Matthew Paris's 'self-portrait with the Virgin Mary' in the Historia Anglorum.
Matthew Paris (c. 1200-1259) is probably one of the best known, and certainly the most written about, exponents of chronicle illustration. (3) As both a writer and illustrator, he occupies a distinctive and possibly unique position. His oeuvre includes saints' lives and chronicles, and his distinctive hand has also been traced in a range of other manuscripts. While he has proved an attractive figure for art historians, he is often treated in isolation, partly because the types of texts in which his illustrations occur are not typical of thirteenth-century illuminated manuscripts. Matthew Paris's visual innovations are very much anchored in his understanding of the English chronicle tradition and it is by locating him within this broader context that his real originality can be understood.
The Virgin and Child enthroned with the self-portrait of Matthew Paris is probably the most polished of his artistic works. It was produced sometime between 1250 and 1259. (4) A tinted drawing, the subtlety of the modelling and the careful, soft modulation of washes set it apart from the more crude of his undeniably vigorous marginal illustrations. The line work is done with a confident elegance, seen particularly in the graceful sweep of the drapery that enclosed the body of the Christ-child within Marys embrace. The tinting of the faces is especially delicate. Art historians have frequently acknowledged the exceptional skill of the image's rendering; indeed its sophistication has aided the confusion around the identification of Paris's other works that seem lacking in comparison. (5) After a careful examination of Paris's manuscripts and drawing on the codicological and palaeological evidence they provide, Richard Vaughan argued that Matthew Paris had done almost all of the illustrations found in the Chronica Maiora and other chronicles. (6) Art historians, such as George Henderson, Nigel Morgan, and Suzanne Lewis, have continued this research, expanding the range of evidence and opening up Paris's work to more nuanced interpretation. (7) In addition, Paul Binski has demonstrated the value of examining individual images found within Paris's manuscripts. (8)
Given the range of Matthew Paris's drawings--from quick sketches to more carefully rendered works--the decision to produce such a monumental, finished work marks this image as significant to the artist. Although it has been frequently mentioned as one of Matthew Paris's most polished images, it has not been discussed in any detail: despite the title of his essay, for example, Brian J. Levy focuses on Matthew Paris as a poet rather than on his self-portrait. (9)
Although the Chronica Maiora, now bound in three volumes, is probably his largest work, (10) Matthew Paris also produced a shorter chronicle, the Historia Anglorum, in which his self-portrait is found. (11) In addition, he probably also compiled the first part of the Flores Historiarum for Westminster Abbey. (12) Paris transformed these works visually through his extensive use of marginal images and signa, and through an accumulation of additional prefatory material, such as maps and genealogies, that complemented the more standard written material. While Paris's use of visual devices is innovative in its elaboration and comprehensiveness, it is also anchored in pre-existing examples. (13) Earlier chronicles such as John of Worcesters manuscript, now in Oxford, contained similar, if less abundant imagery. (14)
As the Historia Anglorum is currently bound, it consists of: an itinerary from London to Apulia (fols 2r-4r); a map of the Holy Land (fols 4v-5r); a map of the British Isles (fol. 5v) (although these folios have now been detached and separately placed in glass frames); the large Virgin and Child with Matthew Paris (fol. 6r); Easter Tables and a Calendar (fols 7r-8r); and a series of tinted drawings of the Kings of England from William I (fol. 8v) to Henry III (fol. 9r). The Historia Anglorum (fols 9v-156v), a shorter version of English history, at least in comparison to the mammoth Chronica Maiora, was followed by the final sections of the latter chronicle that continued that history from 1254 to 1259 (fols 157r-218v), the year of Matthew Paris's death. The history was continued, in an unknown fourteenth-century hand, to 1279 (fols 219r-231r).
The image of Matthew Paris praying before the Virgin Mary is unusual not only because of its personal nature but also because of its position within the manuscript. It is located among an eclectic collection of discrete, prefatory materials with which it seems to have little in common. A large dedication image such as this is very uncommon in chronicles. Some chronicles, such as versions of that by the twelfth-century monk John of Worcester, do include religious scenes, such as the Crucifixions, which do not occur with an appropriate annal entry, although this too is not the norm. (15)
Examining the complicated history of the writing and compiling of Matthew Paris's chronicles does highlight one element of his approach. Vaughan's analysis of the individual quires of the Historia Anglorum and the Chronica Maiora demonstrates that Paris held onto these manuscripts for many years, during which time they were continuously reworked and added to. (16) The prefatory material is, to a certain degree, additional to the textual elements of the chronicles, and was not necessarily originally intended to appear in the combinations that it now does. Indeed, Lewis has suggested that Matthew Paris may have kept a portfolio of images that were later bound into various different volumes. (17) In the Liber Additamentorum, a miscellaneous collection of documents and texts, for example, Matthew Paris included a drawing of the Apocalyptic Christ, on the verso of which he had added both texts and images; much of this was later erased. (18) The larger piece on the recto was, in this case, actually done by another artist, the Franciscan, Brother William. (19) That John of Wallingford, a colleague and friend from St Albans Abbey, included pages of Matthew Paris's works, including Paris's rendering of Johns own image, provides further evidence of the existence of a pool of individual folios that had not been intended for a predetermined home. (20) Indeed, the poor quality of some of these pages suggests that Matthew Paris may have discarded them.
It would appear, therefore, that Paris's chronicles were either unbound or impermanently bound until close to his death, if not after it, allowing him to add, adapt, or remove material. In itself, this was not uncommon and, indeed, as an examination of the many miscellanies that have come down to us shows, the contents of many medieval books were not fixed. In his historical manuscripts, however, Matthew Paris combines a variety of diverse visual and written materials that reflect a consistent vision. Ralph Hanna has described such medieval collections as 'an oscillation between the planned and the random'. (21) Such medieval miscellanies demonstrate the flexibility and individuality inherent in medieval book production. One indication that the folio was intended for this manuscript is the inscription that appears on the verso of the large Virgin image. It records Matthew Paris's gift of the book to the monastery of St Albans, written in his own hand: 'This book was given by Brother Matthew Paris. May the souls of Matthew and all the faithful dead rest in peace. Amen.' (22) This does seem to indicate that the folio was bound into, or at least a part of, the book during Paris's own lifetime.
The image of Matthew Paris before the Virgin and Child is not the only image of the author in this manuscript. On folio 218v, and in another hand, is a drawing of Matthew Paris on his deathbed (see Figure 2). (23) The figure is shown propped up in bed, his head resting on his left hand while his right rests on a lectern by his bed, on which is seen a text that reads: 'The Book of Chronicles by Matthew Paris' ('Liber Cronicorum Mathei Parisiensis). Above the figure's head is an additional framed text-'And here Matthew Paris died' ('Hic obit Matheus Parisiensis)-while beside his head the text continues, commending Matthews soul to God. (24) Paris here is shown tonsured, with his eyes closed. This pose recurs in several of Paris's works, such as the image of St Francis receiving the vision of the Seraphim found in the Chronica Maiora, (25) or that of Louis IX being healed by the True Cross, which he represents in both the Chronica Maiora and the Historia Anglorum.
Matthew Paris's self-portrait does not conform to conventional author portraits, which have featured in manuscripts since classical times. The conventions are ancient and examples can be found in surviving Classical manuscripts. These images are generally located at the beginning of the text, often contained within an historiated initial. How the author was represented varied, although there are readily identifiable topoi. They were probably the most common type of miniature found in the medieval period. (26) Their location at the beginning of the text continued throughout the medieval period and this location is one reason why many images of scribes or scholars are thus identified as 'author portraits', even when not identified by an accompanying text. The distinction between portraits of the author or of the scribe is not always clear, unless the individual is so identified. The image of Matthew Paris found in the Historia Anglorum, while appearing in the early pages of this manuscript, does not conform to those typically found in medieval English manuscripts.
Such portraits usually show an individual figure, although there are occasional exceptions. For example, the Norman Chronique de Robert de Torigny from Mont-Saint-Michel and dating to 1156-57 (here referred to as the Avranches Chronicle), (27) has an unusual sequence of author portraits. Long known to scholars working on Geoffrey of Monmouth, this manuscript is also of interest to those studying English history writing and illustration. The Norman Chronique contains a series of unusual historiated initials, consisting of author portraits, which concludes with one of the contemporary author, Robert ofTorigny, abbot of Mont Saint-Michel between 1154 and 1186. These are: St Jerome writing (fol. 4r); Moses speaking to the children of Israel (fol. 5r); Eusebius of Caesarea writing (fol. 7v); Sigebert of Gembloux dictating his chronicle to a monk (fol. 70r); Theodosius and Gratian in dialogue (fol. 74r); a gesticulating figure (fol. 169r); two gesticulating clerics receiving crosiers from lay figures (fol. 170v); and Robert of Torigny showing Henry of Huntingdon a book (fol. 174r). Although Walter Cahn identifies this book as Nennius's history, (28) the work referred to in the accompanying text is that of Geoffrey of Monmouth, so it is more likely that this is the work depicted. This is one of the first representations of two living scholars in conversation.
