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Masculinity, reform, and clerical culture: narratives of episcopal holiness in the Gregorian era (1).

Historical narrations of the Gregorian Reform tend to cultivate a certain machismo. The traditional narrative emphasizes a struggle for dominance between two men, Pope Gregory VII and Emperor Henry IV, which escalated from epistolary sparring to armed combat and culminated in a dramatic scene in which one man was on his knees before the other at Canossa. (2) Even the newer narratives, such as the late Karl Leyser's "Gregorian Revolution," while highlighting broad social and religious transformations attendant upon the movement, still privilege a revolutionary cadre, a handful of reformers (all male, of course) gathered around Gregory VII, who artfully channeled the discontents of the masses into a permanent reordering of western society. (3)

This "top-down" trajectory has been successfully challenged even as general narratives still perpetuate the simpler version with its charismatic leading men. (4) A new synthesis is emerging. Clearly, an extremely significant reordering of ecclesiastical life and relations between civil and religious powers did take place in Western Europe in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. But it was as much the work of local communities as of popes and canonists. The most creative and enduring solutions to the religious anxieties confronting Christians were hardly papal inventions. Consider just one example: the demand for a chaste clergy able to perform the liturgies that aided salvation. In the late eleventh century, Roman councils issued canons against "clerical concubinage," but it was local communities that created the institutions that made such a clergy possible. From the late tenth century, for example, collegiate churches were being established to support communities of clerics. By fostering a life in common, these endowments provided an alternative to clerical marriage, and they functioned as training centers for the priesthood. (5)

Although the top-down model of historical change inherent in most narratives of the Gregorian Reform is inadequate, these traditional portrayals do, unwittingly perhaps, have one thing quite right: the movement was about men. It was about what kind of men should exercise authority. Indeed, the legislation of the reform era reveals a striking preoccupation with the behaviors and customs of elite, lay or secular, males. These behaviors are being prohibited in the clergy: clerics are not to bear arms, to wear spurs or "secular apparel," to possess hunting dogs and falcons, to frequent taverns. (6) What are being denied to the clergy are most of the outward markers of lay masculinity--most notably, of course, in the canons against clerical marriage and concubinage, the sexual enjoyment and possession of women. This censure of elite lay male behavior is important to note in the discourses of the reform era, but I would like to call attention to a less accessible, but equally important, set of gendered discourses: that is, the construction of alternative images of masculinity by and for the "reformed" clergy.

In characterizing these changes in clerical culture as alternative images of masculinity, I mean explicitly to suggest a different approach to the subject of gender and the clergy in the era of the Gregorian reform. R. N. Swanson, in his 1999 essay "Angels Incarnate: Clergy and Masculinity from Gregorian Reform to Reformation," (7) utilized the analytical category of a "third gender." He characterized the clergy of the reform era as constructing a "third gender," between masculinity and femininity, which he dubbed "emasculinity." While Swanson perceptively called attention to peculiar clerical discourses on masculinity, his invocation of a category rooted in modern preoccupations with sexual ambiguity does not provide a fruitful interpretive model for understanding these medieval discourses. The clergy of the reform era described themselves unambiguously, and in increasingly assertive terms, as men: papal correspondence in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, for example, applied the adverb viriliter ("in a manly fashion") to an expanding range of clerical actions. (8) To embrace the construct of a "third gender" is to miss or undervalue competition between clerical and lay males over degrees of maleness. What the clergy were struggling to define was not "emasculinity" but an extreme masculinity--one more radically distanced from female impurity and one more powerful by virtue of its freedom from familial entanglements. This struggle had highly significant consequences for gender relations in Western Europe. In the long run, these clerical attempts to define a new masculinity did not prevail, and lay discourses of masculinity remained hegemonic. But this competition between lay and clerical men, I would like to suggest, was a significant factor in the rise of misogynist discourse that is so pronounced in Western European sources of the High and Late Middle Ages. (9)

I. THE TWO LIVES OF SAINT ULRICH

One genre in which these attempts to define a new clerical masculinity are accessible is hagiography. In 1984, Johannes Laudage called attention to the formation of a "new priestly ideal" in early-eleventh century saints' lives. (10) Revisited here is one of the lives that he found of particular interest: that of Saint Ulrich, Bishop of Augsburg from 923 to 973. (11) Laudage was struck by how the early-eleventh-century redaction of this life by Berno, Abbot of Reichenau, stressed Ulrich's priestly functions, especially his devotion to and power over the Eucharist. Issues later central to the reform movement--in particular, canonical election of the bishop by clergy and people, rather than royal investiture--Laudage found already emphasized in this vita. (12) Indeed, these characteristics are strikingly present, especially so in contrast to the late-tenth-century redaction of the life of Saint Ulrich by Gerhard, provost of the cathedral of Augsburg and a contemporary of the holy bishop. In this life, Saint Ulrich is depicted as a real imperial prelate of the Ottonian era: his relatives get him appointed to the see, and Ulrich himself gets the emperor to consent to his nephew's succession to his church. He is a good pastor--caring for the poor, ministering to his flock, rebuilding churches--but he is also a loyal vassal of his monarch, leading his knights out to battle for the king's cause.

The emphasis in Gerhard's vita on miracles, moreover, suggests that it figured in a campaign to gain official recognition for the veneration of Ulrich. With Ottonian backing, Bishop Luitolf of Augsburg requested sanction for the cult at the Lateran synod of 993, and the bull Pope John XV issued acceding to this request actually mentions the reading of a "libellus" on the life and miracles of Saint Ulrich. (13) The earliest image of the saint, in a sacramentary created (ca. 1002-14) for Emperor Henry II, is in keeping with Gerhard's depiction of Ulrich as a loyal royal servant: the illumination portrays Ulrich at the fight hand of the king as the monarch is crowned by Christ. (14) Thus the early cult of Saint Ulrich celebrated the unity of regnum and sacerdotium that stood at the heart of the imperial church system. It was fostered by the cathedral chapter of Augsburg, its provost Gerhard recording the life and miracles of the saint, and promoted by the see's imperially appointed bishop.

The revised version of the life of Ulrich penned by Berno ca. 1030 still reflected the concerns of the imperial church, but one transforming itself in a new climate of reform. Its author was educated at the monastery of Saint Gall and went on to be a monk first at the Cluniac house of Fleury-sur-Loire, and then at the Benedictine abbey of Prum, a house that was reformed during Berno's time (ca. 1003-4). In 1008 Henry II appointed Berno abbot of Reichenau, replacing Immo of Gorze whose austere interpretation of reform had led to defections. (15) Berno was also a reformer, but apparently his moderation, learning, and interest in liturgy accorded better with the traditions of the Reichenau community. (16) His correspondence reveals ties with Cluny, Prum, and Saint Gall, but mainly with leading bishops in the imperial church, most notably Archbishop Aribo of Mainz. (17) When Henry II died without an heir in July of 1024, Berno was part of a group of reform-minded prelates (most from Lotharingia) that supported the election of Conrad the Younger, a benefactor of Cluny. But when Conrad the Elder was elected (Conrad II), Berno supported him and eventually became a confidant of his son and successor, Henry III. (18)

In the dedicatory letter prefacing Ulrich's vita, Berno reveals that he wrote it at the request of Fridebold, abbot of the monastery of Saints Ulrich and Afra, which had been founded in 1012 next to the cathedral in Augsburg. Fridebold, like Berno, had been educated at Saint Gall, and it seems likely that their friendship originated there. But they also shared reform interests; Fridebold had ties with the Tegernsee circle of monastic reformers. (19) Institutional associations may also have directed Fridebold's request to Berno: Saint Ulrich, also educated at Saint Gall, had visited Reichenau and drew Otto I's patronage to the monastery. (20) Berno, indeed, refers to Saint Ulrich as both his and Fridebold's "patron" (beati patroni nostri). The letter states that Fridebold had asked Berno to revise Gerhard's life, which had been written "in the vivid but more simple manner appropriate to a sermon," and "render it splendid in a more cultivated style." Berno avers that he added nothing "beyond examples from the ancient Fathers and passages from sacred scripture." (21) This is generally true, although as we shall see below, what Berno excised significantly modified the image of Saint Ulrich, and the scriptural additions also contributed new meanings to the acts Gerhard had recorded. Berno's alterations were not just stylistic, but substantive.

