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Mediating difference in classical antiquity: the Greek sanctuary bath.

The Knidian Aphrodite is one of the most reproduced, and consequently one of the most well-known, statues of the late Classical period in Greek art. Purchased by the city of Knidos in the mid-4th century BCE, the sculpture served as a cult statue in the Temple of Aphrodite Euploia (Figure 1). (1) Pliny the Elder, writing in the 1st century CE, attributes the statue to the sculptor Praxiteles, noting in his Natural History that it became a tourist attraction in antiquity, at times even drawing unwanted attention from hopeful suitors. (2) Aphrodite is caught in a private moment as she enters her bath, and the viewer assumes a voyeuristic role. In fact, it is this very sense of voyeurism that adds to the underlying eroticism of the sculpture. The statue was much admired in antiquity, and was reproduced frequently and widely disseminated. In choosing to depict the goddess in this manner, Praxiteles introduced the nude Aphrodite into the corpus of classical Greek art for the first time. The Aphrodite of Knidos created a canon for the female body, and Christine Havelock has noted that it was in this way that "... the female nude as a subject for the plastic arts entered the mainstream of the West." (3)

The Knidian Aphrodite is a good starting point for a discussion of public baths and gendered space in antiquity, since this is one of the few Classical sculptures that we have of a nude female bathing, and the only one that I know of that was incorporated into a public space. In this paper I will suggest that literary references to bathing in antiquity refer almost exclusively to men, and that the Greek public bath, or balaneion, was a gendered space reserved for men alone. Women, I will argue, bathed in the home or in private, and it was not until the late Classical period, around the time that the Aphrodite statue was commissioned, that women may have begun to frequent the public baths. Although the archaeological picture is far from clear, there is some suggestion that when women used the public baths during the late Classical and Hellenistic periods, they frequented baths located in sanctuaries. Perhaps it is no mistake then that our only statue of a nude woman bathing in antiquity was also located in a sacred context. Finally I will propose that the Greek sanctuary, particularly the cults of Artemis and Hera, and the healing cults of Asklepios and Amphiaraios, became transitional spaces in antiquity where traditional social norms governing the use of civic utilitarian architecture were abandoned. If this is true, then we need to reconsider the usage of these baths, and the ways in which the sanctuary baths might have mediated difference during the late Classical and Hellenistic periods

The Greek balaneion

The earliest references to baths and bathing in Greece date to the 8th century BCE when Homer refers to the bathing of Homeric heroes in single tubs, describing these tubs as "polished" and "silver." (4) The Bronze Age tubs found at Knossos, Mycenae, and Pylos correspond to this 8th century description which suggests that either Homer guessed correctly about the kinds of tubs used 500 years earlier, or more likely, that private bathing practices had not changed significantly between the Bronze Age and the 8th century BCE when the epics were codified. (5)

For Homer, the bath is a moment of transfiguration for the Homeric hero. We see this with Telemachus when he is bathed by Polycaste and emerges from the bath "in form like unto the immortals" and when Odysseus is bathed by the housewife Eurynome and "forth from the bath he came, in form like unto the immortals." (6) After he is bathed by the Sicilian handmaid, "great-hearted" Laertes "came forth from the bath, and his dear son marveled at him, seeing him in presence like unto the immortal gods." (7) In referring to the baths in this way, Homer introduces the notion that baths can have a transformative effect, and it is significant that in Homer this is reserved for men. For Homer the bath is a transforming moment for the hero who uses it. He enters the water a hero, and emerges from it a god.

In Homer this change is always mediated by women. Hecamede, the Trojan slave, bathes Nestor, Nestor's daughter Polycaste bathes Telemachus, Calypso bathes Odysseus, Queen Arete bathes Odysseus, Helen bathes the disguised Odysseus at Troy, and maids and housewives serve as bathing attendants as well. (8) Despite their presence as bathing attendants, we do not hear from literary sources about women bathing until much later in the writings of Hesiod. Even then the practice of female bathing appears to have been private. The earliest Greek literary reference to women bathing comes from Hesiod, writing ca. 700 BCE, when he voices concerns about men and women sharing the same bathwater, noting, "A man should not clean his body with water in which a woman has washed, for there is bitter mischief in that also for a time." (9) Although Hesiod does not elaborate on what manner of mischief to which he refers, this statement surely reflects not only a deep distrust of women by the author but also perhaps a more generalized cultural distrust of women and their bodies during the 8th century BCE. (10)