The iconographical scheme reflected the text's contents. Like most medieval historians, Robert of Torigny drew on a variety of earlier and contemporary writers including the English-born, Norman-based Orderic Vitalis. The Chronicle itself was a continuation of Orderic Vitalis s own continuation of William of Jumiegess Gesta Normannorum ducum, with interpolations drawn from wider sources including Henry of Huntingdon's Historia Anglorum, Dudo of Saint-Quentin, and various saints' vitae. (29) The Avranches Chronicle was apparently the author s own copy, (30) and included within it is further tangible evidence of the cultural exchange between English and French monasteries. Robert ofTorigny also incorporated a copy of Henry of Huntingdon's Epistola ad Warinum that records Henry's visit to Bec in 1139 where he was shown a copy of Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia regum Britannie. This is the earliest known reference to Geoffrey's text. (31) The Avranches Chronicle was later bound with a copy of Geoffrey of Monmouth s Historia regum Britannie. (32)
It is possible, given that stylistically the manuscript is reminiscent of English workshops, that the artist may have been English in origin. Indeed, in his account of this manuscript and the Chartulary of Mont-Saint-Michel, (33) Cahn observes that the closest comparisons, stylistically, for the decorative initials are to be found in southern England. (34) In the mid-twelfth century, professional scribes and painters moved between England and France. (35)
While the Norman manuscript provides evidence of the flexibility of the standard author portrait form, the image found in the Historia Anglorum does not conform to such examples. The dedication found on the verso of the large Virgin image does provide one possible explanation for the unusual design. (36) Four of Matthew Paris's manuscripts, gifted to the monastery, are inscribed with almost identical dedications. (37) These include three histories and a miscellany containing the poems of Henry of Avranches. Although Vaughan describes these gifts as being given to God and St Albans's, only the Liber Additamentorum (38) and the collection of Henry of Avranchess poems explicitly mention the monastery in the dedications. (39)
The text of these dedications gives us another possible explanation for the type of image that Paris has included, as this type could also act as a dedication or presentation image, despite its unusual composition. Although there were no examples produced in England equivalent to the elaborate Ottonian works in which authors present their manuscripts to their patrons, or patrons dedicate their books to saints, Mary, or Christ, there are certainly rare examples of them. Perhaps the best known, and among the earliest English examples, is the tenth-century image of Athelstan presenting a copy of his vita to St Cuthbert. (40) In this image, the king is shown standing, head bowed, proffering an open book to the standing saint. (41) In the late eleventh-century copy of St Augustine's Commentary on the Psalter (see Figure 3), there is, in the second volume of the collection, a self-portrait of the Norman artist Robert Benjamin at the feet of Bishop William of St Calais. (42) The artist is shown kneeling, entangled in the leafy decoration at the base of the initial. (43) In the Eadui Psalter, which dates from between 1012 and 1023, (44) St Benedict is similarly shown enthroned, with the artist-scribe embracing his feet. Another example is found in a twelfth-century manuscript of Bede's Commentary on the Apocalypse, from Ramsey Abbey, where the scribe-a monk of Ramsey Abbey-is shown in humble supplication at the feet of St John (see Figure 4). (45) As in the Matthew Paris image, a border surrounds the figure of the saint. It contains in its lower edge the text: 'The writer of this book prays for mercy' ('scriptor libri ueniam precatur'). (46) In this case, the figure of the scribe crosses over this barrier as he lifts his arms in an open-handed gesture of prayer.
Like Matthew Paris, the Ramsey scribe is depicted in the act of proskynesis, which is rare in English manuscripts. One very well known example of it, however, is the mid-tenth-century self-portrait of St Dunstan from the St Dunstan Classbook, in which the saint is shown praying at the feet of Christ (see Figure 5). (47) The image is traditionally ascribed to Dunstan himself. While Mildred Budny has argued, in a careful analysis of the manuscript, that although Dunstan was not the original artist, he did embellish the distich and the drawing, probably retouching it with ink, Michelle Brown regards this image as having been drawn by Dunstan himself. (48) J. J. G. Alexander has suggested that Matthew Paris modelled his own self-portrait on this work of monastic humility. (49) It is also possible that the iconographical origin for both Paris's work and that ascribed to St Dunstan is an older model provided by the Carolingian Hrabanus Mauruss De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis. A possible model for St Dunstans work at least is the tenth-century English version of Hrabanuss poem now in Trinity College, Cambridge, as this manuscript has been connected with Glastonbury, where Dunstan was a monk (see Figure 6). (50) Indeed, Helmut Gneuss has argued that this manuscript was modelled on the Trinity Hrabanus, while William Schipper has strongly argued for this manuscript's presence in Glastonbury. (51) The original text, completed in about 810, was copied many times. (52) Brown has also pointed out the striking iconographical similarity between these images: all three of these submissive figures are shown with stubbled chins, suggestive of a recognised convention for portraying humble submission, despite the religious vocation of each, where priests are conventionally shown unbearded. (53) Interestingly, the image of King Edgar presenting his charter to the beardless Christ in Majesty in the New Minster Charter is shown bearded, as was common in representations of secular rulers, but also prone, as if viewed from above. (54) The image of St Dunstan, representing the artist-scribe as a humble supplicant in the presence of Christ, is one of the opening folios of the St Dunstan Classbook. It is possible that it provided the model for Matthew Paris's image, showing the monk not as author, but as scribe.
The Vatican example of Hrabanus at the foot of the Cross (see Figure 7) is very similar to the image of Matthew Paris in Hrabanuss pose, indeed even more so than the image of St Dunstan. St Albans Abbey has two manuscript texts identified as being by Hrabanus during Matthew Paris's time, although neither contains his famous poem. These are an incomplete copy of his commentary on Porphyry (55) and his Etymologiae. (56) Both are unillustrated. An ex libris on folio 6r of the latter manuscript, written in a thirteenth-century hand reads: 'This is Saint Alban's book and may anybody who steals it or expunges the title be damned. Amen.' (57) This does, at least, establish that there were some Hrabanus Maurus manuscripts in the St Albans collection during Matthew Paris's lifetime.