They also do not follow the patterns Berno's background might suggest. One might, for example, expect that as a monk, writing for a monastic audience (Fridebold's community), Berno would heighten the profile of Ulrich's monastic background and relationships or alter the virtues praised in the saint. But Berno did not single out for ornamentation either the account of Ulrich's education at Saint Gall or the story of his return to the monastery as bishop to visit the hermit Everhard. Even Saint Ulrich's visit to the abbot's own monastery of Reichenau remained the minor and fleeting episode it was in Gerhard's vita. Abbot Berno also deleted several monastic figures. (22) The earlier life as well depicted Saint Ulrich as wanting to give over his see to his nephew Adalbero because he longed to retire from the world and live "secundum regulam Sancti Benedicti." Berno deleted this longing for the monastic life and depicted Ulrich as tiring of worldly things, but simply "in his mind turned to celestial things." (23) Moreover, the attributes Berno praised in Ulrich--especially his outward elegance of manners and comportment--are typical of what C. Stephen Jaeger has characterized as the "charismatic culture" of the eleventh-century cathedral schools that prepared clerics to govern and to serve at court. (24) In sum, Berno did not make the holy bishop more monkish; there is no "monasticization of the clergy" in his reform of the life of Saint Ulrich.

One might also expect Berno's interests in liturgy to inform his rendition of the life. Having written a tract on the Advent liturgies, one on the Mass, and several works on music, Berno was particularly well suited to update or embellish the scenes in Gerhard's version of the saint saying Mass and chanting the offices. Instead, Berno cut many of these. He excised Gerhard's description of Ulrich's special Lenten observances, for example, and his detailed recounting of the bishop's celebration of Palm Sunday, and each of the Holy Week liturgies. (25)

The clearest pattern of alteration is the one that caught Laudage's attention: Berno discretely corrected aspects of Ulrich's career that would have struck eleventh-century reformers as unseemly. Ulrich's appointment to his see and his attempt to have his nephew succeed him (both discussed below) are revised to bring the saint into conformity with reform ideals. Berno also added new concerns to the account of Bishop Ulrich conducting visitations in his diocese. In Gerhard's account, the bishop focused his inquiry on the people: were they sinning and refusing emendation? In Berno's version, the bishop wanted to know about the clergy. Were parish priests living cum suis ministris (leaving unspoken, but implied, that other domestic companions, like women, were illicit)? Were they teaching the people correct doctrine and preaching regularly? Berno specifically has the saintly bishop admonish his clergy to avoid "the heresy of simony as if it were a pernicious plague." (26) Overall, the pattern of Berno's emendations suggests an attempt to update a saintly symbol of the imperial church system for a new era. The abbot's close ties with imperial prelates and his commitment to reform seem to have motivated him to provide a model of episcopal holiness in a reformed imperial church.

Since Berno's revisions of the life of Saint Ulrich centered on reform issues, this text offers some gauge of how reform influenced the construction of gender and gender relationships. Indeed, as I will argue below, the differences between the first redaction of the life of Saint Ulrich by Gerhard and the eleventh-century "reformed" version by Berno are highly significant: they constitute an early attempt to define a clerical masculinity distinct from and superior to elite lay masculinity. Let us consider in Berno's vita first the portrayals of women, second the depictions of lay men, and finally the characterization of the clergy.

II. GENDER IN BERNO'S LIFE OF SAINT ULRICH

In both versions of the life of Saint Ulrich, few women appear, and those who do are religious women. (27) They are either holy or disobedient. The holy women are Saint Afra--who appears in visions periodically (foretelling the future, showing the bishop where her body was buried) (28)--and Wiberat, a recluse (inclusa) at the monastery of Saint Gall to whom the young Ulrich turns for advice. This holy woman tells him that he will not stay in the monastery but will in the future go east to serve God in the "episcopal ministry." (29) Whereas Gerhard treated the presence of a career-advice-giving inclusa at the male monastery of Saint Gall as unproblematic, Berno felt a need to assure the reader that this Wiberat, "fasted day and night, devoting herself to prayers and vigils, prepared for the Lord in the secret places of her heart a chaste temple in which she sacrificed a pleasing holocaust to the Creator of all things." (30) But Berno did retain this charismatic female figure and, as we shall see, he had no qualms about editing out many other characters.

Berno also retained the figure of the disobedient nun. This is a story of a nun who refuses first her sisters' requests that she serve as steward of their community and then the bishop's direct order that she take up the post. The obstinate nun then hears a voice in her sleep telling her that because she has not obeyed her bishop, she will not be able to walk until she gains his absolution. The saintly Ulrich, of course, miraculously heals the nun once she begged forgiveness and promised obedience. Although not a highly positive characterization, this female figure's portrayal is not any more negative in the eleventh-century life than in the earlier one. Moreover, women are not singled out as prone to disobedience: both lives also contain the story of a lay man, a gardener, who disobeys the bishop and is punished by being struck blind and deaf. (31) Overall, the female figures in the life of Saint Ulrich seem to hold their own. Although not numerous in either redaction, they are neither diminished in number nor demonized as the concerns of the reform era come to influence the image of the holy bishop.

Lay men, in comparison, fare much worse. Many lay men Berno simply cuts out in the "reformed" version of the life, particularly those who were portrayed in a positive manner. This omission produces an extremely negative characterization of lay men in Berno's eleventh-century life: those who are left are violent and quarrelsome at best and, at their worst, destroyers of the church.

Consider first who is edited out. Roughly, these lay men fall into two categories: (1) the helpful relatives of the bishop, and (2) good kings. Most of Ulrich's relatives are edited out, of course, because they are interfering in ecclesiastical appointments. Gone, for example, are references to Ulrich's nephew Duke Burchard and other relatives interceding with the king to get the saint raised to the see of Augsburg. In Berno's life, Ulrich is canonically elected by clergy and people. (32) The highly positive characterization in Gerhard's life of Bishop Ulrich's nephew Adalbero as an episcopal "helper" also disappears. In Gerhard's earlier life, Adalbero is described as "learned in discipline and knowledge of the good, as well as trained in manly strength," and at his saintly uncle's request, the emperor allows this well-prepared nephew to exercise the more secular duties of the see--to lead the episcopal vassals in military service and to attend the emperor at court--in order that the holy bishop might devote himself more assiduously to the service of God and his flock. (33) Also in Gerhard's life, the attempts by Saint Ulrich to arrange his nephew's succession to the see, although ultimately unsuccessful, are cast in a rather positive light: Saint Ulrich is portrayed as wanting to retire into a monastery and therefore he pleads with both the emperor and his fellow bishops gathered in synod to approve his nephew's accession to the see. (34) Adalbero's subsequent death is not connected in this earlier life to the attempt to arrange his promotion. But in Berno's eleventh-century version, the nephew's death is depicted as divine censure. (35) Clearly, these changes were motivated by a desire in the eleventh century to reestablish canonical election and to eliminate lay interference in ecclesiastical appointments. But even male family members who are not interfering in ecclesiastical matters are edited out of the reformed life as well: a story about the bishop's foreknowledge of his own death that featured his nephews Count Richwinus and Count Hupaldus is not retained in Berno's redaction. (36)

The other lay men excised in Berno's version are good monarchs, particularly those portrayed in the earlier vita as contributing to the saint's work. In the tenth-century life, Ulrich is aided in a relic-gathering pilgrimage by "Alberic King of the Romans," who gives hospitality to the saint, and by the King of Burgundy, who makes good on an earlier promise to give Ulrich the relics of one of the holy followers of Saint Mauritius to take back to Augsburg. (37) In Berno's life, no one aids the saint on this journey; he simply "acquired" (acquisivit) relics. (38) More notable is Berno's creative rewriting of the history of the Magyar incursions of 955. In the tenth-century life, Saint Ulrich contributes significantly to the campaign against the invaders, but it is the arrival (adventus) of the "glorious king Otto" that turns the tide. "Glorious victory," Gerhard concludes, "was given to King Otto by God, for whom nothing is impossible." (39) In Berno's life, the victory is not Otto's; it is Ulrich's. The Magyars invade, sweeping through the provinces of Bavaria and Swabia in order to burn the church of Saint Afra and besiege Augsburg. Otto is nowhere in sight, but Saint Ulrich, like a new Joshua, leads his priests in psalms, hymns, and spiritual canticles, his people in fervent prayers to God and the Blessed Virgin Mary. Immediately, the Magyars besieging the city like devils were killed, and the rest fled. (40)

The lay men retained in Berno's life, by and large, are up to no good. We hear of Duke Arnulf, who destroyed churches and monasteries by dividing up their lands and giving them as benefices to lay men. (41) Berno also described the long and complex conflict between Otto's son Luitolf and his brother Henry, which results in the sack of Augsburg and leaves Saint Ulrich besieged in one of his own castles. (42) Once he gets out, the saint reestablishes peace between all these contentious lay men. Otto the Great's predecessor, King Henry I, also appears in a vision with Saint Afra, but only to be condemned as one who ruled without being anointed, without being crowned with the divinely ordained sacred blessing. (43) By the end of Berno's narrative of Ulrich's life, the image one has of lay men is extremely negative: they despoil the church, they wreak havoc in pursuit of their own wars, and they show disdain for divine authority.