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By the mid-5th century BCE the balaneion, or public bath, was well-established. When we turn to Athens in the Classical period, the increased popularity of these baths is reflected by the construction of the Dipylon bath in the mid-5th century, followed by the construction of the Baths of Isthmonikos and the Bath of Diochares within the next thirty years. (11) By the end of the 4th century a fourth bath was constructed outside the Peiraic Gate. (12) The importance of these baths to the Athenians is also underscored by their longevity. The Dipylon bath was almost certainly in use well into the 4th century BCE, and the construction date of the Baths of Isthmonikos in the closing years of the 5th century suggests that these baths were used into the 4th century as well. The locations of these baths are also significant since every entrance into the late Classical city had a bath poised outside of it.

The placement of the earliest Greek public baths outside the gates or walls of the ancient city suggests that the civic baths were not only used as places to bathe, but also served a critical discursive function. (13)

[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]

[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]

In this way, visitors could have caught up on recent events before going entering the city, and bathers could have discussed news from outside with incoming visitors. The ancient literary testimonia refer to the discourse in the public baths, although it is precisely because of this "coffee shop" atmosphere that some of the ancient authors disdain them. Aristophanes even goes so far as to suggest that Athenian youths spend their days "chattering" in the baths, linking the baths to effeminacy, contrasting the basins of the balaneia into which warm water would have been poured by bath attendants to the "manlier Games" in which bracing cold water immersions were commonplace. (14)

There is no literary or archaeological evidence to suggest that women ever frequented the Greek balaneia during the Archaic and Classical periods. In fact, while men bathing in the palaestra baths are a common motif in Archaic vase-painting, scenes of women bathing in public are rare. A rare depiction comes from a late Archaic red-figure amphora by the Andokides Painter (Figure 2). (15) In this scene a Doric column on the right side of the image supports the edge of a roof, and a female figure is shown swimming in the sea (suggested by the presence of two fish), with three women watching or preparing to join her. On the far right, a nude woman walks into a building, turning her head as she walks to observe the bathing figure. Her right arm extends towards the swimming figure, directing the viewer's attention to the woman who is swimming. To the left of the departing female figure is a woman who is shown standing on a small platform with legs poised to dive and arms extended. On the far left of the scene another woman wearing a necklace, also nude, holds a small jar in her right hand, pouring oil from the jar into her left hand. The identification of these women as water nymphs, hetairai, or what the Athenians would have considered respectable women is unclear, although the context of the scene, an outdoor bathing scene taking place in nature, suggests that they might be nymphs. (16) This type of depiction is unusual, and during the Archaic and Classical periods when women are shown bathing, they are more often shown bathing in domestic contexts in lavers, or raised basins. These types of scenes become increasingly frequent from the first quarter of the 5th century onwards. (17)

The archaeological evidence suggests that from the Archaic through the late Classical periods the balaneion was a gendered space reserved for men. This is supported by the interior arrangement of the bath buildings constructed from the early Classical period onwards, ranging from tholos baths, or circular buildings, with an arrangement of tubs around the wall in which bathers would have faced each other, to steam baths, to immersion pools in the gymnasia. While the architectural arrangement of the communal space itself seems to point to male clientele, the contexts also reflect a gendered space since the tholos baths are always found in urban or athletic contexts, wash basins are found in palaistrai, and immersion pools are exclusively located in athletic contexts associated with either gymnasia or sites where athletic contests were held. The literary, archaeological, and vase-painting evidence all suggest that until at least the early Hellenistic period, if not later, the balaneia and baths located in athletic contexts were used by men.