Although unusual in English manuscript illumination, the gesture of obeisance does occur more frequently in other contexts. The proskynesis pose is one familiar from ancient times and was used to represent an inferior and as an act of submission, as well as an act of prayer. It appeared as such regularly in Byzantine art. (58) Very closely related to this is its appearance as a gesture of prayer in Italian art, where the supplicant either kneels or lies prostrate with arms outstretched and parted. In Italy, it was gradually superseded, during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, by the now more familiar pose where figures are shown kneeling with hands joined at chest height. (59)
References to the gesture of obeisance also appear in writings on prayer produced in the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries, particularly in relation to the actions of priests and monks. The pose appears, for example, in the Parisian theologian Peter the Chanter's De Penitentia, written in the 1190s, which set out to describe, systematically, approved prayer gestures in a teaching manual. In this work, Peter the Chanter describes seven modes of prayer and the illustrations for modes four (kneeling) and mode seven (prostration or proskynesis) seem to bear the closest resemblance to that depicted in Matthew Paris. Peter the Chanter seems to have regarded prostration as the most sincere form of prayer because it produced tears. (60) Nine manuscripts of De Penitentia were illustrated, with varying degrees of accuracy; none was produced in England. (61) In the mid-thirteenth century, Humbert of Romans, the General Master of the Dominican Order, wrote of the ability of images of subjects such as the Crucifixion, the Virgin Mary, and the saints to excite devotion in the minds of his friars, and recommended that novice masters train their charges to bow before holy images, objects, and places. (62) This practice was explored in more detail in an anonymous text known as the Modi orandi sancti Dominici ('Nine Ways of Prayer of St Dominic). This work was illustrated in an early fourteenth-century manuscript that was probably produced in southern France. (63) It set out a 'gestural grammar', as Jean-Claude Schmitt describes it, in which he denotes six humiliationes or inclinationes, ways of bending the body, in attitudes of prayer, including the genuflection, a posture where the body leans forward at a right angle (genuflexio proclivis). (64) Again, this pose is close to that found in the Historia Anglorum. Although this pose is recorded from early Christian times as a recognised gesture of prayer, from the twelfth century it was gradually superseded, as kneeling genuflection and hands joined together at chest height became the more common prayer gestures. Nevertheless, the more traditional form used by Paris continued to appear in manuals produced for friars into the fourteenth century. (65)
It would seem that although the pose was well established in the rituals of worship, it was already conservative when Paris used it for his self-portrait. He did, however, utilise it elsewhere in his work. In the Life of St Alban, it appears twice: on folio 54r, two bishops, Germanus and Lupus, stretch forward to pray at the tomb of St Alban; while on folio 61r, at the translation of the saints relics, a monk is shown almost lying in supplication beneath the raised reliquary (see Figures 8 and 9). (66) In the latter scene, Hahn argues, Paris sought to evoke the sights, sounds, and smells of this event to underline the authenticity of the scene represented, and of the relics housed at his Abbey. To the left of the prostrate monk, another monk proclaims 'This is truly a martyr' ('hic est vere martir), as he leads King Offa and a procession of bishops and priests in the rite of translation. (67) In both these images, this extreme form of gesture acts to underscore a heightened encounter with the sacred. These images, in their location within a more elaborated narrative sequence, conform in type to the modes of prayer described in, for example, Peter the Chanters treatise. They also explicate further the significance of the gesture represented in Paris's own self-portrait before the Virgin and Child. The gesture of humility also plays into a trope common to the prologues of many English chronicles, where the author proclaims his unworthiness and lack of qualifications for the task at hand. (68)
In the Life of St Alban, Paris used the act of proskynesis in his depictions of figures praying before relics, or in the presence of the sacred. This is also the case with the self-portrait in the Historia Anglorum where the monk depicts himself in the presence of the Virgin and Child. While it might be expected that, as the Historia Anglorum was a gift to the monastery of St Alban, St Alban himself would have been a more obvious choice of patron saint for Paris; that the figure Paris has chosen is the Virgin Mary is a particularly resonant one at this time. The design of the manuscript image of Paris in prayer before the Virgin and Child is an early example of a type of devotional image that became increasingly popular in the mid-thirteenth century. It was part of a trend that saw the development of new types of imagery that reflected an enhanced emphasis on personalised forms of spirituality. The thirteenth century saw evidence of a widening of private ownership of devotional books. For example, in his examination of the inscriptions, text contents, and illustrations of English Psalters from this period, Nigel Morgan demonstrates the wide range of patrons from different social classes who possessed such manuscripts. (69) The expanding range of texts and imagery associated with Marian devotion grew out of monastic practices already well established by the end of the twelfth century. Indeed, Mary had featured prominently in the worship of the English Church throughout the Anglo-Saxon period. As Mary Clayton has shown, the feasts of the Purification, Annunciation, Assumption, and the Nativity of Mary had been introduced gradually from the seventh century, while the feasts of the Purification in the Temple and the Conception were first recorded in Winchester in about 1030, spreading to Canterbury and Exeter and beyond. Given that these feasts were not found in the rest of Western Europe at this time, their adoption in England indicates the existing strength of devotion to the Virgin in late Anglo-Saxon England. (70) At the same time as these developments, evidence of private devotions to the Virgin also featured in manuscripts in Northumbria from the eighth century, with an increasing number being produced in Southern England in the eleventh century. (71) While images of the Madonna and Child also featured in Anglo-Saxon art from the seventh century, Winchester in particular saw an expansion of the iconography of the Virgin reflecting these liturgical developments. (72)
In the thirteenth century, there is also significant surviving evidence for the increase of lay devotional reading. (73) Unlike Anglo-Saxon devotions that reflected the contemporary Monothelete controversy around the humanity of Christ, (74) the new forms of devotional image that emerged in the thirteenth century presented a more personalised spirituality focusing on the Virgin Mary that had become increasingly popular. Henry III's devotion, for example, was expressed in many forms, through pilgrimages, his attendance at Ladymasses, and other liturgical devotions, the commissioning of art and giving gifts to shrines dedicated to the Virgin. (75) Furthermore, a growing number of statues of the Virgin appeared in this century. (76) Not only did such statues become commonplace in parish churches and chantry chapels, cathedrals, and monasteries, but they also became more diverse in their iconography. (77) Unfortunately in England most of these sculptures have not survived.
The growing influence of the popularity of Mary in particular is also reflected in the decoration and liturgical practices found in St Albans Abbey. Indeed, Lewis has suggested that Matthew Paris's image reflects his desire to commemorate the artists and art works found in the Abbey Church, and recorded in his Deeds of the Abbots and to which he was exposed on a daily basis. (78) In its design, she suggests, Paris's work may have also been inspired by the 'most elegant image' carved by Walter of Colchester for Abbot William (1214-35) that was found above the altar dedicated to Mary. Abbot William de Trumpington had indeed encouraged the devotion to Mary in the Abbey, ordering masses to be sung daily in her honour in rotation by six monks. A new bell was to be rung to mark these masses. (79) New kinds of devotional texts, such as the Joys of Mary and the Hours of the Virgin, were also appearing and becoming increasingly popular. From about 1230 into the fourteenth century, the substantial rectangular piers in the nave at St Albans Abbey were decorated with murals, several of which depicted the Virgin and Child. These probably marked the sites for altars. (80) On one, produced sometime between 1240 and 1260 and roughly contemporary with Matthew Paris's work, below a crucifixion, is an image of the Virgin and Child with, on the right, an image of a kneeling monk at prayer. The monk has been identified as St Benedict. (81)
The decoration of these piers, along with other works that enriched the Abbey, undoubtedly had an impact on Matthew Paris's works. The surviving images of Mary found on the piers have their parallels in illuminated manuscripts that have been associated with Matthew Paris, such as the Virgin and Child in the Psalter of John of Dalling. (82) Lewis's suggestion about the influence of such works on Paris, while probably of more relevance to other images of the Virgin by him, does reflect his practice of recording both in word and image the treasures of his monastery.
Images of the Virgin Mary with a kneeling figure became increasingly popular in representations of both ecclesiastical and lay figures. Isolated examples of such devotional images can be found in earlier twelfth-century manuscripts. For example, a female donor is shown kneeling before the crowned Virgin in the twelfth-century Shaftesbury Psalter. (83) In this example, the nun is placed in the margin beside an historiated initial containing the Virgin. From the mid-thirteenth century, this subject is given a greater presence, expanding into full-page illustration. In the Lambeth Apocalypse, from 1260-70, a tiny figure of Lady Eleanor de Quincy, identifiable through the heraldic devices on her robes, kneels before a large-scale, framed image of the Virgin and Child, who play with a small bird (see Figure 10). (84) Similarly, in a rare, deluxe Missal produced by the Sarum Master in about 1250, Henry of Chichester is also shown kneeling before the enthroned Virgin with the Christ child who leans forward to take a scroll containing a prayer, proffered by the kneeling priest. (85) The scroll reads: 'Son of God, have mercy upon me' ('Fili Dei miserere mei). In the Amesbury Psalter, (86) also by the Sarum Master, a nun kneels before an enthroned, breast-feeding Virgin. Both these images show the Virgin uncrowned. Two later manuscripts show the Virgin crowned. These are the Cuerden Psalter, from about 1270, (87) and the Coldingham Breviary, from 1270-80, (88) where a monk kneels before the Virgin and Child. (89)
The image of the Virgin found in Paris's work is a particularly tender one. It not only reflected the new emphasis on intimacy that emerged in the second half of the thirteenth century, (90) it was also markedly innovative as one of the earliest examples of this new devotional approach. The Virgin is shown crowned--as was common in English monastic depictions of her since at least the twelfth century (91)--and seated on a backless throne, typical of Paris. It is one of Paris's most polished works. The infant Jesus reaches out to the Virgin, touching her cheek. The focus is very much one between Mother and Child. The accompanying figure of the artist is separated from them by the simple frame. Paris is shown offering up a prayer, the text being written in his distinctive hand: 'O happy the kisses pressed upon the lips of the nursing child when, as He often did as a crawling infant, He who is your true son of your body played with you [His mother] even as, true God begotten of God through His Father, He commanded' (see Figure 11). (92) The kiss itself highlights the mystical nature of the vision, as well as confirming the divine nature of Marys motherhood. (93)
The same text appears in at least one St Albans source, the mid twelfth-century St Albans Breviary, now in the British Library. (94) In this manuscript, it appears in a long section of prayers and responses in commemorations to the Virgin. (95) It does not appear in the early printed St Albans Breviary. (96)
The source of the text is elusive, although the sentiment is a familiar one. Binski has drawn attention to the sponsorial nature of the language, a theme widespread at the time. (97) As he has pointed out, such allusions also appear in the meditative writings of St Hugh of Lincoln and Alexander Nequam. (98) It seems to have been a popular motif among medieval writers. This particular text was well known in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Bernard of Clairvaux, for example, quoted the opening phrase in his first sermon on the Feast of the Assumption of Mary. (99) The entire text also appeared in an Italian Dominican lectionary from 1254. (100) It also appeared in the Sarum Breviary in the third lesson for the Feast of the Assumption of the Virgin. (101) It is, however, unlikely that Matthew Paris, a member of a monastic community, was familiar with the Use of Sarum, which was restricted to the diocese of Salisbury in his lifetime.
