves, to say nothing of whether they read it much at all. (49) But the index to the Book of Concord demonstrates a significant aspect of the changing nature of the commerce of theology in the sixteenth century.

Wittenberg alumni of the 1540s-1570s and their contemporaries from other Evangelical universities had all learned to read Scripture and think about its application in preaching and teaching in terms of the topics that Luther and Melanchthon believed had guided God's revelation of himself and his will in the Bible. Alongside this important genre, however, their theology was also governed by a few documents of a different sort. In 1530 Melanchthon had fashioned another genre of ecclesiastical writing that became vital for the life of the Lutheran churches, the "confession of faith." After some consideration Melanchthon decided that this word should designate the statement of faith that Luther's followers wished to place before the emperor, Charles V, to set forth what they believed and to assert their agreement with the catholic tradition of teaching. In the complex development of a substitute for the secondary, adjudicatory, authority of popes and councils within the Lutheran churches, the printed document of the "confession" came to occupy that place as an interpretative authority. In principle, the ten "confessions" of the Book of Concord were not designed as textbooks, as detailed surveys of all biblical teaching. Lutheran confessions generally addressed the critical issues of public teaching or practice under dispute in the church that needed clarification or resolution. (50) This problem-oriented approach did not aim at the same completeness that a doctrinal textbook envisioned, nor did it necessarily follow the credal order of such a textbook. (51) The index to the Book of Concord integrates the two genre, providing a topical guide to the material in confessional documents. (52) Because of the structure of those confessions, students trained in the Wittenberg pedagogical tradition would therefore have found an index of loci communes most helpful as an aid to finding in the various articles of the documents of the Book of Concord the material needed to meet the expectations of the topical method.

Mark U. Edwards renders a commonplace precise when he observes that the Reformation was "the first major, self-conscious attempt to use the recently invented printing press to shape and channel a mass movement," for, as he says, it "allowed Evangelical publicists to do what had been previously impossible, quickly and effectively reach a large audience with a message intended to change Christianity." (53) The Wittenberg circle not only learned how to publish; its members experimented with the possibilities the new medium offered for conveying ideas. They even recognized the teaching potential of the index. As the convergence of Martin Luther and Johannes Gutenberg altered academic discourse forever, a process began that caused intellectuals to explore new ways in which the medium could carry the message to readers. This index was one such attempt, an endeavor to lead readers into its contents in a manner that accorded with the learned mode of discourse they had absorbed as students. Melanchthonian method had shaped their world of thought. Peter Glaser received the commission to forge one more tool for training the minds of the clergy who were expected to conform to the volume's teaching and put it to use in their preaching and teaching. He and his colleagues who were responsible for the publication of the Book of Concord believed that pastors and teachers would use the volume in their own preaching and teaching. The authors wanted the readers to be able to find help for a range of issues but above all for the critical questions of controversy which the Formula was designed to solve. Glaser's index, as a commentary on the Book of Concord, synthesized the formal confessional prescription of official doctrine with the principles of teaching found in the theological textbook and thus cultivated the public exposition of the biblical message for those who claimed the Book as their own expression of faith.

(1.) Horst Kunze, Uber das Registermachen, 4th ed. (Munich: Sauer, 1992), 22.

(2.) Concordia ... Christliche Widerholete/einmutige Bekentnu[e]s (Dresden: Matthes Stockel and Gimel Bergen, 1580).

(3.) It is also contained in the editions of Magdeburg: Johannes Meissner and Joachim Walden's heirs, 1580, and Frankfurt/Oder: Johann Eichorn, 1581, but not in Tubingen: Georg Gruppenbach, 1580. A similar index was not prepared for Nikolaus Selnecker's Latin translation, Leipzig, 1580, or in the revised Latin translation of 1584 (Leipzig).

(4.) In a different way the preface prepared to complete the Book of Concord also offered theological, as well as historical, commentary on it, particularly on the Formula of Concord; see Irene Dingel, "The Preface of The Book of Concord as a Reflection of Sixteenth Century Confessional Development," Lutheran Quarterly 15 (2001): 373-95.

Robert Kolb is Missions Professor of Systematic Theology at Concordia Seminary, St. Louis.

(5.) Ibid.