By contrast, of course, the clergy in Berno's vita look good. The effect of this contrast is important: it opens up a moral chasm between clerical males and lay males. Instead of a complex world, as in Gerhard's vita, in which there are good and bad lay men along with good and bad clerics, the world of Berno's Saint Ulrich is radically simplified. The good men are clerics. This distance and separation are underscored in the life when Ulrich reprimands one of his clerics for discussing a vision in praesentia laicorum: "It would be better for you to be silent than to reveal such things to the ears of the vulgar." (44) This vignette positions the clergy as noble (in comparison to the laity, marked here as vulgar) and asserts a special knowledge of miraculous things among clerics that is not to be made known to non-clerics.

The clergy not only dominate Berno's life, but they also control the holy. More interestingly, charismatic holiness in the vita is not just the domain of the bishop or reserved for priests, but is attributed more widely to all clerics. Certainly the special holy powers of different clerical ranks are positively portrayed. There is a whole series of miracles, for example, worked by the holy oil or chrism that only a bishop can make. And the priestly celebration of the Eucharist is strongly emphasized. But simple clerics also experience miracles, and the holy Ulrich is several times portrayed saying the office. An important example in this regard is the difference between Gerhard's and Berno's descriptions of the liturgical activities just preceding the saint's death. In Gerhard's vita, Ulrich celebrates two masses, and in this description the word Missa is repeated five times. In Berno's rendition, the saint recites the clericorum officio and then says one mass; both are equally emphasized. (45) Berno provides another example when the cleric Rambertus was "with his lord bishop singing psalms as was their usual custom" and had a vision of one of Ulrich's holy predecessors in the see, Bishop Adalbero. Clerics also experience and witness Ulrich's miraculous crossing of a swollen river and his saving of a sinking ship. (46) This example, again, has the effect of emphasizing the distinction between the clergy and the laity.

At the same time that Berno attributes charismatic holiness to all clerics, he blurs other distinctions among the clergy. The designation of special offices around the bishop--such as chaplain and camerarius--disappears in Berno's depiction of the clerical world of Augsburg (and these are officers that he, as the abbot of an important monastery, would have had as well). This brings me to the most interesting aspect of Berno's depiction of Ulrich as ideal reformed cleric: his radical independence. All the people who in Gerhard's life surround the bishop and help him exercise his office Berno edits out in his life. The bishop's family members, pious monarchs, even the servants that every bishop had--a chaplain, a chamberlain, a vicedominus--are all absent. An excellent example of this striking change in depiction is found in the renditions of the holy bishop's death. In the tenth-century version by Gerhard, the bishop has his camerarius, the priest Luitpald, gather together his things and tells him to have the praepositus Gerhard distribute them to the poor. Then he directs his vicedominus to distribute some of the incomes due him to his vassals and ministers in outlying areas. Finally, on the feast of Saint John the Baptist he has his camerarius help him get dressed, and he celebrates all the masses and hours of the day and addresses his clergy and people on his coming demise. (47) By contrast, in Berno's life, Ulrich asks unnamed "procurators" to distribute his goods, and when he wants to go celebrate that final feast of Saint John, he asks unnamed clerics (those adstantibus) to help him get dressed. (48) The effect of pruning out all the details and all the individuals involved is to accentuate the agency of the bishop, Saint Ulrich.

But while these changes magnify the agency and power of the bishop, Ulrich's humanity suffers. Laudage had noted the curious depersonalization that occurs in Berno's life: Ulrich seems less real and more idealized because Berno edited out all of the explanations in Gerhard's life of how things happen and all the people who helped make them happen. (49) But I submit that this is not just an iconization of the "ideal cleric." It is part of the author's efforts to redefine the power, the authority, and ultimately the masculinity of the reformed clergy. Those assisting Ulrich in his mission all but disappear, and yet the bishop's actions and their results are the same: he governs the diocese, cares for the poor, rebuilds churches, travels extensively, defeats an army of Magyars, and heals the sick. Of course, this change makes this charismatic individual appear very powerful: he has divine help, but otherwise he accomplishes all on his own.

III. THE MANLY BISHOP

But why should we understand these changes in the portrayal of the holy bishop's power as relating particularly to masculinity? First, as demonstrated above, the changes Berno made in the depiction of gender affect the image of men, drawing a particularly sharp contrast between lay men and clerical men. Second, Berno's additions of scriptural allusions, and the ways these additions modified meaning, underscore the masculinity of the saint, albeit in contradictory ways. They also combine with the third type of textual evidence for an emphasis on masculinity: changes in the deployment of vocabulary relating to men and maleness (vir, virtus, virile, viriliter).

Let us begin with Berno's scriptural emendations. In responding to Abbot Fridebold's request that he render Ulrich's vita in "a more cultivated style," Berno did add numerous allusions to scripture. It is also true that Gerhard's vita generally lacked scriptural references, although it did include one in the account of Ulrich's pastoral visitations. What Berno did with this one case merits scrutiny. Gerhard referred to the story of the Apostle Philip (Acts 8:26-40), who came upon a eunuch riding in a carriage and reading the book of the prophet Isaiah. Philip explicated passages for him, converted the eunuch, and baptized him. Having just described how Ulrich traveled about his diocese seated on a throne set in a cart and chanting the psalms, Gerhard described the holy bishop as "imitating that eunuch" (eunuchum illum imitans) rather than casting him as the Apostle Philip. The parallel drawn is between the eunuch reading Isaiah as he travels and Ulrich chanting the psalms as he traverses his diocese. Explaining the saint's detachment, Gerhard concluded, "that the more he had withdrawn himself from human conversation, the more he would be able to draw himself nearer to divine discourse." (50)

Berno retained a description of Ulrich visiting the churches of his diocese, but he deleted this sole, and rather lame, foray by Gerhard into scriptural simile: the likening of Ulrich to a eunuch was problematic. Now, if the clergy of the reform era were embracing an ambiguous gender between masculinity and femininity (Swanson's "emasculinity"), one would expect Abbot Berno to have seized upon this image of the saint as eunuch. But he did not. Recent work on the figure of the eunuch in late antiquity well illuminates the reasons. While early Christians associated the "disturbing gender ambiguity" of the eunuch with pagan immorality, Jesus had asserted that some castrated themselves for the sake of the kingdom of heaven (Matthew 19:12). The response of Christian theologians was to condemn literal/ physical interpretation of this passage and establish a metaphorical/ spiritual reading. (51) Christian leaders in late antiquity felt impelled to address the dangerous ambiguity of the eunuch not only because this passage in the gospel of Matthew is problematical, but also because eunuchs were very much present in the late Roman world. Luckily for Berno, they were not a presence in the eleventh-century empire, because the solution constructed by late antique theologians--the ascetic monk as manly eunuch--and invoked by Gerhard's allusion was unsuited to Berno's rhetorical and political goals. Berno's administration of Reichenau and his imperial service indicate a moderate reform perspective that eschewed extreme asceticism and valued the involvement of bishops in the affairs of the realm. He could not have characterized Ulrich as an otherworldly ascetic and retained him as a compelling patron of the imperial church. Berno deleted Gerhard's allusion to Philip and the eunuch.