The texts origins are, however, even earlier. It occurs, for example, in a sermon by St Maximus, a fifth-century bishop of Turin. (102) It has been found in writings associated with Augustine, (103) Jerome, (104) and Ildephonsus of Toledo, (105) although all of these texts are now regarded as pseudonymous and probably of Carolingian origin. Henri Barre has suggested that the text was recorded, by figures such as Alan of Farfa, in three sermons associated with the new feast of the Nativity of the Virgin, each of which drew on writings associated with Augustine and pseudo-Augustine. (106) The text's popularity, at least in the Carolingian period, is also indicated by its appearance in a homily on the Nativity of the Virgin, ascribed to Alcuin. (107) Paschasius Radbertus is now associated with the Cogitus me, that is listed as Epistola IX in the compilation of letters associated with the pseudo-Jerome. (108) Quotations from it were integrated into such liturgies as the Feasts of the Nativity of the Virgin and the Assumption of Mary. (109) The Cogitus me was also integrated into the sermons ascribed to Ildephonsus. The text quoted by Matthew Paris also appeared in another pseudonymous collection that contained Ildephonsus's eighth sermon, which was probably written in the ninth century. This sermon was included in a collection also containing Ildephonsuss book on the Virginity of Mary. (110) Versions of this collection were to be found in Christ Church Canterbury and Worcester in the twelfth century. (111) A thirteenth-century copy of the Pseudo-Jerome's De Assumptione Beatae Virginis Mariae, once belonging to John of Hereford, Abbot of St Albans (1235-63), is now in the Lambeth Palace Library. (112) It is possible that Matthew Paris may have become familiar with this text from one of these manuscripts.
The language of the prayer is both intimate and loving. It reinforces the message inherent in the visual imagery. Both the gestures of mother and child and the prayer underscore the dual nature of Christ as both man and God. The text does this through its reference to the innocent games of childhood: playing games, yet at the same time He is divine, the Son of God. It is a descriptive prayer, there is no sense that the viewer or the artist is being asked to identify with the actions depicted, but rather with the emotions expressed. Yet by highlighting the vulnerability of the infant Jesus, the reality of his crucifixion and his sacrifice is also reinforced.
At the same time, Matthew Paris, while he prays, observes, and admires, does not (at least textually) interact with these visionary figures, nor offer up his soul, let alone his book, for their inspection. He is isolated, outside the action in the void of the margin, but his raised right hand seems to support the word 'infancie' in his open palm, holding the 'a' between the thumb and forefinger. This gesture, indeed, reinforces the intimacy of the depiction. Paris depicts himself as humble in the presence of the divine. The viewer is encouraged both to observe and celebrate this intimate, human moment of interaction between mother and child.
The image of the Virgin and Child with the portrait of Matthew Paris taps into contemporary trends in Marian devotion. References to Mary can be found in illuminated prayer books, statues, and wall paintings, as well as in prayers and writings by English theologians. Alexander Nequam, for example, in his commentary on the Song of Songs, writes of his devotion to the Virgin and of offering the work into her hands 'prostrate before the feet of her goodness'. (113) Indeed, Nequam encouraged the devout to 'form before the eye of the mind the Mother of sweetness and the Son, sweetly embracing each other'. (114) In this Commentary, Nequam sought to use meditations to encourage the visualisation of scenes from the Bible, using image-rich language, beginning each with the formula: 'It seems to me to see ...' ('Videor michi videre'). (115) Nequam was born in St Albans in 1157 and after a career in Paris, became a monk at Cirencester at some time between 1197 and 1202. (116) While Nequam's works were found in St Albans's library, there is no physical evidence that Matthew Paris read them, nor whether this image struck a chord with him.
The image that Paris has produced is, however, one of the earliest visual expressions of this form of devotion found in English manuscripts. It reflects very much contemporary explorations of this theme for both lay and religious audiences and the increasingly more frequent references to the Song of Songs that were occurring in spiritual literature. It is also a highly personal vision. As in his prefatory materials, Paris has anchored his imagery in his wide knowledge of other visual traditions, such as the St Dunstan Classbook. Its location, close to the beginning of the Historia Anglorum, is unusual but it is also an appropriate, indeed, salutary reminder of the monastic origins of the work. It is both a dedication of the book and the author to the Virgin Mary and a statement of authorial presence, disguised in an act of humble devotion.
The University of Otago
The following passages refer to notes 95, 99-105, and 107 in the article (cf. also Figure 11). My thanks to Carol Neel for her help with their translation.
BL, MS Royal 2 A. X, fols 137v-138r:
'O happy Mary, worthy of all praise, o glorious mother, o sublime birth-giver from whose belly the author of heaven and earth comes forth. O happy the kisses pressed upon the lips of the nursing child when, as He often did as a crawling infant, He who is your true son of your body played with you His mother even as, true God begotten of God through His Father, commanded. For in conceiving your maker you brought forth in time as a grown man Him whom you had as your framer before all time. Blessed are you, Virgin Mary, mother of God, who trusted in the Lord'
('O felix Maria, et omni laude dignissima, O genitrix gloriosa, O sublimis puerpera, cujus visceribus auctor caeli terraeque committitur. O felicia oscula lactentis labris impressa, cum inter crebra indicia reptantis infantiae, ut pote verus ex te filius tibi matri alluderet, cum verus ex Patre Deus Dei Genitus imperaret. Nam auctorem tuum ipsa concipiens edidisti in tempore puberem, quem habebas ante tempora conditorem. Beata es virgo Maria dei genetrix que credidisti domino).
Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermon One, In Assumptione B. V Maria De gemina susceptione, Christi scilicet et Mariae, PL, 183. 416D:
'Happy the kisses pressed upon the lips of the nursing child, in whom His mother rejoices on her virginal lap. For truly it is not the case, is it, that we think those kisses even happier which she has received today in blessed greeting from Him sitting on the right hand of the Father, when she steps up to the throne of glory singing a wedding song and saying, "May he kiss me with the kiss of his mouth"?'
('Felicia prorsus oscula labiis impressa lactentis, cui virgineo mater applaudebat in gremio. Verum nunquid non feliciora censebimus, quae ab ore sedentis in dextera Patris hodie in beata salutatione suscepit, cum ascenderet ad thronum gloriae, epithalamium canens, et dicens: Osculetur me osculo oris sui?').
Le sanctoral du lectionnaire de l'office dominicain (1254-1256): Edition et etude d'apres le ms. Rome, Sainte-Sabine XIVL1: Ecclesiasticum officium secundum ordinem fratrum praedicatorum, ed. Anne-Elisabeth Urfels-Capot (Paris: Ecole des chartes, 2007), p. 457.
'O happy Mary, O glorious mother, O sublime birth-giver from whose belly the maker of heaven and earth comes forth! O happy the kisses pressed upon the lips of the nursing child when, as He often did as a crawling infant, He who was your true son of your body played with you His mother even as, true God begotten of God through His Father, He commanded. For in conceiving your maker you brought forth in time as a mature man Him whom you had as your framer before all time. Happy this birth joyful to the angels, awaited by the saints, necessary to the damned, fitting for the prodigal-which as it showed you to be His true mother revealed Him to be truly man in suffering torments, in the many injuries to the flesh He had taken on, in being beaten with scourges, made to drink gall, nailed to a gibbet'
('O felix Maria, o genitrix gloriosa, o puerpera sublimis cujus visceribus auctor Celi terreque commititur! O felicia oscula labris impressa lactentis cum inter crebra indicia reptantis infantie verus ex te filius tibi matri alluderet verus ex Patre tibi Dominus imperaret. Nam auctorem tuum ipsa concipiens edidisti in tempore puberem quem habueras ante tempora conditorem. Felix puerperium, letabile angelis, expectabile sanctis necessarium perditis, congruum profligatis qui post multas assumpte carnis injurias ad ultimum verberatus flagris potatus felle patibulo affixus ut te veram matrem ostenderet verum se hominem patiendo tormenta monstravit).