(6.) Irene Dingel, Concordia controversa, Die offentlichen Diskussionen um das lutherische Konkordienwerk am Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts (Guitersloh: Gutersloher Verlagshaus, 1996).

(7.) On the usage of the term and the historical development of these Corpora doctrinae, see Irene Dingel, "Melanchthon und die Normierung des Bekenntnisses," in Der Theologe Melanchthon, ed. Gunter Frank (Stuttgart: Thorbecke, 2000), 195-211.

(8.) Accused of being "Crypto-Calvinistic" by opponents, in what was a shrewd polemical move, the Wittenberg theologians of the late 1560s and early 1570s who pursued a spiritualizing of Lutheran sacramental teaching were actually developing (indeed, intentionally behind the scenes, out of public view) certain elements of Melanchthon's thought, albeit in other directions than equally devoted disciples of Melanchthon, such as Martin Chemnitz, Nikolaus Selnecker, and David Chytraeus, three of the six chief authors of the Formula of Concord. See Ernst Koch, "Der kursachsische Philippismus und seine Krise in den 1560er und 1570er Jahren," in Die reformierte Konfessionalisierung in Deutschland--Das Problem der "Zweiten Reformation," ed. Heinz Schilling (Gutersloh: Mohn, 1986), 60-77.

(9.) Ernst Koch, "Okumenische Aspekte im Entstehungsprozess der Konkordienformel," in Aufbruch und Weg, Studien zur lutherischen Bekenntnisbildung im 16. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1983), 34-47.

(10.) On these efforts, see Dingel, "The Preface of the Book of Concord."

(11.) Its text is found in Die Bekenntnisschriften der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche, 11th ed. (1930; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992 [henceforth BSLK]), 1103-35; Robert Kolb and James A. Nestingen, eds., Sources and Contexts of the Book of Concord, (Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress, 2001), 220-44.

(12.) "Register der fu[e]rnembsten heuptstu[e]cke Christlicher Lere/ so in diesem Buch gehandelt werden," Concordia (Dresden: n.p., 1580), following the Formula of Concord, preceding the signatures of the theologians who recorded their subscription to the book, [332a]-[337b].

(13.) Irene Dingel, "Die Torgauer Artikel (1574) als Vermittlungsversuch zwischen der Theologie Luthers und der Melanchthons," Praxis Pietatis. Beitrage zu Theologie und Frommigkeit in der Fruhen Neuzeit. Wolfgang Sommer zum 60. Geburtstag, eds. Hans-Jorg Nieden und Marcel Nieden (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1999), 119-34.

(14.) The sermons he preached in various locations were published as Fu[e]nff Predigen: Von dem Wercke der Concordien/ Vnd entlicher Vergleichung der vorgefallenen streitigen Religions Artickeln (Dresden: Gimbel Bergen, 1580).

(15.) Irene Dingel, "The Echo of Controversy. Caspar Fuger's Attempt to Propagate the Formula of Concord among the Common People," The Sixteenth Century Journal 26 (1995): 515-31.

(16.) BSLK, XLII.

(17.) Reinhold Grunberg, ed., Sachsisches Pfarrerbuch. Die Parochien und Pfarrer der Ev.-luth. Landeskirche Sachsens (1539-1939) (Freiberg: Mauckisch, 1940), 1:240.

(18.) Hasse, Zensur theologischer Bucher in Kursachsen im konfessionellen Zeitalter. Studien zur kursachsischen Literatur- und Religionspolitik in den Jahren 1569 bis 1575 (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2000), 378, cf. 172-73, 185, 189-91,194, 204-6; and Ernst Koch, "Auseinandersetzungen um die Autoritat von Philipp Melanchthon und Martin Luther in Kursachsen im Vorfeld der Konkordienforrnel yon 1577," Lutherjahrbuch 59 (1992): 128-59. On Glaser's German translation of Lucas Osiander's Antisturmius unus (Dresden: Matthias Stoeckel, 1580) against opposition to the Formula of Concord in Strassburg, see Dingel, Concordia controversa, 54. On his collection of Luther's prophecies, first issued in 1557, reissued in 1579, see ibid., 613, and Kolb, Martin Luther as Prophet, Teacher, and Hero. Images of the Reformer, 1520-1620 (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Books, 1999), 180.