The places where Berno added his own scriptural references underscored the masculinity of Saint Ulrich. The first addition is to a peculiar and highly significant story about the saint's infancy. Gerhard recounted how Ulrich's parents had charitably offered hospitality to an unknown cleric (ignotus clericus). This visitor, hearing the infant Ulrich crying one day, told the couple that "if you want to save that child, you must wean him as quickly as possible" (Si salvum illum esse cupiatis, celeriter ablactetur). Dismissing this unsolicited advice, the mother continued to nurse the ailing baby Ulrich. The next day, the cleric scolded the parents and then warned them that if they did not deny him the breast immediately, the child would die that night; only weaning would save him. As soon as the parents followed the cleric's advice, baby Ulrich recovered, and his infant body took on a new beauty (de die in diem proficiens, talem corpus formositatem accepit). (52) This story is a quite novel variant of hagiographical weaning tropes. Usually, in the course of illustrating how uncommonly mature the saint was as a child, authors invoke the metaphor of precociously exchanging the physical nutrition of mother's milk for the spiritual sustenance of sacred scripture. In other cases, early weaning is depicted as a prefiguration of the adult saint's heroic asceticism. (53) But here in the life of Saint Ulrich, mother's milk is not an earthly good given up for higher, spiritual things, but a harmful, poisonous substance threatening the life of the young saint. Contact with woman and her fluids physically weakens the saint; his strength, health, and beauty are linked to distancing himself from what would be normal or natural dependence upon the female for most men.

Berno extended and commented upon this story by invoking Abraham's celebration of the weaning of his son Isaac (Genesis 21:8): just as Abraham rejoiced in the weaning of this son given him by God, our Father in heaven celebrates the weaning of Ulrich, inviting him and all sons of "holy mother church" to the altar of Christ. Invoking this passage, Berno compared Ulrich to Isaac, whose willingness to be sacrificed by his father made him a Christ-figure in medieval exegesis, and associated this likeness to the Savior with rupturing dependence on women. Moreover, Berno extended the comparison to the entire clergy, all "sanctae matris Ecclesiae filiis"; remember too that it is a cleric who saves Ulrich's life by telling the parents to wean him. The Biblical parallel also adds a strong emphasis on fatherly approval: Abraham and God rejoice when their sons are separated from the mother's breast. Berno not only connected this separation from the feminine to clerical status in general and linked it to paternal approbation but also made it the precondition for the saint's growth in virtus or manly excellence. Gerhard made no mention of virtus in this part of his vita, but Berno connected the saint's ablactatio directly to his development of all the characteristics necessary for his future office--his modest manner of speech, his grace in movement and gesture, his mastery of the disciplines of both secular and sacred literature--and called these virtutum gradibus. (54) The cleric is weaned from dependence upon women and then develops masculine strengths.

Berno then turned from the saint's growth in virtus to the story of Wiberat's prophecy that Ulrich would leave the monastery of Saint Gall and go east to become a bishop. As Wiberat predicts Ulrich's episcopal future, Berno foreshadows the Magyar onslaught that is the dramatic climax of the vita, having the seer admonish "although you will suffer many adversities from pagans as well as from bad Christians, having trusted him who said `Have courage, I have conquered the world' (John 16:33), you will overcome all things, saying with the Psalmist `In God we will find our manly valor, and He will annihilate our enemies' (Psalms 108 [109]:14)." (55) In Deo faciemus virtutum; the manliness of the cleric is from God. Berno joined two militaristic scriptural passages to the foretelling of Ulrich's episcopal mission, again underscoring his virtus.

The story of the Magyar incursion of 955 is another episode Berno embellished at length. He retained Gerhard's description of the bishop as a mounted warrior, a role definitely marked as strongly masculine even if, in the early eleventh century, it did not have the social status and cultural cachet it would achieve later. "Astride his horse, protected not by shield or helmet, but having put on his [priestly] stole," Ulrich went forth "heedless of the shower of stones and arrows." Berno then immediately added, "Behold a new Joshua to carry the Ark of the Lord, to sound the trumpets, except that Joshua was outside of the walls of Jericho and this one was inside, within the house of Rahab having been converted to God, that is, of the church." The parallel to Joshua and the battle of Jericho is entirely predictable, but Berno's placement of Ulrich in the house of the prostitute Rahab is more interesting. God had instructed Joshua that no one in the city should be spared except the prostitute Rahab (sola Rahab meretrix vivat) and those in her house because she had hidden there those whom the Lord had sent (Joshua 6:17). Making Ulrich a member of the prostitute's household did make his survival of the Magyar siege part of God's design, but it also gave it rather sexualized overtones. So Berno made Rahab a redeemed whore (domo Rahab ad Deum conversae) and then equated her with the church (hoc est, Ecclesiae). The characterization of the church as a converted prostitute is interesting in the context of reform, but equally significant is the effect of Berno's scriptural allusion. Whereas earlier insertions of Biblical material related the saint's separation from women and his episcopal vocation to his manliness (virtus), this Old Testament parallel associated Ulrich's warrior bravery and valor with a fallen woman.

If Berno's deployment of scriptural passages underscores Ulrich's masculinity in contradictory ways, his use of masculine vocabulary is not at all ambiguous. Just as he excised the good lay men from Gerhard's life of Ulrich, Berno stripped other men of their virility. He deleted Gerhard's characterization of the bishop's nephew Adalbero as "having been trained in manly strength" (educatus in virile robur) and changed the description of the bishop's men "fighting manfully" (viriliter pugnantes) before the gates of Augsburg to "fighting zealously" (acriter contra hostes dimicantibus). (56) Berno's repeated emphasis of the saint's virtus, however, contrasts sharply with Gerhard's portrayal. Gerhard rarely mentioned virtus, and when he did, he related it to others more than to Ulrich. Some of the members of the bishop's household who traveled with him from place to place, for example, "had the manly skill of riding" (virtutem caballicandi habebant). Gerhard mentioned the saint's virtus only at the end of his life when Ulrich's strength was failing, "his manly bodily vigor decreasing daily (Virtus vero corporis de die in diem decrescans), failing so that he wasn't able to enter the church unless supported by two others." (57) Berno, however, invoked Ulrich's virtus repeatedly, particularly in the opening chapters of the vita.

Why read this refrain as "manly excellence" or "manly strength" rather than the more pallidly ecclesiastical "virtue"? Because Berno deployed it with other constructions emphasizing strength, hardness, military prowess, or even heterosexual desire. Ulrich's virtus is discussed along with his "fide firmum, spe robustum." It is asserted in military metaphors (In Deo faciemus virtutem, et ipse ad nihilum duducet inimicos nostros), or sandwiched between Psalms 83 (84):8 ("They go from strength to strength" / Ibunt de virtute in virtutem) and reference to the wakeful heart in the Song of Songs, ready for the beloved.

Moreover, whereas Gerhard used the substantive episcopus (variants: sanctus episcopus, reverendus episcopus, dominus noster episcopus), Berno overwhelmingly referred to Ulrich as some form of vir (vir Dei, vir religiose, sanctus vir). This difference in what each author chose to call Ulrich is quite striking in a comparison of these particular texts, but vir Dei was not an uncommon way of referring to a saint. It was much used by Gregory the Great in his Dialogues, a work clearly well known to Berno and cited by him twice in his life of Ulrich. Vir Dei was also employed, perhaps excessively (forty-eight times), in Jonas of Bobbio's life of Saint Columbanus (the Reichenau library had two copies). (58) Berno could simply have been imitating the style of a revered figure like Gregory the Great, but other substantives he employs for Ulrich suggest a more purposeful characterization. The saint is also a pater, an athleta Dei, and a heros, all words with strongly masculine connotations, the latter two (athleta, heros) usually associated with superlative physical, military, political, and moral fortitude.