The Greek Sanctuary as Mediating Difference

If we are to look for bathing by women in public spaces in Greek antiquity, we should look not at urban baths but rather at Greek sanctuaries, since the diverse ritual usages of water in some sanctuaries included bathing and purification rituals in which women were often the primary participants. In the Greek sanctuary water played a much different role than in the urban or gymnasia baths. From the mid 7th century BCE onwards, special stone or marble water basins, perirrhanteria, which were used for ritual purifications were placed at the entrances to sanctuaries. (18) The usage of these basins is described by the late 5th-century Hippocratic author of On the Sacred Disease when he notes:
 We mark out the boundaries of the sanctuaries
 and precincts of the gods so that no one crosses
 them unless pure, and when we do enter, we
 sprinkle all around ourselves, not because we are
 actually in a state of being polluted, but because,
 if we have any possible prior taint, we might purify
 ourselves of it. (19)


The positioning of the perirrhanterion at the entrance to the Greek sanctuary not only allowed the visitor to cleanse himself spiritually, but as Susan Cole has pointed out, they effectively marked the "special transition between secular and sacred territory, between secular and sacred activities." (20) In his Description of Greece Pausanias also mentions the importance of washing prior to entering the Greek sanctuary when he notes, "The same rule applies to those who sacrifice to Telephus at Pergamum on the river Caicus; these too may not go up to the temple of Asklepius before they have bathed." (21)

The importance of water in Greek religion is attested to in an inscription from Teos dating to the 3rd century BCE which outlines a list of ritual uses of water in antiquity, including purification and bathing prior to public sacrifice, ritual bathing, and the bathing of brides before wedding celebrations. (22) All of these types of bathing, with the exception of prenuptial baths, would have taken place in the Greek sanctuary. To accommodate this need, many Greek sanctuaries were located near a spring or the sea. (23) The springs associated with sanctuaries often had posted penalties for contamination of the water, highlighting the importance of keeping these waters as clean as possible for ritual use. (24) In addition to natural sources of water, many sanctuaries had pools set aside to receive ritual dedications, reservoirs for holding water, and bathing tubs or bath buildings for ritual bathing. (25)

The cults of Artemis and Hera were associated with water and were frequented by women. Strong female participation in these cults is suggested by the types of dedications found at these sites in areas that would have been pools of water in antiquity. In the excavation of the Argive Heraion hundreds of miniature hydriai were found, including a dump near the temple that contained 900 miniature hydriai, jars used to carry water, dating from the 7th to the 6th centuries BCE. (26) This type of dedication further supports the presence of female dedicants during the Archaic period, since this type of vase was almost always associated with women. (27)

The importance of water in the cults of Artemis and Hera is underscored by the use of sacred pools for dedications from the Archaic period onward. At Brauron in the sanctuary of Artemis, thousands of objects were recovered from the sacred pool to the northwest of the 5th-century temple, including bronze mirrors, rings, gems, scarabs, statuettes, and vases. (28) The earliest of these dedications dates to ca. 700 BCE, and the latest to ca. 480 BCE. A similar pool with dedications was found at the sanctuary of Hera at Perachora where the sacred pool was in use from ca. 750 BCE to the 5th century BCE. As with the Brauron pool, Humfry Payne notes that it was filled with an abundance of Archaic pottery, terracotta figurines, over 200 phialai and bronze vases, as well as small statues, ivory objects, and scarabs. (29)

While there are no formal bathing facilities at these sanctuaries that we can attribute with certainty to use by female participants in the cults, the Argive Heraion was equipped with bathing tubs which date to the 7th century BCE. Although the function of these baths remains unclear, there has been some suggestion that these baths were linked to secret ceremonies in which girls would either bathe the statue of Hera or in which priestesses of Hera would draw the baths. (30) The baths could also have been used for ritual bathing by cult participants.

Women were also participants in the healing cults of Asklepios and Amphiaraios, and Athenian inventories for the dedications from the Asklepieion at Corinth suggest that at Corinth female dedicants outnumbered male. (31) The popularity and participation in these cults by women is also attested to by dedications and inscriptions from the cult of Asklepios at Epidauros. The inscriptions suggest that women commonly sought cures at the sanctuary for a wide range of illnesses. One inscription from Epidaurus dating to the second half of the 4th century BCE reads, "Cleo was with child for five years. After she had been pregnant for five years she came as a supplicant to the god and slept in the Abaton. As soon as she left it and got outside the temple precincts she bore a son who, immediately after birth, washed himself at the fountain and walked about with his mother. In return for this favor she inscribed on her offering: 'Admirable is not the greatness of this tablet, but the Divinity, in that Cleo carried the burden in her womb for five years, until she slept in the Temple and He made her sound." (32)