(19.) Hasse, Zensur, 313.

(20.) Wie der thewre Man D. Martinus Lutherus/wider die Sacramentirer gelehret/geprediget und geschrieben/ausserhalben derer Bu[e]cher/darinnen er insenderheit und durchaus wider sie handelt (Leipzig: Jacob Berwald's heirs, 1577), A2r-B6r.

(21.) No indices are found in the Prussian Repetitio Corporis Doctrinae Ecclesiasticae (Konigsberg: Johann Daubman, 1567); the Corpus Doctrinae ... [Wilhelminum] of Braunschweig-Luneburg (Ulzen: Michael Kroner, 1576); the Corpus Doctrinae ... [Julium] of Braunschweig-Wolfenbuttel (Heinrichstadt: Conrad Horn, 1576); and the Corpus doctrinae Christianae ... [Thuringicum] of ducal Saxony (Jena: Christian Rodinger's heirs, 1570).

(22.) Corpus doctrinae Christianae (Leipzig: Ernst Vogelin, 1560).

(23.) Corpus doctrinae Christianae (Wittenberg: Adam Krafft, 1561).

(24.) Corpus doctrinae Christianae (Leipzig: Ernst VOgelin, 1561); also in Vogelin's 1563 edition, that of Adam Krafft in Wittenberg, 1570, and Zerbst, 1588.

(25.) The index is not found in the Latin edition, Leipzig, 1572; an abridged index to the loci communes is found in the edition Strassburg: Theodosius Rihel, 1580 (along with a regular index of subjects arranged alphabetically). The German edition of Frankfurt/ Main: Martin Lechler, Hieronymus Feierabend, 1569 promises a complete index on its title page but contains none at all.

(26.) On the rhetorical and literary method, see Wolfgang Bruckner, "Loci communes als Denkform, Literarische Bildung und Volkstradition zwischen Humanismus und Historismus," Daphnis 4 (1975): 1-12, and "Historien und Historie. Erzahlliteratur des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts als Forschungsaufgabe," Volkserzahlung und Reformation, ed. Wolfgang Bruckner (Berlin: Schmidt, 1974), esp. 3-75. The twentieth-century scholarly appraisal of Melanchthon's work on the loci method began with the work of Paul Joachimson, "Loci communes. Eine Untersuchung zur Geistesgeschichte des Humanismus und der Reformation," Lutherjahrbuch 8 (1926): 27-97; cf. Wilhelm Maurer, "Melanchthons Loci communes von 1521 als wissenschaftliche Programmschrift," Lutherjahrbuch 27 (1960): 1-50, and Der junge Melanchthon zwischen Humanismus und Reformation, Band 1. Der Humanist (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967), 199-209; John R. Schaefer, Philip Melanchthon's Rhetorical Construal of Biblical Authority, Oratio Sacra (Lewiston, N.Y.: Mellen, 1990), 205-49. On the further use of the Melanchthonian model in sixteenth-century Lutheran theology, see Helmar Junghans, "Philipp Melanchthons Loci theologici und ihre Rezeption in deutschen Universitaten und Schulen," in Werk und Rezeption Philipp Melanchthons in Universitat und Schule bis ins 18. Jahrhundert, ed. Gunther Wartenberg (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1999), 9-30, and Robert Kolb, "The Ordering of the Loci Communes Theologici: The Structuring of the Melanchthonian Dogmatic Tradition," Concordia Journal 23 (1997): 317-37. On the German translation of the Loci, see Johannes Schilling, "Melanchthons Loci communes deutsch," Humanismus und Wittenberger Reformation. Festgabe ... gewidmet Helmar Junghans, eds. Michael Beyer, Gunther Wartenberg, and Hans-Peter Hasse (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1996), 337-52, and "Melanchthons deutsche Dogmatik," Der Theologe Melanchthon, ed. Gunter Frank (Stuttgart: Thorbecke, 2000), 243-57.