Taken together, the changes Abbot Berno made in the life of Saint Ulrich--what he retained and what he deleted, the scriptural passages he added, the words he used to describe the saint--created a new image of the bishop. The new Saint Ulrich was reformed: canonically elected to his see, the bishop vigilantly oversees pastoral care in his diocese and governs his church without help or interference from lay men. Indeed, he is portrayed as accomplishing the duties lay men usually provide (saving Augsburg from a Magyar attack) while lay men are depicted only as disrupting the peace and despoiling the church. The bishop appears very powerful and extremely independent, single-handedly protecting his people. God, of course, is the source of this power, a power specially given to the clergy and marked overtly as masculine. So masculine is Saint Ulrich that from birth even normal contact with women is poisonous to him. Separated from women and trained in religious life, his manly excellence, his virtus, grows. God, who is the source of this special manly strength, calls Ulrich out of the monastery and onto the front-line of battle: consecrated bishop of Augsburg he confronts, as Wiberat foretold, attacks by malis Christianis (predominantly lay men) and paganis (Magyars). And Saint Ulrich's virtus is victorious.

IV. DEVELOPMENT: SAINT UBALDUS OF GUBBIO

Within the confines of an article, one can do little more than point in the direction of the later development of this hagiographical type, the lone manly bishop who single-handedly brings peace and prosperity to his city. My explorations in reform hagiography, however, suggest that it became more common as the movement matured. The early-eleventh-century life of Ulrich is certainly a precocious case. (59) But a particularly compelling example from the second half of the twelfth century--the life of Saint Ubaldus, Bishop of Gubbio (1129-60)--may illustrate the clarity this image of the manly bishop achieved. Citations to other examples, suggestive of the diffusion of various aspects of this image, are offered in the annotation.

The vita considered here was written by Saint Ubaldus's successor in the see, Bishop Tebaldus of Gubbio (d. 1171). (60) Like Berno, Tebaldus was a monk, prior of Santa Croce of Fonte Avellana, but his depiction of Saint Ubaldus so highlights sacerdotal powers and is so dominated by concerns over the diocesan patrimony and the bishop's authority in the city, that scholars have dubbed it the "episcopal" version of the saint's career. (61) Like Berno's life of Saint Ulrich, Tebaldus's life of Saint Ubaldus is dominated by reform concerns: the chaste, communal life of the clergy and the defense of the church against the predations of the laity. Some new elements also appear: canonical election by clergy and people is giving way to papal provision, and the influence of the Holy See has vastly increased. (62) The image of Bishop Ubaldus, however, is strikingly similar to that of Ulrich: he is radically independent, a powerful and dynamically active defender of his church and people. Lay men are his opposition.

The lack of supporting cast in the life of Saint Ubaldus is even more dramatic than in the life of Saint Ulrich. The only characters mentioned by name, other than Ubaldus, are his predecessors in the see of Gubbio, bishops John and Stephen, Pope Honorius II, a priest named Azo whom the saint cured, and Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. (63) The latter appears only after his army of allies is defeated by the bishop, and Tebaldus introduced the emperor only to have him recognize the holiness of Ubaldus and do homage to him: "The bountiful emperor bestowed upon him, among other gifts, a silver shield and on bended knee he submissively commended himself to [the saint's] prayers and humbly received the requested grace of a blessing." (64) This depiction of Frederick I is clearly a fantasy of the reform movement: it prescribes a "submissive" and "humble" posture for elite lay males in relation to ecclesiastical males. Moreover, the other (nameless) lay males in the life of Saint Ubaldus are contentious and violent; the moral chasm between lay and clerical men is pronounced. When the saint was remonstrating with the builders of the city's new wails trying to protect an episcopal vineyard from damage, one of the workers disputed obstinately (pertinaciter) with the bishop and threw him into a vat of cement. In another vignette, the leading citizens of the town are at war with one another in the central piazza. Many are wounded, and when these fighting men refuse to listen to reason, the saintly bishop plunges in among them to try physically to stop their blows. Only when Ubaldus falls down as if mortally wounded do the enraged men cease their violent contention (the saint, of course, is miraculously unharmed). (65) The bishop is portrayed as a model of patience, wisdom, and Christian charity. He confronts, by himself, an array of proud, greedy, and violent lay men, always overcoming their sinfulness.

All these stories also illustrate the dynamic portrayal of the bishop. Ubaldus wrangles with workers and miraculously emerges unscathed from having entered the fray of combating citizens unarmed. He rides (equitabat) throughout his diocese, giving sight to the blind, consecrating new churches, and healing paralytics. Most significantly, when the city of Gubbio is besieged by the armies of eleven hostile cities, Bishop Ubaldus rallies the citizens, leads them in a penitential procession and, having won God's favor, sends them into battle. The holy bishop watches the battle from the roof of his cloister, but the armed forces of Gubbio are Ubaldus's (paucis armatis Ubaldi Eugubinorum). God gives victory to him. (66) Absent entirely are any lay leaders of the city; one gets the impression that Bishop Ubaldus rules Gubbio and its territory all by himself.

The emphasis on masculinity in the life of Saint Ubaldus is even more pronounced than in the life of Saint Ulrich. The adolescent saint overtly rejects association with the pollution of women. Tebaldus recounted how some of Ubaldus's youthful friends taunted him, saying that his relatives were enjoying his inheritance while he had nothing and urging him, "Take a wife becoming of your nobility and manfully (viriliter) reclaim your inheritance!" Ubaldus, called here for the first time in the life vir Dei, responds: "Far be it from me to give up my virginity, already consecrated to the Lord, and pollute the cleanliness of my integrity with female rankness!" In the face of this temptation and tormented by the deplorable state of the clergy around him, God gives Ubaldus great manly courage (virtutam multam) and His strength (opem suam). Soon three clerics, from among the rabble in that church, with God's help, join Ubaldus, who united them more closely (arctius copulavit) to him, and together they were able to live regulariter and canonice, keeping a common cloister, table, dormitory, and choir. When Ubaldus's canonry bums down, the homo Dei "with God helping him in all things, began to rebuild the burned church and manfully (viriliter) to repair the damage." Contrasted directly here is the "virility" of lay life (associated with women, wealth, and inheritance) and the Godly "virility" of Ubaldus that overcame every adversity and joined other men to him in the religious life. (67)

V. MISOGYNY, CLERICAL MASCULINITY, AND REFORM

It is important to note that there is only one woman written into the life of Bishop Ubaldus, a nameless "paralytica" who is cured by the saint. (68) She quietly, anonymously occupies half a sentence. The world depicted by the hagiographer is a world of men. The absence of women in this late-twelfth-century life is far more extreme than in Berno's life of Saint Ulrich, and the misogyny of the young Ubaldus's impassioned defense of his virginity from polluting female rankness (muliebri luxuria) is overt. Both the marginalization of women and heightened misogyny are evident in this more mature example of reform hagiography.

Scholars have long sensed some connection between the reform movement and deteriorating attitudes toward women. Anne Barstow in 1982 suggested that women were increasingly denigrated in clerical writings in order to make them less desirable to ecclesiastics. (69) More recently, Jo Ann McNamara has asserted that the "newly celibate clerical hierarchy reshaped the gender system to assure male domination of every aspect of the new public sphere." (70) McNamara rightly stresses that male power is at the heart of the matter, but her focus, and that of other scholars, on relations between men and women seems to me misplaced. The real struggle in the reform movement was not men against women, but clerical men against lay men. What prompts Ubaldus's misogynist outburst is not a woman, but a challenge from another man, a lay man who implicitly denigrates the cleric's manhood. Such discursive competition between lay and clerical men over manliness was a significant source of the new, more virulent misogyny so evident in Western European sources of the High and Late Middle Ages.

The reformers' vilification of women did harm women, but it was not directed chiefly at them. It was rooted in the clerical construction of an alternative masculinity, one that was envisaged as more powerful and more deserving of power because it was not weakened by association with the weaker sex. Indeed, as Dyan Elliott has pointed out, the reformers' sharpest invective about women was mobilized to censure their supposed emasculation of clerical males through their devouring lust. (71) Real men are not involved with women. The audience for this discourse is not women, it is men. The letters of Peter Damian that Elliott uses as prime examples of this vitriolic misogynist discourse were addressed to other men. (72) To understand the crescendo of misogynist discourse in high-medieval Europe, we need to explore how the vilification of women figures in relations between men. This exploration is crucial to mapping how authority in the west comes to be defined in radically androcentric terms.