Lectio iii, 'Servitium Beatae Mariae Post Purificationem', Breviarium ad Usum Insignis Ecclesiae Sarum,fasciculus 2, eds Francis Procter and Christopher Wordsworth (Cambridge, 1879), col. 311:
'O happy Mary, worthy of all praise, o glorious mother, o sublime birth-giver, from whose belly the maker of heaven and earth came forth. O happy the kisses pressed upon the lips of the nursing child when, as He often did as a crawling infant, He played with you as your own son of your body even as, God begotten of God the Father, He commanded. For in conceiving your maker you brought forth in time as a mature man Him whom you had as your framer before all time. O happy this birth joyful to the angels, awaited by the saints, necessary to the damned, fitting for the prodigal-which as it showed you to be His true mother revealed Him to be truly man in suffering torments, in the many injuries to the flesh He had taken on, in being beaten with scourges, made to drink gall, nailed to a gibbet. But what might I say, lady, poor in talent as I am, when I would wish to speak something of you, and my praise is less than your dignity merits? If I speak the word "heaven", you are higher than it. If I say "mother of mankind", you exceed it. If I call you the "Form of God" you are worthy of that. If I say you are the mistress of the angels, you prove that you are in every way. For what might I worthily say of you, what would I utter, since the tongue of the flesh is insufficient to tell your virtues? Meanwhile the tongue of the flesh falls silent in this praise which the spirit within always offers the more ardently. But you ...'
'O felix Maria, et omni laude dignissima, O genitrix gloriosa, O sublimis puerpera, cujus visceribus auctor caeli terraeque committitur. O felicia oscula lactentis labris impressa, cum inter crebra indicia reptantis infantiae, ut pote verus ex te filius tibi matri alluderet, cum verus ex Patre Deus Dei Genitus imperaret. Nam auctorem tuum ipsa concipiens edidisti in tempore puberem, quem habebas ante tempora conditorem. O felix puerperium laetabile angelis, optabile sanctis, necessarium perditis, congruum profligatis: qui post multas assumptae carnis injurias, ad ultimum verberatus flagris, potatus felle, affixus patibulo, ut te veram matrem ostenderet, verum se hominem patiendo monstravit. Sed quid dicam, domina, pauper ingenio, cum de te quicquid dixero minor laus est quam dignitas tua meretur? Si Caelum vocem, altior es. Si Matrem gentium dicam, praecellis. Si Formam Dei appellem, digna existis. Si Dominam angelorum vocem, per omnia esse probaris. Quid enim de te digne dicam, quid referam, cum non sufficiat lingua carnis tuas enarrare virtutes? Has interim laudes sileat lingua carnis, quas semper ardenter intus profert animus. Tu autem').
Maximus, Bishop ofTurin, Sermon 11, PL, 57. 866:
'O happy Mary! O glorious mother! O sublime birth-giver, from whose belly the maker of heaven and earth came forth. O happy the kisses pressed upon milky lips! When as He often did as a crawling infant He played with you His mother as your true son of your body even as, true Lord through His Father, He commanded'
('O felix Maria! O genitrix gloriosa! O puerpera sublimis, cujus visceribus auctor coeli terraeque committitur. O felicia oscula labris impressa lactentibus! cum inter certa indicia reputantis infantiae, ut pote verus ex te filius tibi matri alluderet: cum verus ex Patre Dominus imperaret').
Augustine, Sermon 207, PL, 39. 2131, para 5:
'O happy Mary, worthy of all praise. O glorious mother! O sublime birth-giver, from whose belly the maker of heaven and earth came forth. O happy the kisses pressed upon the lips of the nursing child when, as He often did as a crawling infant, He played with you as your own son of your body even as, true God and the only-begotten of the God Father, He commanded'
('O felix Maria, et omni laude dignissima. O genitrix gloriosa! O sublimis puerpera, cujus visceribus auctor coeli terraeque committitur. O felicia oscula lactentis labris impressa, cum inter crebra indicia reptantis infantiae; utpote verus ex te filius tibi matri alluderet; cum verus ex Patre Deus Dei unigenitus imperaret!').
Jerome, Epistola 10, 'De Assumptione B. Virginis Mariae', PL, 30. 144B:
'O glorious mother, O sublime birth-giver, from whose belly the maker of heaven and earth comes forth. Happy the kisses pressed upon the lips of the nursing child when, as He often did as a crawling infant, your true Son of your body played with you as His mother even as, true Lord through His Father, He commanded'
('O genitrix gloriosa, o puerpera sublimis, cujus visceribus auctor coeli terraeque committur: felicia oscula labris impressa lactentibus, cum inter crebra indicia reptantis infantiae, utpote verus ex te filius tibi matri alluderet, cum verus ex Patre Dominus imperaret').
Ildephonsus ofToledo, Sermon 8, 'In Laudem Beatae Virginis Marie', PL, 46. 270-71, para D:
'O happy Mary! O glorious mother! O sublime birth-giver, from whose belly the maker of heaven and earth was sent forth! O happy the kisses pressed upon the lips of the nursing child when, among the little toys of his crawling infancy, He played with you as your own son even as, Lord through His Father, He commanded. For conceiving your maker you gave birth to him in time as a mature man whom you had had before all time as your framer. O happy birth! Joyful to the Angels, awaited by the saints, necessary to the damned, fitting for the prodigal--which as it showed you to be His true mother revealed Him to be truly man in suffering torments, in the many injuries to the flesh He had taken on, in being beaten with scourges, made to drink gall, nailed to a gibbet'
('O felix Maria! O genitrix gloriosa! O puerpera sublimis, cujus visceribus auctor coeli terraeque committitur! O felicia oscula labiis impressa lactantis, cum inter crepundia reptantis infantiae, utpote verus ex te filius tibi matri alluderet, cum ex Patre Dominus imperaret. Nam auctorem tuum ipsa concipiens edidisti in tempore puberem, quem habueras ante tempora conditorem. O felix puerperium! delectabile angelis, exspectabile sanctis, necessarium perditis, congruum profligatis; qui post multas assumptae carnis injurias, et ad ultimum verberatus flagris, potatus felle, patibulo affixus, ut te verum matrem ostenderet, verum se hominem patiendo tormenta monstravit).
Alcuin, Homilia 3, PL, 101. 1303A-1303B:
'She brought forth a redeemer for us! O glorious mother! O happy the kisses pressed upon the lips of the nursing child! When as a wailing and crawling infant He played with you His mother as true son of your body even as, true Lord through His Father, He commanded. He who made you was born of you. He who brought water from a stone for His thirsty people was born of you'
('O felix Maria et omni laude dignissima, quae talem ac tantum Redemptorem nobis protulit! O genitrix gloriosa! O felicia oscula lactantis labris impressa! Cum inter crebra indicia vagientis infantiae reptantisque, ut pote verus ex te filius tibi matri alluderet, cum verus ex Patre Dominus imperaret. Natus ex te, qui fecit te. Natus ex te, qui ex petra populo sitienti aquam produxit).
(1) BL, MS Royal 14 C. VII, fol. 6r. I have presented versions of this paper at the Fifth International Medieval Chronicle Conference, Queen's University, Belfast, the 2008 ANZAMEMS Conference in Hobart, Trinity College, Dublin, the History Department at Monash University, and at the University of Melbourne. I have benefitted from the help I have received from many places and would like to thank Michelle Brown, Anne Duggan, Margaret Manion, Louise Marshall, Nigel Morgan, Carol Neel, Kriston Rennie, Roger Scott, Peter Sherlock, and Charles Zika, and the very helpful anonymous reviewer from Parergon. In addition, this article would not have been possible without the support of the librarians at the University of Otago, and those at the British Library, the Bodleian Library, Oxford, Durham Cathedral, Lambeth Palace, London, St John's College, Cambridge, Trinity College, Cambridge, and Trinity College, Dublin who provided me with permission to reproduce these images.
(2) Oxford, Bodleian Library (hereafter Bodleian), MS Auct. F.4.32, fol. 1r.
(3) The most comprehensive discussions of Matthew Paris's oeuvre are found in Richard Vaughan, Matthew Paris (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958); Suzanne Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris in the 'Chronica Majora' (Berkeley: University of California, 1987); and Bjorn Weiler, 'Matthew Paris on the Writing of History', Journal of Medieval History, 35 (2009), 254-78. See also Antonia Gransden, Historical Writing in England 550-1307 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974), pp. 356-79; M. R. James, 'Drawings of Matthew Paris', Walpole Society Journal, 14 (1925-26), 1-26; Nigel Morgan, Early Gothic Manuscripts I, 1190-1250 (London: Harvey Miller, 1982); and Francis Wormald, 'More Matthew Paris Drawings', Walpole Society Journal, 31 (1942-43), 109-12.