(27.) C. G. Bretschneider and H. E. Bindweil, eds., Corpus Reformatorum. Philippi Melanthonis Opera quae supersunt omnia (Halle and Bratmschweig: Schwetschke, 1834-1860), volume 21, contains the three editions. The 1521 edition and the final revisions of 1559 are contained in Melanchthons Werke, II. B 1. & 2. Teile, ed. Robert Stupperich (Gutersloh: Mohn, 1978, 1980).

(28.) Karl Heim, Das Gewissheitsproblem in der systematischen Theologie his zu Schleiermacher (Leipzig: Hinrich, 1911), 268-69; Ernst Bizer, Theologie der Verheissung, Studien zur Theologie des jungen Melanchthon (Neukirchen: Neukirchener Verlag, 1964), 50-85.

(29.) He matriculated as a student in 1550, Karl Eduard Forstemann, ed., Album Academiae Vitebergensis ab A. Ch. MDII usque ad MDLX (Leipzig: Tauchnitz, 1841), 1:256a, 30.

(30.) The claim of Christoph Strohm that Martin Chemnitz's commentary on Melanchthon's Loci communes theologici was the first instance of Lutheran use and further development of Melanchthon's Loci method and that Calvinists employed this method earlier and more comprehensively than his Lutheran followers is inexplicable in view of Lutheran use of the method in the 1540s and 1550s as well as later; see Strohm, "Melanchthon-Rezeption im fruhen Calvinismus," Dona Melanchthoniana, Festgabe fur Heinz Scheible zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. Johanna Loehr (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Fromman-Holzboog, 2001), 443. Among many examples that demonstrate the widespread and scrupulous use of Melanchthon's loci method are Erasmus Sarcerius, Methodus in praecipuos scripturae divinae locos, ad nuda didactici generis praecepta (Basel: Bartholomaeus Westhemer, 1538), revised and frequently republished, for example, Locorum commanium ex consensu divinae scripturae, & sanctorum patrum, ad certain methodum clarissima simul & copiossima confirmatio (Basel: n.p., 1557), and Johannes Wigand and Matthaeus Judex, Syntagma sev corpus doctrinae Christi, ex nouo Testamento tantum, Methodice ratione, singulari fide & diligentia congestum (Basel: Oporinus, 1559), and Syntagma sev corpus doctrinae Veri & omnipotentis Dei ex ueteri Testamento tantum, methodice ratione, singulari studio, fide & diligentia collectum, dispositum, & concionnatum (Basel: Oporinus, 1563). Cf. Robert Kolb, "The Ordering of the Loci Communes," and "Teaching the Text, The Commonplace Method in Sixteenth Century Lutheran Biblical Commentary," Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance XLIX (1987): 571-85.

(31.) Corpus Doctrinae Christianae. Quae est summa orthodoxi et catholici Dogmatis ... a Reuerendo uiro D. Philippo Melanchthone (Leipzig: Ernst Vogelin, 1561), Ppplv-Ppp2r; Corpus Doctrinae Christianae. Das ist/ Gantze Summa der rechten waren Christlichen Lehre ... Durch den Ehrnwirdigen Herren Philippum Melanthonern (Leipzig: [Ernst Vogelin?], 1562), Ddd6v-Eeelr.

(32.) Peter Fraenkel, "Ten Questions Concerning Melanchthon, the Fathers and the Eucharist," Luther und Melanchthon, Referate und Berichte des Zweiten Internationalen Kongresses fur Lutherforschung, ed. Vilmos Vajta (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1961), 146-64.

(33.) Latin edition, 1561, Ppp4v; German edition, 1562, Eee6v-Ffflr.

(34.) For example, in Syntagma ex nouo Testamento, 21-22; Syntagma ex ueteri Testamento, 17-18, 23-24.

(35.) BSLK, 767-69, 833-43; Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, eds., The Book of Concord (Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress, 2000), 486-87, 526-31.

(36.) An auxiliary support for the Lutheran confession that Christ's body and blood were offered and received in the bread and wine of the sacrament came from the Christological teaching of the "communication of attributes," that the human and divine natures of Christ so shared their characteristics that it could be possible for body and blood--elements of the human nature--to share the divine characteristic of being present in various modes, including sacramentally. On the development of Luther's use of Christology in defense of his understanding of the presence of Christ's body and blood in the Lord's Supper, see Bengt Hagglund, "'Majestas hominis Christi.' Wie hat Martin Chemnitz die Christologie Luthers gedeutet?" Lutherjahrbuch 47 (1980): 71-88, Theodor Mahlmann, Das neue Dogma der lutherischen Christologie, Problem und Geschichte seiner Begrundung (Gutersloh: Mohn, 1969), and Hans Christian Brandy, Die sprite Christologie des Johannes Brenz (Tubingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1991).