One of the unusual aspects of these cults is that prior to undergoing incubation, or a state of healing sleep in which the god would appear to the devotee, visitors would have undergone purification by bathing. Aristophanes and Xenophon both discuss the practice of bathing prior to incubation in Asklepieia, and this practice extended to the healing cult of Amphiaraos as well. (33) Sanctuaries of Asklepios often accommodated this practice by including chambers or buildings in the sanctuary that would have been used for bathing. The Asklepieion at Corinth, dating to the late Classical period, had an underground chamber with provisions for water next to the temple abaton, a sacred space that would have been inaccessible to the sanctuary visitor. The bathing chamber was cut into the natural rock, and visitors would have descended into a small room where a basin was built into the floor. Although not deep enough for full immersion, water could have been poured over the worshippers, and the excavator has suggested that this was a lustral chamber in which worshippers would have had a preliminary bath before undergoing incubation. (34) The 5th century rectangular "plateau" bath in the Asklepieion at Gortys probably served the same function. (35) At Epidauros a Hellenistic bath building dating to the late 3rd century contains several marble basins which were found in situ . Similar to the other baths in Asklepieia, bathers could have entered the building and had water poured over them prior to incubation.

The cult of Amphiaraios also was associated with cures, and a mid-4th century inscription from Oropos refers to a bath set aside for women in the sanctuary. (36) This inscription is the earliest epigraphic evidence that we have of baths designated for use by women. The bath building at Oropos, measuring 16 x 16 meters and dating to about 350 BCE, is roughly contemporary to the bath building at Epidauros. Although it is difficult to reconstruct the arrangement of the bath building due to the state of preservation, the structural similarity of the building to the bath at Epidauros suggests that it was originally outfitted with tubs in which women would bathe prior to undertaking a healing cure.

If the Greek public balaneia were primarily used by men until at least the late Hellenistic period, the Greek sanctuary, and in particular the cults of Hera, Artemis, and the healing cults of Asklepios and Amphiaraios might have become places to mediate difference in antiquity, acting as transitional spaces where traditional prohibitions governing the usage of the baths were waived. This observation in itself is interesting, since it allows a more expansive vision of women during the late Classical and Hellenistic periods. Although women most probably did not frequent the public baths in antiquity, sanctuary baths in healing cults would have been open to them. With the public and gymnasia baths restricted to a male clientele in antiquity, it is in the Greek sanctuary, particularly in the healing cults and cults of Artemis and Hera that we begin to see a transitional space open up where women are using facilities that in the civic context were reserved for men alone. If this interpretation is correct, then we need to expand our notions of how the baths were used in antiquity and the ways in which the sanctuary baths might have mediated difference during the late Classical and Hellenistic periods.

(1.) The statue illustrated in Figure 1 is the Aphrodite of Knidos of the Colonna type, which is a Roman copy in the Vatican Museum. The original has been lost, and this illustration is one of seven known variations of the Knidia type. The research for this article could not have been done without the support of the American School of Classical Studies in Athens. I would also like to thank Arne Flaten for his assistance and suggestions in the preparation of this article.

(2.) Pliny NH 36.20 "..For with this statue Praxiteles made Cnidus a famous city. The shrine in which it stands is entirely open so as to allow the image of the goddess to be viewed from every side, and it is believed to have been made in this way with the blessing of the goddess herself. The statue is equally admirable from every angle. There is a story that a man once fell in love with it and hiding by night [in the shrine] embraced it, and that a stain betrays this lustful act." All translations unless otherwise noted are Loeb translations and the abbreviations are those set forth in the Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd revised edition, ed. N.G.L. Hammond and H.H. Scullard (Oxford, 1996), ix-xxii.

(3.) Christine Havelock, The Aphrodite of Knidos and Her Successors: A Historical Review of the Female Nude in Greek Art (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1995), 1. See also Gisela Richter, The Sculpture and Sculptors of the Greeks (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970), 200-1.