Attempts by the clergy to define a masculinity that preserved their power seem, ultimately, to have been unsuccessful. Lay men, and their ideas about what it meant to be a man, remained hegemonic. Why did the clergy fail? The image sketched here of the powerfully independent manly bishop did contain inconsistencies. One can see, for example, in Berno's life of Saint Ulrich, an unresolved tension between separation from the physicality of mortal women and the embrace of metaphorical women (Rahab/Ecclesia). These figurative women still held erotic fascination and rhetorical utility. (73) Elements of the image were also deployed along with more traditional hagiographical commonplaces and with new depictions that seem to work at cross purposes with it. The theme of episcopal martyrdom, for example, appears forcefully in late-twelfth-century hagiography, but the manner of the bishop's death did not always yield a manly depiction. Bishop Lanfranc of Pavia's persecution by the consuls of his city and subsequent death from exhaustion and illness were likened to Christ's death on the cross, but this "martyrdom" comes off much less manfully than Thomas Becket's. Great variety persisted in episcopal hagiography, and this is but one genre: how was the masculinity of the clergy represented in letters, in polemical treatises, in sermons, in spiritual writings, in images, in ritual, and in liturgy? Explorations in these areas may reveal why inconsistencies remained unresolved and a coherent, compelling model of clerical masculinity never congealed. The hegemony of lay discourses of masculinity, however, should not dissuade us from trying to understand the clerical discourses about manliness at play in the reform era.

This understanding returns us to the historiographical terrain where I began. Several aspects of the image I have set out here reinforce R. I. Moore's characterization of reform, brilliantly set out in his book The First European Revolution ca. 970-1215. Moore locates the earliest articulation of what would become the key tenets of reform (demands for an end to clerical concubinage, simony, and lay investiture) in the early-eleventh-century councils promulgating the Peace and Truce of God. He also emphasizes how the church positioned itself in this movement as the protector and defender of the poor against the depredations of the newly powerful castellans. (74) Episcopal hagiography replays this opposition repeatedly--the holy bishop struggles to protect his flock from violent lay men--and relates it to the reform agenda. My suspicion is, however, that clerics continue to deploy this trope long after it was obvious that the church had allied itself with these new powers. This impression may well be the result of greater familiarity with sources from northern Italy, where the new power of the communes in the late twelfth century may have made such discursive strategies effective. But certainly greater attention to development over time in reform discourses in various regions of Europe is desirable. Another aspect of Moore's interpretation of reform that resonates with the manly bishop is his insight that what communities wanted in their priest was an independent leader. "The reason for popular hostility in the eleventh century to the marriage of priests and to the sale or gift of benefices in the church," Moore observed, "was not so much that they were thought spiritually objectionable in themselves as because they represented ties which bound the priest to his lord and family at a time when the community more and more felt the need of his services as a free and independent leader and arbitrator." (75) Land clearance, incastellamento, foundation of new communities, and the restructuring of older ones, led to new social tensions and new needs. The independence of the new image of the manly bishop certainly responded to this desire for a clergy unfettered by familial and seigneurial bonds. This development suggests that the character of the new clergy being created by the reform movement was not a purely top-down construction. The sources that describe it were written by elites, but the image is one that responded to popular needs and desires. How clerical elites used the people's discontents in refashioning themselves and their power seems to me an important part of the story of reform.

In another respect, however, the radical independence of the new manly bishop of hagiography runs directly counter to what we know about how reform was really accomplished. The work of I. S. Robinson and William L. North, for example, shows how dense webs of personal relationships, "friendship circles," were critical in disseminating reform ideas, pressuring eminent individuals to act, and building a shared culture among the higher clergy. Reform was not accomplished alone. Painstakingly constructed and maintained through personal visits, the use of legates or other intermediaries, and through prodigious letter writing, these friendship networks bound together reformers across Europe. (76) Friendship, indeed, had long been central to the functioning of lay power, (77) and perhaps this is another reason for our hagiographers' striking departure in depicting holy bishops as autonomous. The image not only responded to people's desire for an independent leader, but it served to distinguish the power of the clergy, which came directly from God, from that of lay elites. The fiction of the independent manly bishop then communicated a point central to the ideology of reform: the separation of the church from the world, the pure from the impure, the clergy from the laity. The reforming bishop's power had to be different, even if in fact it was not. This was the central challenge in creating an image of clerical masculinity. To warrant the distinct character of their authority, its source directly in God, clerical men had to be made to appear to be different from lay men, even if they were not.

(1.) I would like to thank Megan McLaughlin, Martha Newman, Bruce Venarde, and Jo Anne McNamara for commentary on an early version of this essay presented in our session "Gender and the Gregorian Reform" at the American Historical Association meetings in January 2000. The comments and suggestions of the two anonymous readers for Church History were also quite valuable in refining the argument presented here.

(2.) The classic narrations are Augustin Fliche, La reform gregorienne, 3 vols.,. Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniensis, Etudes et documents 6, 9,16 (Louvain: Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniensis, 1924-37) in which this man-to-man struggle dominates volume 2 on Gregory, especially chapters 1-3, and Gerd Tellenbach, Libertas. Kirche und Weltordnung im Zeitalter des Investiturstreites (Leipzig: W. Kohlhammer, 1935), Eng. trans, by R. F. Bennett, Church, State and Christian Society at the Time of the Investiture Controversy (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1966). These two works were the starting points for distinct schools of interpretation, Fliche originating the Catholic narrative that depicted the Reform as Catholic orthodoxy struggling against secular oppression and Tellenbach portraying the conflict as ideological--that is, between two different views of the right ordering of the world. But Tellenbach's narration still focuses on the men who articulated these differing ideologies most forcefully. His long chapter on Gregory VII in The church in western Europe from the tenth to the early-twelfth century, trans. Timothy Reuter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993) culminates in Gregory's struggle with Henry IV. The Catholic narrative has been developed by Raffaello Morghen, Gregorio VII e la riforma della chiesa nel secolo XI, nuova ed. (Palermo: Palumbo, 1974), and through Giovanni Battista Borino's Studi Gregoriani, published from 1947 on. But Tellenbach's school has dominated thinking about the Gregorian Reform over the twentieth century, particularly in English and American scholarship: Z. N. Brooke, "Lay Investiture and Its Relation to the Conflict of Empire and Papacy," Proceedings of the British Academy 25 (1939): 217-47; Norman F. Cantor, Church, Kingship and Lay Investiture in England, 1089-1135 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1958; reprinted New York: Octagon Books, 1969); I. S. Robinson, Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest: The Polemical Literature of the Late Eleventh Century (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978). Gregory VII and Henry IV remain at the center of historical study of the movement with the publication of new biographies in 1998 and 1999: H. E. J. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII 1073-1085 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998) and I. S. Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 1056-1106 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).

(3.) Karl Leyser, "On the Eve of the First European Revolution," in Communications and Power in Medieval Europe: The Gregorian Revolution and Beyond, ed. Timothy Reuter (London: Hambledon, 1994), 1-19; see also Colin Morris, The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1989); Kathleen G. Cushing's Papacy and Law in the Gregorian Revolution: The Canonistic Work of Anselm of Lucca (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998). R. I. Moore's The First European Revolution c.970-1215 (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000) is a more far-reaching work and one that successfully avoids the men-versus-men narrative. While for Leyser the Gregorian Reform is the "First European Revolution," for Moore it is only part of a larger social, cultural, and political transformation.