(37.) Formula of Concord VIII, BSLK, 804-12, 1017-49; Book of Concord, 508-14, 616-34.

(38.) Formula of Concord VII, BSLK, 796-803, 970-1016; Book of Concord, 503-8, 591-615.

(39.) See Mahlmann, 19-43.

(40.) Formula of Concord V, BSLK, 790-93, 951-61; Book of Concord, 500-502, 581-86.

(41.) Formula of Concord III, BSLK, 781-86, 913-36; Book of Concord, 494-97, 562-73.

(42.) Formula of Concord XII, BSLK, 822-26, 1091-99; Book of Concord, 520-23, 656-60.

(43.) Examinis concilii Tridentini ... opus integrum, quatuor partes, in quibus praecipuorum capitum totius doctrinae Papisticae, firma & solida refutatio, tum ex sacrae scripturae fontibus, tum ex orthodoxorum Patrum consensu collecta est (1566-73); Examination of the Council of Trent, 4 vols., trans. Fred Kramer (Saint Louis, Mo.: Concordia, 1971-86). Chemnitz's treatment of justification is found in the first volume of the work.

(44.) This last subtopic refers to changing usage of these terms over the course of the sixteenth century. Melanchthon used them as explanations for justification; his students altered their usage and applied them exclusively to sanctification. Chemnitz was concerned that readers of the Apology would become confused by its usage, which differed from that in common currency among Lutherans by the 1570s.

(45.) Cf., for example, the German Concordia (Stuttgart: Johann Weyrich Rosslin, 1611), which placed the "Register" after the preface at the beginning of the volume, and Concordia (Leipzig: Abraham Lamberg, 1622).

(46.) Concordia. Pia et Unanimi consensu Repetita Confessio fidei et doctrinae electorum, principium et ordinem imperii ... Qui Augustanam Confessionem amplictuuntur (Leipzig: Gross, reissued periodically between 1698 and 1732 [for example, also in 1702, 1705, 1724]).

(47.) J. T. Muller, ed., Die symbolischen Bucher der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche, 12th [final] ed. (Gutersloh: Werner, 1928).

(48.) See note 11 above. The topical index of the BSLK was translated and expanded for the Book of Concord by Sean R. Burke.

(49.) Scholars have noted that in the period of "Lutheran Orthodoxy," when the Book of Concord was employed in a majority of German Lutheran principalities and cities as the standard of public teaching, it was little cited in the works of the great professors of theology; see Johannes Wallmann, "Die Rolle der Bekenntnisschriften im alteren Lutherum," Bekenntnis und Einheit der Kirche. Studien zum Konkordienbuch, eds. Martin Brecht and Reinhard Schwarz (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1980), 381-92; Robert D. Preus, "The Influence of the Formula of Concord on the Later Lutheran Orthodoxy," Discord, Dialog, and Politics. Studies in the Lutheran Reformation's Formula of Concord, eds. Lewis W. Spitz and Wenzel Lohff, (Philadelphia, Penn.: Fortress, 1977), 86-101.

(50.) Robert Kolb, Confessing the Faith, Reformers Define the Church, 1530-1580 (Saint Louis, Mo.: Concordia, 1991), 13-42.

(51.) That judgment must be qualified by the fact that the Augsburg Confession did indeed present a justification of the Lutheran claim to catholicity, to be truly the church of Christ, and so its first section of twenty-one articles did endeavor to confess the Lutheran teaching on fundamental elements of the catholic tradition.

(52.) The contents of the Book of Concord were generally designated with the ancient Greek word for a creed or confession of faith, "symbol," until the twentieth century. With the publication of BSLK, the designation "confession" established itself in common usage.

(53.) Mark U. Edwards, Jr., Printing, Propaganda, and Martin Luther (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 1.
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