(4.) References to hot baths appear in Homer's Iliad and Odyssey. See Hom. Il. 14.3 ("a warm bath"); Hom. Il. 22.442 ("a hot bath"); Hom. Od. 8.433 ("a great cauldron"); Hom. Od. 8.449 ("the warm bath"); Hom. Od. 10.358 ("a large cauldron"); References to the bath tubs themselves appear in Hom. Il. 10.572 ("polished baths"); Hom. Od. 4.47 ("polished baths"); Hom. Od. 4.128 ("silver baths"); Hom. Od. 17.87 ("polished baths").

(5.) For a discussion of Minoan tubs see Sir Arthur Evans, The Palace of Minos: A Comparative Account of the Successive Stages of the Early Cretan Civilization as Illustrated by the Discoveries at Knossos, vol. 3, The Great Transitional Age in the Northern and Eastern Sections of the Palace (New York: Biblo and Tannen, 1964), 385-6. For a discussion of similar tubs at Pylos see Rene Ginouves, Balaneutike: Recherches sur le bain dans l'antiquite grecque (Paris: Editions E.de Boccard, 1962), 32; 159, 9. For tubs at Mycenae see Ginouves, Balaneutike, 31, 39.

(6.) Hom. Od. 3.464; Hom. Od. 23.163.

(7.) Hom. Od. 24.370.

(8.) Hecamede (Hom. Il. 14.3); Polycaste (Od. 3.464); Calypso (Od. 5.264); Arete (Od. 8.433); Helen (Od. 4.252); maids (Od. 17.87 and Od. 23.470); housewife (Od. 23.163).

(9.) Hes. Op. 747.

(10.) Hesiod makes several statements in Works and Days that warn of the dangers of women. An example of this is in Hes. Op. 370-375 when he cautions, "Do not let a flaunting woman coax and cozen and deceive you: she is after your barn. The man who trusts womankind trusts deceivers."

(11.) Dipylon bath: Elizabeth Pierce Blegen, "News Items from Athens," AJA 40 (1936): 547-9; Kurt Gebauer and Heinz Johannes, "Ausgrabungen im Kerameikos," AA 51 (1936): 208-12; Ursula Knigge, Der Kerameikos von Athen: Fuhrung durch Ausgrabungen und Geschichte (Athens: Krene, 1988), 159-60. Baths of Isthmonikos: I.G. I3 84 (I2 94), line 37. See also Ioannes Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens (New York: Praeger, 1971), 160, 180, 332. Bath of Diochares: I.G. II2 2495. See also Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary, 158, 180.

(12.) A. Andreiomenou, "Die Ausgrabungen im Kerameikos," Deltion 21 (1966): 74, Fig. 16, Pl. 81b. Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary, 180.

(13.) The positioning of baths outside the city walls can also be seen at Oeniadai, Eleusis, and Eretria. Oeniadai: J. Sears, "Oeniadae: V. A Greek Bath," AJA 8 (1904): 216-26. Ginouves, Balaneutike, 193-5; Fikret Yegul, Baths and Bathing in Classical Antiquity (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 25, 29. Eleusis: Georg Karo, "Archaologische Funde," AA 46 (1931): 238; Ginouves, Balaneutike, 185; 188, 4; 193, 3 and 7; 197; 211, 1; 212, 1; 378. Eretria: Konstantinos Kourouniotis, "Ausgrabungen in Eretria," Praktika (1900): 55; Harold Fowler, "Archaeological News," AJA 5 (1901): 96; Konstantinos Kourouniotis, "Ausgrabungen in Eretria," Praktika (1916): 48; Jean Delorme, Gymnasion, etude sur les monuments consacres a l'education en Grece (Paris: Editions E. de Boccard, 1960), 162.

(14.) Ar. Nub. 1050 ff.
 Right Logic: This, this is what they say:
 This is the stuff our precious youths
 are chattering all the day!
 This is what makes them haunt the baths,
 and shun the manlier Games!


(15.) Paris, Louvre, F 203, ARV2 4/13. Red-figure amphora. A, Amazons making ready; B, women bathing. Andokides Painter. Late Archaic.