(4.) Emphasis on popular agitation and participation has allowed Marxist historians--most notably Ernst Werner, Pauperes Christi: Studien zu sozial-religiosen Bewegungen im Zeitalter des Reformpapsttums (Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang, 1956)--and Italian scholars to recast the Reform narrative. Italian historians from Raffaello Morghen on have underscored popular religiosity and heresy as important motors of reform, even if these movements were ultimately stifled or coopted by Rome: Morghen, Gregorio VII, especially 27-40, 49-59; Giovanni Miccoli, Chiesa Gregoriana: Ricerche sulla Riforma del secolo XI (Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1966); Cinzio Violante, "La reforme ecclesiastique du XIe siecle: une synthese progressive d'idees et de structures opposes," Le Moyen Age: Revue d'histoire et de philologie 97 (1991): 355-65; and the discussion of John Howe, Church Reform and Social Change in Eleventh-Century Italy: Dominic of Sora and His Patrons (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), xiv-xviii. Important Anglophone contributions to this interpretive trend are R. I. Moore, "Family, Community and Cult on the Eve of the Gregorian Reform," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, set. 5, 30 (1980): 49-69; R. I. Moore, "Heresy, repression, and social change in the age of Gregorian reform," in Christendom and its discontents: Exclusion, persecution, and rebellion, 1000-1500, eds. Scott L. Waugh, Peter D. Diehl (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 19-46; and Amy G. Remensnyder, "Pollution, Purity, and Peace: An Aspect of Social Reform between the Late Tenth Century and 1076," in The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000, eds. Thomas Head, Richard Landes (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992), 280-307. German scholars have departed from the top-down narrative by emphasizing reform currents among the clergy in the early eleventh century and the role of reformed monasticism: Johannes Laudage, Priesterbild und Reformpapsttum im 11. Jahrhundert (Cologne: Bohlau, 1984); Uta-Renate Blumenthal, Der Investiturstreit (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1982), trans, by the author, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988), especially 64-70.

(5.) Maureen C. Miller, The Formation of a Medieval Church: Ecclesiastical Change in Verona, 950-1150 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1993), 48-54; Antonio Rigon, Clero e citt: [??]Fratalea cappellanorum[??], parroci, cura d'anime in Padova dal XIIal XV secolo (Padua: Istituto per la storia ecclesiastica padovana, 1988); "Les Institutions ecclesiastiques en France de la fin du Xme au milieu du XIIme siecle," in Histoire des institutions francaises au moyen age (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1962), 3:134-38; Laudage, Priesterbild, 285-303.

(6.) For example, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 53 vols., ed. J. D. Mansi (Florence: Antonius Zata, 1759-98), 19:245, 395; 21:523.

(7.) In Masculinity in Medieval Europe, ed. D. M. Hadley (London: Longman, 1999), 60-177.

(8.) Early medieval popes do use the word, but more often exhorting lay people to act on behalf of the church: for example, in the correspondence of John VIII, Patrologiae cursus completus, Series Latina, ed. J.-P. Migne, 221 vols. (Paris: Gamier, 1844-64) [hereafter cited as PL] 126:664, 747, 813, 823, 831. In the reform era, the use of viriliter in papal rhetoric seems to increase markedly, and it is used to describe clerical action. Urban II, for example, in a letter of 1088 to a group of German bishops, used the word five times, urging them to defend and serve the church manfully. Calixtus II exhorted two bishops to defend a monastery viriliter and encouraged Peter, abbot-elect of Cluny in 1122, to manage (administrat) manfully. Honorius II congratulated an archbishop for having "manfully stood firm." PL 151:283; 163:1120, 1256; 166:1259.

(9.) Katharine M. Rogers, The Troublesome Helpmate: A History of Misogyny in Literature (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1966), 56-99; Joan M. Ferrante, Woman as Image in Medieval Literature from the Twelfth Century to Dante (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975), 10-11; R. Howard Bloch, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western Romantic Love (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991); Jo Ann McNamara, "The Herrenfrage: The Restructuring of the Gender System, 1050-1150," in Medieval Masculinities: Regarding Men in the Middle Ages, ed. Clare A. Lees (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 3-29.

(10.) Laudage, Priesterbild, 90-122; other important contributions on hagiography in the reform era are Pierre Toubert, "Essai sur les modules hagiographiques de la Reforme gregorienne," in Les structures du Latium medieval: Le Latium meridional et la Sabine du IXe a la fin du XIIe siecle, 2 vols. (Rome: Ecole francaise de Rome, 1973), 806-40, reprinted in Pierre Toubert, Etudes sur l'Italie medievale (IXe-XIVe s.) (London: Variorum Reprints, 1976) no. IX; Paolo Golinelli, "Negotiosus in causa ecclesiae: santi e santita nello scontro tra impero e papato da Gregorio VII ad Urbano II," in Les fonctions des saints dans le monde occidental (IIIe-XIIIe siecle), Actes du colloque organise par l'Ecole francaise de Rome avec le concours de l'Universite de Rome [??]La Sapienza[??], Rome, 27-29 octobre 1988 (Rome: Ecole francaise de Rome, 1991), 259-84; and Kathleen L. Cushing, "Events That Led to Sainthood: Sanctity and the Reformers in the Eleventh Century," in Belief and Culture in the Middle Ages: Studies Presented to Henry Mayr-Harting, eds. Richard Gameson, Henrietta Leyser (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 187-96.

(11.) The only complete published version of this early-eleventh-century (ca. 1020-30) life of Ulrich written by Abbot Berno is in PL 142:1183-1204. Berno's dedicatory preface has been published separately, and there is also an early-thirteenth-century Middle High German translation of the life in print; see Laudage, Priesterbild, 94, note 22. An edition of the earlier life written by Gerhard of Augsburg between 983 and 993 is in the Acta sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntur, ed. Jean Bolland and others, Editio nova (Paris: Victor Palme, 1863-) [hereafter cited as AASS] 2 Jul. 97-131. A more authoritative edition was published by G. Waitz in Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptorum (Hannover: Bibliopolius Hahnianius, 1826-; rpt., Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann; New York: Kraus, 1903-)[hereafter cited as MGH SS] 4:377-419, but this is now superceded by Gerhard von Augsburg Vita Sancti Uodalrici. Die alteste Lebensbeschreibung des heiligen Ulrich, ed. Walter Berschin, Angelika Hase (Heidelberg: Universitatsverlag C. Winter, 1993) [hereafter cited as Gerhard]. In the discussion that follows, I will be citing the PL edition of the life by Abbot Berno and this Berschin/Hase edition of Gerhard's Vita. Since this latter edition is not widely available, however, and since the chapter divisions of the vita vary, I will also give in parentheses citations to the MGH SS and AASS editions.

(12.) Laudage, Priesterbild, 106-15.

(13.) "libellus, quem prae manibus habeo, coram vobis legatur, de vita et miraculis venerbilis Vdalrici, sanctae Augustane ecclesiae dudum episcopi": Papsturkunden 896-1046 I:896-996, ed. Harald Zimmerman (Vienna: Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1988) no. 315, 611-13; Franz Xaver Bischof, "Die Kanonisation Bischof Ulrichs auf der Lateransynode des Jahres 993," in Bischof Ulrich von Augsburg 890-973: Seine Zeit-sein Leben-seine Verehrung. Festschrift aus Anlass des tausendjahrigen Jubilaums seiner Kanonisation im Jahre 993, ed. Manfred Weitlauff (Weissenhorn: Anton H. Konrad, 1993), 197-222. This bull is the first papal proclamation of canonization: Stefan Kuttner, "La reserve papale du droit de canonisation," in The History of Ideas and Doctrines of Canon Law in the Middle Ages (London: Variorum, 1980), 179; Andre Vauchez, La saintete en occident aux derniers siecles du Moyen Age: D'apres les proces de canonisation et les documents hagiographiques (Rome: Ecole francaise de Rome, 1988), 25.

(14.) Bischof, "Die Kanonisation Bischof Ulrichs," 198.

(15.) Carl Erdmann, "Bern von Reichenau und Heinrich III," in Forschungen zur politischen Ideenwelt des Fruhmittelalters (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1951), 112; Konrad Beyerle, "Zur Einfuhrung in die Geschichte des Klosters, I: von der Grundung bis zum Ende des freiherrlichen Klosters," in Die Kultur der Abtei Reichenau (Munich: Verlag der Munchner Drucke, 1925), 112/25-112/27; Joachim Wollasch, "Monasticism: the First Wave of Reform," in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 3, c. 900-c. 1024, ed. Timothy Reuter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 171-72, 176-77, 180; Hermann in his Reichenau chronicle wrote that the king removed Immo for his cruelty (1008 Ipso anno Heinricus rex, cognita tandem post duos annos Ymmonis crudelitate, remote eo, Bern, virum doctum et pium, Prumiensem monachum Augiae constituit abbatem), MGH SS 5:119; John Nightengale, Monasteries and Patrons in the Gorze Reform: Lotharingia c. 850-1000 (Oxford: Clarendon, 2001), 19.