(4) Morgan, Early Gothic Manuscripts I, p. 143, no. 92.
(5) Peter Brieger (English Art, 1216-1307 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967), pp. 136-41) and Margaret Rickert (Painting in Britain: The Middle Ages (London: Penguin, 1954), pp. 119-20), for example, saw the variation of style across the range of illustrations in the Chronicles as evidence of the presence of assistants, while Montague Rhodes James ('Drawings of Matthew Paris', p. 2) thought that the marginal drawings in BL, MS Royal 14 C. VII were not in Matthew Paris's own hand.
(6) Vaughan, pp. 35-48.
(7) George Henderson, 'Studies in English Manuscript Illumination. Part I: Stylistic Sequence and Stylistic Overlap in Thirteenth-Century English Manuscripts', Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 30 (1967), 71-85; Morgan, Early Gothic Manuscripts I, pp. 130-45; Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris.
(8) Paul Binski, 'The Faces of Christ in Matthew Paris's Chronica Maiora', in Tributes in Honor of James H. Marrow: Studies in Painting and Manuscript Illumination of the Late Middle Ages and Northern Renaissance, eds Jeffrey F. Hamburger and Anne S. Korteweg (London: Harvey Miller, 2006), pp. 85-92.
(9) Brian J. Levy, 'Autoportrait d'artiste, figure de poete: le cas de Matthieu Paris', in Figures de l'ecrivain au moyen age: actes du colloque du centre d'etudes medievales de l'universite de Picardie, ed. Danielle Buschinger (Goppingen: Kummerle, 1991), pp. 193-206.
(10) The three volumes are now: Cambridge, Corpus Christi College (hereafter CCC), MSS 26 and 16, and BL, MS Royal 14 C. VII.
(11) See n. 1, above.
(12) Manchester, Chetham Library, MS 6712; A. Hollaendar, 'The Pictorial Work in the "Flores Historiarum" of the so-called Matthew of Westminster (MS Chetham 6712)', Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 28 (1944), 361-81; Judith Collard, 'Flores Historiarum Manuscripts: The Illumination of a Late Thirteenth-Century Chronicle Series', Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte, 71 (2008), 441-66.
(13) Judith Collard, 'King John and the Symbol of the Falling Crown in the Chronicles of Matthew Paris', Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, 3rd ser., 6 (2009), 37-41.
(14) Oxford, Corpus Christi College, MS 157; Judith Collard, 'Henry Is Dream in John of Worcester's Chronicle (Oxford, Corpus Christi College MS 157) and the Illustration of Twelfth-Century English Chronicles', Journal of Medieval History, 36 (2010), 105-25.
(15) Collard, 'Henry I s Dream', pp. 109, 121.
(16) Vaughan, pp. 51, 52-59.
(17) Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris, pp. 418-27.
(18) BL, MS Cotton Nero D.i, fol. 156r.
(19) M. A. Michael, 'Matthew Paris, Brother William and St Marcella: Comments on the Apocalyptic Man in British Library MS Cotton Nero D. 1', in Prophecy, Apocalypse and the Day of Doom: Proceedings of the 2000 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. Nigel Morgan (Donington: Shaun Tyas, 2004), pp. 239-49 (pp. 239-40).
(20) Morgan, Early Gothic Manuscripts I, p. 141, Lewis, pp. 390, 510, n. 30, Judith Collard, 'Matthew Paris, Brother William and the Franciscans', Interpreting Francis and Clare of Assisi: From the Middle Ages to the Present, eds Constant Mews and Claire Renkin (Mulgrave: Broughton, 2010), pp. 92-110 (pp. 104-05).
(21) Ralph Hanna, III, 'Miscellaneity and Vernacularity: Conditions of Literary Production in Late Medieval England', in The Whole Book: Cultural Perspectives on the Medieval Miscellany, eds Stephen G. Nichols and Siegfried Wenzel (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1996), pp. 37-51 (pp. 37-38).
(22) Translation is from Morgan, Early Gothic Manuscripts I, p. 143; Lewis, p. 457. Except where otherwise noted, translations are my own.
(23) Lewis, p. 458; Morgan, Early Gothic Manuscripts I, p. 143; Vaughan, pp. 7, 224.
(24) BL, MS Royal 14 C. VII, fol. 218v: 'In manus tuas commendo spiritum meum; redemisti me, Domine Deus veritas.'
(25) Cambridge, CCC, MS 16, fol. 70v.
(26) K. Weitzmann, Ancient Book Illumination (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1959), pp. 116-27; Robert P. Bergman, 'Portraits of the Evangelists in Greek Manuscripts', in Illuminated Greek Manuscripts from American Collections: An Exhibition in Honor of Kurt Weitzmann, ed. Gary Vikan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), pp. 44-49.
(27) Avranches, Bibliotheque Municipale E. Le Hericher, MS 159; see also Francois Avril, 'La decoration des manuscrits au Mont Saint-Michel (XIe-XIIe)', in Millenaire Monastique du Mont Saint-Michel, Vie Montoise et Rayonnement Intellectuel du Mont Saint-Michel, ed. R. Foreville, 2 vols (Paris: Editions P Lethielleux, 1977), ii, 203-38 (p. 207); M. Chibnall, 'Orderic Vitalis and Robert of Torigny', in ibid., ii, 133-39 (pp. 133-36); Raymonde Foreville, 'Robert de Torigni et Clio', in ibid., ii, 141-53 (pp. 145-46); Genevieve Nortier, Les bibliotheques medievales des abbayes Benedictines de Normandie (Paris: Editions P Lethielleux, 1971), pp. 67-69.
(28) Walter Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts: The Twelfth Century, 2 vols (London: Harvey Miller, 1996), i, 33.
(29) Margaret Gibson, 'History at Bec in the Twelfth Century', in The Writing of History in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to Richard William Southern, eds R. H. C. Davis and J. M. Wallace-Hadrill (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), pp. 167-86 (p. 176); Mary A. Rouse and Richard H. Rouse, 'Potens in Opere et Sermone: Philip Bishop of Bayeux and his Books', in Authentic Witnesses: Approaches to Medieval Texts and Manuscripts (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1991), pp. 33-59 (pp. 45-46).
(30) Rouse and Rouse, p. 35.
(31) Henry, Archdeacon of Lincoln, visited Bec in January 1139, when accompanying Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury to Rome. See Rouse and Rouse, pp. 35, 46; Gibson, p. 176, n. 5; Neil Wright, 'The Place of Henry of Huntingdon's Epistola ad Warinum in the Text of History of Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia regum Britannie: A Preliminary Investigation', in France and the British Isles in the Middle Ages and Renaissance: Essays in Memory of Ruth Morgan, eds G. Jondorf and D. N. Dumville (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1991), pp. 71-113 (p. 72).
(32) P. Stirneman, 'Two Twelfth-Century Bibliophiles and Henry of Huntingdon's Historia Anglorum', Viator, 24 (1993), 121-42 (pp. 140-42); Diana Greenway, 'Introduction', Henry of Huntingdon's 'Historia Anglorum' (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), pp. lxxii-lxxv; Chronique de Robert de Torigni, Abbe du Mont-Saint-Michel suivie de divers Opuscules Historiques, ed. Leopold Delisle, 2 vols (Rouen: Societe de l'Histoire de Normandie, 1872), i, 97-98.
(33) Avranches, Bibliotheque Municipale E. Le Hericher, MS 210.
(34) Cahn, ii, 33.
(35) For example, one painter worked on manuscripts at Canterbury, St Albans, and was in Hainault in 1146. See Cahn, i, 20, 33; ii, 129, no. 106; C. M. Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, 1066-1190 (London: Harvey Miller, 1975), pp. 79-81, nos. 42 and 44.
(36) Vaughan, Matthew Paris, p. 18, n. 5.
(37) Vaughan, p. 18, n. 5. These additional three manuscripts and their texts are: BL, MS Cotton Nero D.i, fol. 2r: 'Brother Matthew gave this book to God and to the church of Saint Alban. May anyone who steals it or expunges the title be damned. May the soul of the same Matthew and the souls of all the dead rest in peace' ('Hunc librum dedit Frater Matthaeus Deo et ecclesiae Sancti Albani. Quem aut abstulerit vel titulum deleverit anathama [sit]. Anima eiusdem Matthaei et animae omnium defunctorum requiescant in pace); Cambridge, CCC, MS 16, fol. 1r: 'This book was given by Brother Matthew Paris to God. May the souls of Matthew and all the faithful dead rest in peace' ('Hunc librum dedit frater Matthaeus Parisius Deo. Anima fratris Matthaei et animae omnium defunctorum requiescant in pace. Amen); and Cambridge, University Library, MS Dd xi 78, fol. iiv: 'This book was given by Brother Matthew Paris to God and the church of St Albans. Who carries off this book or destroys it, let him be accursed. Amen' ('Hunc librum dedit fr Matheus deo et ecclesie S. Albani. Quem qui ei abstulerit anathema sit. Amen). See also Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris, pp. 446, 467; David Townsend and A. G. Rigg, 'Medieval Latin Poetic Anthologies (V): Matthew Paris' Anthology of Henry of Avranches (Cambridge, University Library MS Dd.11.78)', Mediaeval Studies, 49 (1987), 352-90 (p. 355).