(16.) Another illustration of women bathing together in the sea can be seen on an Attic black-figure amphora from Etruria by the Priam Painter dating to ca. 520-515 BCE. The identification of the figures is uncertain--are they water nymphs or respectable women? This uncertainty extends to the identification of the women on the Andokides vase as well. Dyfri Williams has argued that respectable women are not usually shown naked on Greek vases, which suggests that these figures might be nymphs or perhaps even hetairai. See Dyfri Williams, "Women on Athenian Vases: Problems of Interpretation," in Images of Women in Antiquity, eds. Averil Cameron and Amelie Kuhrt. (Detroit: 1983), 97-9. Villa Giulia, Rome, 2609, from Cerveteri, amphora by the Priam Painter. Not in ABV, but in Para, 146 for (331, no. 8ter); Add2, 90. This amphora has been dated to 515-500 BCE by Jeffrey Hurwitt. Jeffrey M. Hurwitt, "The Representation of Nature in Early Greek Art," in New Perspectives in Early Greek Art, Studies in the History of Art, vol. 32 (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 1991): 41, fig. 5. See also Siegfried Laser, Medizin und Korperpflege (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983), 147, 167; Jean Charbonneaux, Roland Martin, and Francois Villard, Archaic Greek Art (620-480 B.C.) (New York: G. Braziller, 1971), 306-7.

(17.) This type of depiction can be seen in a red-figure cup from Chiusi, dating to ca. 480 BCE. Brussels, Musees Royaux, A 889, ARV2 329/130, from Chiusi. Red-figure cup. Decorated inside only. I, naked girl about to wash. Onesimos. Late Archaic, ca. 480 BCE. The popularity of these types of scenes is demonstrated by the abundance of women washing at lavers from the late Archaic period onwards. Some particularly good examples of this type are the late Archaic red-figure cup, Munich, Museum antiker Kleinkunst, 2679, ARV2 231/85, from Cerveteri; A late Archaic red-figure pelike by Myson, Paris, Louvre, C 11100, ARV2 238/9; A late Archaic red-figure pelike by the Syleus Painter, Leningrad, Museum of the Hermitage, 1591, ARV2 250/17; An early Classical red-figure lekythos by the Bowdoin Painter, Cracow, Czartoryski Museum, 605, ARV2 682/113 from Attica; Early Classical red-figure cup, Berkeley, University of California, 83225, ARV2 822/24, from Etruria.

(18.) The Isthmia perirrhanterion is among the earliest, dating to ca. 670-650 BCE. See M. C. Sturgeon, Isthmia 4: Sculpture I: 1952-1967 (Princeton 1987),14-61, esp. 41-45, Cat. No. 1, Pls. 1-26 and color Pls. A-B. This purification ritual would not have been considered the same as bathing. When bathing was required for rituals, it was normally referred to as louesthai ("to wash (oneself); to bathe"). Plato suggests this difference in the Crito in arguing that ritual baths and ritual sprinkling have the same effect--to make a body clean in body and soul. This treatment of these two activities separately suggests that they were considered separate acts. Pl. Crat. 405b. "and the baths and sprinklings connected with that sort of thing all have the single function of making a man pure in body and soul, do they not?"

(19.) [Hippoc.] Morb. Sacr. 1.110-12.

(20.) Susan Guettel Cole, "The Uses of Water in Greek Sanctuaries," in Early Greek Cult Practice: Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposim at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 26-29 June, 1986, ed. R. Hagg, N. Marinatos, and G. Nordquist (Sweden: Svenska Institutet I Athen, 1988), 162.

(21.) Paus. 5.13.3.

(22.) P. Herrmann, "Antiochos der Grosse und Teos," Anadolu 9 (1965): 39, lines 76-83.

(23.) Pausanias tells us that this was the case at the Argive Heraion where a stream flowed alongside the road and was used by priestesses for purification. Paus. 2.17.1. "Beside the road flows the brook called Water of Freedom. The priestesses use it in purifications and for such sacrifices as are secret." The idea of the sea as purifier can also be seen in Euripides when he says, "the sea washes away all evils from among men." Eur. IT 1193.