(38) BL, MS Cotton Nero D.i.
(39) Vaughan, p. 18; Lewis, p. 467; Townsend and Rigg, p. 355.
(40) Cambridge, CCC, MS 183, fol. 1v.
(41) Catherine E. Karkov, The Ruler Portraits of Anglo-Saxon England (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2004), pp. 55-63; D. Rollason, 'St Cuthbert and Wessex: The Evidence of Cambridge, Corpus Christi MS 183', in St Cuthbert, his Cult and his Community to ad 1200, eds G. Bonner, D. Rollason, and C. Stancliffe (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1989), pp. 413-24; D. Rollason, Saints and Relics in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), pp. 149-52.
(42) Durham, Chapter Library, MS B.II.13, fol. 102r; J. J. G. Alexander, Medieval Artists and their Methods ofWork (New Haven:Yale University Press, 1992), p. 10; Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, p. 20; Otto Pacht, 'Hugo Pictor', Bodleian Library Record, 3 (1950), 96-106.
(43) Anne Lawrence-Mathers, Manuscripts in Northumbria in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2003), pp. 40-41,45.
(44) BL, MS Arundel 155, fol. 133r; Michelle P Brown, Manuscripts from the Anglo-Saxon Age (London: British Library, 2007), p. 154, pl. 120; see also Michelle P Brown, 'Marvels of the West: Giraldus Cambrensis and the Role of the Author in the Development of Marginal Illustration', English Manuscript Studies, 10 (2002), 34-59 (p. 36).
(45) Cambridge, St John's College, MS H.6.
(46) For discussions of this manuscript, see Paul Binski and Stella Panayotova, eds, The Cambridge Illuminations: Ten Centuries of Book Production in the Medieval West (London: Harvey Miller, 2005), p. 110, no. 39; Kauffmann, p. 112, no. 86; M. R. James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of St. John's College, Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1913), pp. 240-42, no. 209.
(47) Bodleian, MS Auct. F.4.32, fol. 1r: 'Dunstanum memet Clemens rogo, Christe, tuere. Tenarias me non sinas sorbsisse procellas' (my thanks to Carol Neel for this translation: 'I Clemens, I myself, ask you, Christ, to keep Dunstan safe. And may you not suffer me to be battered by any storms'); Nigel Rogers and Margaret Sparks, The Image of Saint Dunstan (Canterbury: Dunstan Millenium Committee, 1988), pp. 8-9.
(48) Mildred Budny, 'St Dunstan's Classbook and its Frontispiece: Dunstan's Portrait and Autograph', St Dunstan: His Life, Times and Cult, eds Nigel Ramsay, Margaret Sparks, and Tim Talton-Brown (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1992), pp. 103-42 (pp. 141-42); Michelle P. Brown, The Book and the Transformation of Britain c. 500-1050 (London: British Library, 2011), p. 135. A facsimile is found in Saint Dunstans Classbookfrom Glastonbury, Codex Biblioth. Bodleianae Oxon. Auct. F.4/32, ed. R. W Hunt (Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1961), pp. 6-7.
(49) Alexander, Medieval Artists, pp. 25-26, 109.
(50) Cambridge, Trinity College, MS B. 16. 3, fol. 3r; Elzbieta Temple, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts 900-1066 (London: Harvey Miller, 1976), pp. 42-43, no. 14; Rogers and Sparks, p. 7.
(51) Helmut Gneuss, 'Dunstan und Hrabanus Maurus zur Hs. Bodleian Auctarium F.4.32', Anglia, 96 (1978), 136-48; William Schipper, 'The Origin of the Trinity Hrabanus', in The Cambridge Illuminations: The Conference Papers, ed. Stella Panayotova (London: Harvey Miller, 2007), pp. 45-53 (pp. 45-46).
(52) Alexander, p. 83, Michel Perrin, 'Le De laudibus sanctae cruces de Raban Maur et sa tradition manuscrite au IXe siecle', Revue d'histoire des textes, 19 (1989), 191-251.
(53) Michelle P. Brown, 'Bearded Sages and Beautiful Boys: Insular and Anglo-Saxon Attitudes to the Iconography of the Beard', in Listen, O Isles, unto me: Studies in Medieval Word and Image in Honour of Jennifer O'Reilly, eds Diarmuid Scully and Elizabeth Mullins (Cork: University of Cork, 2011), pp. 278-90, 389-91 (pp. 289-90).
(54) BL, MS Cotton Tiberius A.iii, fol. 2v; William Noel, 'The Utrecht Psalter in England: Continuity and Experiment', in The Utrecht Psalter in Medieval Art: Picturing the Psalms of David, eds Koert van der Horst, William Noel, and Wilhelmina C. M. Wusterfeld (Tuurdijk: HES, 1996), pp. 120-65 (p. 145).
(55) Bodleian, MS Laud Lat. 67, fols 9r-14v.
(56) BL, MS Royal 12 G. XIV; see also R. M. Thomson, Manuscripts from St Albans Abbey 1066-1235, 2 vols (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1982), i, 96-97, 104-05.
(57) BL, MS Royal 12 G. XIV fol. 6r: ' Hic est liber Sancti Albani quem qui ei abstulerit aut titulum deleuerit anathema sit. Amen.' Thomson (i, 96-97, 99-100) dates this hand between 1200-50 and notes that the same hand, and similar inscription occurs in another St Albans manuscript (BL, MS Royal 13 D. VII) containing parts of Josephus's Wars and Antiquities.
(58) Christopher Walter, 'Papal Political Imagery in the Medieval Lateran Palace', Cahiers archeologiques, 21 (1972), 109-36 (p. 115).
(59) Gerhart B. Ladner, 'The Gestures of Prayer in Papal Iconography of the Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries', in Didascaliae: Studies in Honor of Anselm M. Albareda, ed. Sesto Prete (New York: Bernard M. Rosenthal, 1961), pp. 245-75 (pp. 247, 249-50).
(60) Richard C. Trexler, The Christian at Prayer: An Illustrated Prayer Manual Attributed to Peter the Chanter (d. 1197) (Binghamton: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1987), pp. 18, 66-95; Richard C. Trexler, 'Legitimating prayer gestures in the twelfth century: The De Penitentia of Peter the Chanter', History and Anthropology, 1 (1982), 97-126.
(61) Trexler, The Christian at Prayer, pp. 40-43.
(62) Joanna Cannon, Religious Poverty, Visual Riches: Art in the Dominican Churches of Central Italy in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013), pp. 53-54.
(63) This illustrated copy is Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS lat. Rossianus 3; Cannon, p. 54; William Hood, 'Saint Dominic's Manners of Praying: Gestures in Fra Angelico's Cell Frescoes at S. Marco', Art Bulletin, 68 (1986), 195-206; Simon Tugwell, 'The Nine Ways of Prayer of St Dominic: A Textual Study and Critical Edition', Mediaeval Studies, 47 (1985), 1-124.
(64) Jean-Claude Schmitt, 'Between Text and Image: The Prayer Gestures of Saint Dominic', History and Anthropology, 1 (1982), 127-62 (pp. 132-33).
(65) Jean-Claude Schmitt, La Raison des Gestes dans l'Occident Medieval (Paris: Gallimard, 1990), pp. 295, 301-15.
(66) Dublin, Trinity College, MS E.I.40; see also W R. L. Lowe and E. F. Jacob, eds, with M. R. James, Illustrations to the Life of St. Alban (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1924). These scenes are reproduced in plates 36 and 50.
(67) Cynthia Hahn, Portrayed on the Heart: Narrative Effect in Pictorial Lives of Saints from the Tenth through the Thirteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), pp. 312-13, figs 145-46.
(68) Antonia Gransden, 'Prologues in the Historiography of Twelfth-Century England', in England in the Twelfth Century: Proceedings of the 1988 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. Daniel Williams (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1990), pp. 55-81 (pp. 55-56).
(69) Nigel Morgan, 'Patrons and their Devotions in the Historiated Initials and Full-Page Miniatures of Thirteenth-Century English Psalters', in The Illuminated Psalter: Studies in the Content, Purpose and Placement of its Images, ed. F. O. Buttner (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), pp. 309-22 (p. 310).
(70) Mary Clayton, 'Feasts of the Virgin in the Liturgy of the Anglo-Saxon Church', Anglo-Saxon England, 13 (1984), 209-33 (pp. 232-33); Mary Clayton, The Cult of the Virgin Mary in Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 52-89.
(71) Clayton, Cult of the Virgin Mary, pp. 90-121 (esp. pp. 120-21); Henri Barre, Prieres anciennes de l'Occident a la mere du Sauveur (Paris: Lethielleux, 1963), pp. 51-57, 63-69, 129-43.
(72) Clayton, Cult of the Virgin Mary, pp. 142-78; Barre, pp. 129-43.
(73) Nigel Morgan, 'Text and Images of Marian Devotion in Thirteenth-Century England', in England in the Thirteenth Century, ed. Mark Ormrod (Stamford: Paul Watkins, 1991), pp. 69-103 (pp. 74-76).
(74) Brown, 'Bearded Men and Beautiful Boys', p. 282. Unlike orthodox Christian doctrine, which held that Jesus Christ had two wills, human and divine, the Monothelete heresy argued that Jesus had two natures but only one will, divine.
(75) Nicholas Vincent, 'King Henry III and the Blessed Virgin Mary', in The Church and Mary, ed. R. N. Swanson (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2004), pp. 126-46 (esp. pp. 134-36).
(76) Richard Marks, Image and Devotion in Late Medieval England (Stroud: Sutton, 2004), p. 38.
(77) Marks, p. 121.
(78) Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris, p. 427.
(79) Marks, p. 55; Lewis, p. 434.
(80) Paul Binski, 'The Murals in the Nave of St Albans Abbey', in Church and City 1000-1500: Essays in Honour of Christopher Brooke, eds David Abulafia, Michael Franklin, and Miri Rubin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 249-78 (pp. 259, 263-66).
(81) Lewis, p. 512, n. 63; E. W Tristram, English Medieval Wall Painting: The Thirteenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1944), p. 326; Binski, 'The Murals in the Nave', p. 260, plate 5.
(82) BL, MS Royal 2 B. VI, fol. 12v; Lewis, pp. 425-26; Binski, 'The Murals in the Nave', p. 259.
(83) BL, MS Lansdowne 383, fol. 165v; Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, pp. 82-84, no. 48; Nigel Morgan, 'Texts and Images of Marian Devotion in English Twelfth-Century Monasticism, andTheir Influence on the Secular Church', in Monasteries and Society in Medieval Britain, ed. Benjamin Thompson (Stamford: Paul Watkins, 1999), pp. 117-36 (p. 130).
(84) London, Lambeth Palace Library, MS 209, fol. 48r; Nigel Morgan, Early Gothic Manuscripts II, 1250-1285 (London, Harvey Miller, 1988), pp. 102-03, no. 126; Nigel Morgan, The Lambeth Apocalypse: Manuscript 209 in Lambeth Palace Library: A Critical Study (London: Harvey Miller, 1990), pp. 70-71.
(85) Manchester, John Rylands Library, MS lat. 24, fol. 150r; Morgan, Early Gothic Manuscripts II, pp. 57-59, no. 100.
(86) Oxford, All Souls College, MS 6, fol. 4r.
(87) NewYork, Pierpont Morgan Library, MS M 756, fol. 10v.
(88) BL, MS Harley 4664, fol. 125v.
(89) Morgan, Early Gothic Manuscripts II, pp. 157-60, no. 162; pp. 178-80, no. 176.
(90) Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris, p. 423.
(91) Morgan, Early Gothic Manuscripts I, pp. 129-32; T A. Heslop, 'The Virgin Mary s Regalia and Twelfth-Century English Seals', in The Vanishing Past: Studies Presented to Christopher Hohler, eds A. Borg and A. Martindale (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 1981), pp. 53-62.
(92) The Latin reads: 'O felicia oscula lactentis labiis impressa cum inter crebra indicia reptantis infancie, utpote verus ex te filius [matri] alluderet cum verus ex patre deus dei genitus imperaret.' This text is based on the edited version provided by James, 'Drawings of Matthew Paris', p. 18.
(93) Alexa Sand, Vision, Devotion, and Self-Representation in Late Medieval Art (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 49; see also Michael Camille, 'Gothic Signs and the Surplus: The Kiss on the Cathedral', Yale French Studies, Special Issue: Contexts: Style and Values in Medieval Art and Literature, (1991), 166-68.
(94) BL, MS Royal 2 A. X, fols 137v-138r; for a brief discussion of this manuscript, see Thomson, Manuscripts from St Albans Abbey, I, 94, no. 25.
(95) BL, MS Royal 2 A. X, fols 137v-138r. The longer version of this text is printed in the Appendix to this article.
(96) St Albans Breviary [De aduentu. Primo sciendum e qd' de oibus festis sanctorum] (St Albans: John Hertford, 1535). My thanks to Nigel Morgan for this reference. See also Nigel Morgan, 'The Introduction of the Sarum Calendar into the Dioceses of England in the Thirteenth Century', in Thirteenth Century England, VIII: Proceedings of the Durham Conference, 1999, eds Michael Prestwich, Richard H. Britnell, and Robin Frame (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2001), pp. 179-206.
(97) Binski, 'The Faces of Christ', pp. 88-89.
(98) Paul Binski, Becket's Crown: Art and Imagination in Gothic England 1170-1300 (New Haven:Yale University Press, 2004), p. 233.
(99) Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermon One: In Assumption B.V. Maria De gemina susceptione, Christi scilicet et Mariae, PL, 183. 416D. See Appendix. Thanks to Margaret Manion and Louise Marshall for this reference.
(100) Le sanctoral du lectionnaire de l'office dominicain (1254-1256): Edition et etude d'apres le ms. Rome, Sainte-Sabine XIVL1:Ecclesiasticum officium secundum ordinemfratrumpraedicatorum, ed. Anne-Elisabeth Urfels-Capot (Paris: Ecole des chartes, 2007), p. 457. See Appendix.
(101) Lectio iii, 'Servitium Beatae Mariae Post Purificationem', Breviarium ad Usum Insignis Ecclesiae Sarum, fasciculus 2, eds Francis Procter and Christopher Wordsworth (Cambridge, 1879), col. 311. See Appendix.
(102) Maximus, Bishop of Turin, Sermon 11, PL, 57. 866. See Appendix.
(103) Augustine, Sermon 207, PL, 39. 2131, para 5. See Appendix.
(104) Jerome, Epistola 10, 'De Assumptione B. Virginis Mariae', PL, 30. 144B. See Appendix.
(105) Ildephonsus of Toledo, Sermon 8, 'In Laudem Beatae Virginis Marie', PL, 46. 270-71, para D. See Appendix.
(106) Barre, Prieres anciennes de l'Occident, pp. 38-42.
(107) Alcuin, Homilia 3, PL, 101. 1303A-1303B. See Appendix.
(108) E. Ann Matter, The V oice of My Beloved: The Song of Songs in Western Medieval Christianity (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990), p. 152.
(109) Matter, pp. 152-53.
(110) Robert Maloy, 'The Sermonary of St Ildephonsus of Toledo: A Study of the Scholarship and Manuscripts. II The Manuscript Period', Classical Folio, 26 (1971), 243-301 (pp. 258-59).
(111) Cambridge, CCC, MS 332; Worcester Cathedral, MS F.94; see also Maloy, p. 260.
(112) London, Lambeth Palace, MS 420, fols 91r-106v; Thomson, Manuscripts from St Albans Abbey, I, 117-18, no. 69.
(113) BL, MS Royal 4 D. XI, fol. 47r: 'Into her hands I offer this work, prostrate before the feet of her benignity' ('cuius minibus hoc opus offero, prouolutus ad pedes benignitatis ipsius); see also Christopher Holdsworth, 'Two Commentators on the Song of Songs: John of Forde and Alexander Nequam', Cistercian Studies Series, 161 (1996), 153-74 (p. 160, n. 28).
(114) Translation is from Binski, Becket's Crown, p. 233; for the original, see R. W Hunt, The Schools and the Cloister: The Life and Writings of Alexander Nequam (1157-1217), ed. Margaret Gibson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), p. 107: 'Constituamus ergo pre oculus mentis matrem dulcedinis et filium dulcedinem sese dulciter amplexantes.'
(115) Hunt, p. 107.
(116) Holdsworth, pp. 153-54.
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|Date:||Jan 1, 2015|
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