(24.) A 5th century inscription from Delos prohibits washing or swimming in a sacred fountain, and an Athenian inscription also dating to ca. 420 BCE prohibits the soaking of hides in the Ilissos which ran above the sanctuary of Herakles. Delos: Franciszek Sokolowski, Lois sacrees des cites grecques. Supplement (Paris: Editions E. de Boccard, 1962), 50. Athens: Sokolowski, LSS, 4. A 5th century inscription from Corinth imposed a fine on unqualified persons who went down to the sacred spring. C.K. Williams, "Excavations at Corinth, 1968," Hesperia 38 (1969), 36-62. When the Boeotians complained about the desecration of Delion to the Athenians, they cited the Athenian misuse of sacred water, which should have been left untouched except when used for ritual sprinkling before a sacrifice. Thuc. 4.97.1.

(25.) Cole (1988), 161. Cole discusses this noting, "for many sanctuaries water had a special ritual function and installations for water served special ritual purposes."

(26.) J.J. Caskey, "Investigations at the Heraion of Argos, 1949," Hesperia 21 (1952), 175, 197.

(27.) Erika Diehl, Die Hydria: Formgeschichte und Verwendung im Kult des Altertums (Mainz am Rheim, 1964), 171.

(28.) J. Papadimitriou, "The Sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron," Scientific American (1963): 114; Petros Themelis, Brauron: Fuhrer durch das Heiligtum und das Museum (Athens: E. Tzaferis, 1971), 55, 57, 61, 63.

(29.) Humfry Payne et al., Perachora: The Sanctuaries of Hera Akraia and Limenia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1940), 120. Although these types of pools and dedications are often a feature of the cults of Artemis and Hera, Tomlinson has argued against Payne's interpretation, saying that "the phialai (and other objects) got in the pool accidentally" noting, "It seems to me extraordinary to throw away a relatively expensive bronze phiale after using it only once." Despite Tomlinson's argument, I prefer Payne's interpretation since there is strong comparanda for this pool at Brauron. See Richard Tomlinson, "Water Supplies and Ritual at the Heraion Perachora," in Early Greek Cult Practice: Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposim at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 26-29 June, 1986, ed. R. Hagg, N. Marinatos, and G. Nordquist (Sweden: Svenska Institutet I Athen, 1988), 167, 169.

(30.) See Cole (1988), 164. Charles Waldstein, The Argive Heraeum I (Boston: Houghton, 1902), 112-16, pl. XII B, C, D.

(31.) Sara B. Aleshire, The Athenian Asklepieion: The People, Their Dedications, and the Inventories (Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, 1989), 45. Aleshire notes that 51.39% of the dedicants were female, and 45.82% were male.

(32.) IG IV2 121-2. For the inscpription and translation see Emma Edelstein and Ludwig Edelstein, Asclepius: Collection and Interpretation of the Testimonies (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 221, 229.

(33.) Asklepieia: Ar. Plut. 656-8:

Cario: Without delay we took him to the sea And bathed him there. Wife: O what a happy man, The poor fellow bathed in the cold sea!

Use of water in the cults of Asklepios and Amphiaraios: Xen. Mem. 3.13.3: On yet another who complained that the drinking water at home was warm: "Consequently," he said, "when you want warm water to wash in, you will have it at hand." "But it's too cold for washing," objected the other. "Then do your servants complain when they use it both for drinking and washing?" "Oh no: indeed I have often felt surprised that they are content with it for both these purposes." "Which is the warmer to drink, the water in your house or Epidaurus water?" "Epidaurus water." "And which is the colder to wash in, yours or Oropus water?" "Oropus water." "Then reflect that you are apparently harder to please than servants and invalids."

(34.) Carl Roebuck, Korinth, vol. 14, The Asklepieion and Lerna (Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1951), 157. "The lustral bath was evidently designed for a purificatory bath before the sleep."

(35.) Ginouves Balaneutike, 353, n. 6.

(36.) IG VII, 4255; ca.338-322 BCE. The inscription refers to "men's" and "women's" baths as well as to problems associated with the draining of water from the "men's bath."

Alyson A. Gill

Arkansas State University
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Author:Gill, Alyson A.
Publication:Southeastern College Art Conference Review
Article Type:Critical essay
Geographic Code:1USA
Date:Jan 1, 2006
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