(16.) Erdmann, "Bern von Reichenau," 112-19; Beyerle, "Zur Einfurung," 112/26; P. A. Manser, Konrad Beyerle, "Aus dem liturgischen Leben der Reichenau," in Die Kultur der Abtei Reichenau (see above, n. 15), 316-437; Alexander Rausch, Die Musiktraktate des Abtes Bern von Reichenau: Edition und Interpretation (Tutzing: Schneider, 1999).

(17.) Franz-Josef Schmale, "Zu den Briefen Berns von Reichenau," Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte 68 (1957): 69-95; Franz-Josef Schmale, Die Briefe des Abtes Bern von Reichenau, Veroffentlichungen der Komission fur geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Wurttemberg, Reihe A Quellen 6. Band (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1961), nos. 2, 3, 5, 7, 9-11, 13-14, 16-17, 20--a third of the surviving letters are to bishops.

(18.) The young prince had been educated at the court of Bishop Bruno of Augsburg, and several lengthy letters from Berno to Henry survive from the 1040s: Ibid., nos. 4, 24, 26, 29-31; Erdmann, "Bern von Reichenau," 112-19; Stefan Weinfurter, The Salian Century: Main Currents in an Age of Transition, trans. Barbara M. Bowlus (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 18-24, 85.

(19.) Beyerle, "Zur Einfuhrung," 116.

(20.) Ibid., 112/12-112/13.

(21.) Schmale, Die Briefe, no. 15, 47-49. On the monastery of Saints Ulrich and Afra, see Friedrick Zoepfl, Geschichte des Bistums Augsburg und seiner Bischofe im Mittelalter (Munich: Schnell & Steiner; Augsburg: Winfried-Werk, 1955), 88-89.

(22.) Gerhard 90, 110, 228 (MHG SS 4:386, 389, 405; AASS 2 Jul. 99, 101, 114). The figures deleted are Ulrich's teacher at the monastery of Saint Gall (Waning), the "doctissimus magister Benedictus monachus" who trained the bishop's nephew Adalbero and the "sanctus monachus" Hiltine who helped heal Ulrich by anointing him with the holy chrism that the saint had himself prepared.

(23.) Gerhard 252 (MHG SS 4:408; AASS 2 Jul. 116); PL 142:1199: "Igitur sanctus Dei, coelesti desiderio afflatus, coepit ea quae sunt hujus mundi fastidire, terrenarum rerum lucra Christi amori postponere: et, licet hic retineretur corpore, in coelestibus tamen conversabatur mente."

(24.) C. Stephen Jaeger, The Envy of Angels: Cathedral Schools and Social Ideals in Medieval Europe, 950-1200 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), 107, 114.

(25.) Gerhard 120-36 (MGH SS 4:391-93; AASS 2 Jul. 102-4).

(26.) Gerhard 142-46 (MGH SS 4:394; AASS 2 Jul. 105; PL 142:1192-93.

(27.) Two lay women--Ulrich's mother (both lives) and the Empress Adelaide (Gerhard's)--are mentioned, but only in passing: PL 142:1185; Gerhard 86, 244 (MHG SS 4:385, 407; AASS 2 Jul. 98, 116).

(28.) Gerhard 106-10, 208 (MHG SS 4:388, 403; AASS 2 Jul. 101, 111); PL 142:1192, 1196.

(29.) Gerhard 90-92 (MHG SS 4:386; AASS 2 Jul. 99).

(30.) PL 142:1186.

(31.) Gerhard 212, 236-40 (MHG SS 4:403, 406-7; AASS 2 Jul. 112, 115); PL 142:1196-97.

(32.) Gerhard 96-98 (MHG SS 4:387; AASS 2 Jul. 99), "machinatione nepotis sui burchardi ducis et aliorum propinquorum suorum heinrico regis praesentatus", PL 142:1188, "totius cleri ac populi voto in unum concurrente, et Henrici regis voluntate in idipsum consentiente, idem vir Dei sanctus in cathedram episcopalem hac in urbe est sublimatus."

(33.) Gerhard 110-12 (MHG SS 4:389; AASS 2 Jul. 101).

(34.) Gerhard 250-58 (MHG SS 4:408; AASS 2 Jul. 116).

(35.) After Berno relates that the other bishops at the synod did promise to elevate Adalbero to the see if there were no other who ought to be ordained, he explodes: "Sed non est sapientia, non est prudentia, non est consilium contra Dominum. Nam eodem anno post aliquot menses, dum quadam die jam ad vesperam inclinante praedictus clericus [Adalbero] ad mensam cum viro Dei noviter secta vena resideret, ac quidquam molestiae propter incisionem venae sustineret, et consessus medio concitus surgens, cubitum ire perrexit, statimque in ipsa nocte praesentis vitae terminum clausit." PL 142:1200. Just before Ulrich's death, Berno also inserts a long passage condemning the bishop's attempted nepotism (PL 142:1201-2). Ulrich sees Adalbero in a dream and acknowledges that some punishment awaits him for having consented to his nephew's ambitions. But Berno uses the story of the deacon Paschasius from Gregory the Great's Dialogues (4.42) to cast Ulrich's error in the best possible light. Paschasius had sinned through ignorance, and although still punished, his sanctity and miracle-working power were unimpaired.

(36.) The two noble nephews ask Ulrich to show them the church where the bodies of their relatives are buried; holy Ulrich, out of love for them, did as they asked, "although he knew with great certainty that his body would be the next placed there." Gerhard 264-66 (MHG SS 4:410; AASS 2 Jul. 117).

(37.) Gerhard 214-20 (MHG SS 4:404; AASS 2 Jul. 113).

(38.) PL 142:1197.

(39.) Gerhard 200 (MHG SS 4:402; AASS 2 Jul. 111), "gloriosa victoria ottoni regi a deo cui nihil inpossibile est data est."

(40.) PL 142:1195.

(41.) PL 142:1192; also in Gerhard 108 (MHG SS 4:389; AASS 2 Jul. 101).

(42.) In both lives the Saint is saved by Count Adalbero (who is killed) and Thietbald, the brother of the bishop. PL 142:1194; Gerhard 182-84 (MHG SS 4:399-400; AASS 2 Jul. 108-9).

(43.) In the vision, Ulrich is shown two swords--one without and one with a hilt. Saint Peter tells Ulrich, "Dic regi Henrico: Ensis absque capulo significat ilium, qui sine unctione regnat in populo. At alter capulatus illum, qui per sacrae benedictionis ordinem divinitus fuerit coronatus." PL 142:1192.

(44.) PL 142:1191; Gerhard 106 (MHG SS 4:385; AASS 2 Jul. 100).

(45.) Gerhard 284-86 (MHG SS 4:412-13; AASS 2 Jul. 119-20); PL 142:1202.

(46.) PL 142:1190, 1198; Ulrich foretells his imminent death "coram adstantibus clericis," just after celebrating, "ut mos est, clericorum officio" (1202, cap. 23).

(47.) Gerhard 278, 280, 282, 284 (MGH SS 4:412-13; AASS 2 Jul. 119, 120).

(48.) PL 142:1201-3.

(49.) Laudage, Priesterbild, 113.

(50.) Gerhard 142 (MGH SS 4:394; AASS 2 Jul. 105): "Gratum & necessarium iter populis, cum quarto anno secundum constitutionem canonum ministerium suum adimplendum, causa regendi et praedicandi atque confirmandi diocesim sibi commissam visitare decrevisset. Eodem modo sicut superius diximus, in solio carpenti superposito sedebat, psalmosque solito more decantabat, eunuchum illum imitans qui legens esaiam prophetam, super currum suum sedens per viam pergebat, cui praecipiente spiritu sancto philippus adiunctus est qui ab eo praedicatus et baptizatus, fidem sanctae trinitatis accepit, aestimans pro certo quantum se colloquiis humanis subtraxisset, ut tantum se divinis propinquiorem facere potuisset."

(51.) This exegetical tradition--distinguishing "between unmanly eunuchs who castrated their bodies and manly eunuchs who castrated their spirits but left their bodies intact"--aided the leaders of the early church in articulating a new Christian masculinity that resolved for many late Roman men some of the dissonances between classical masculine ideals and late ancient realities (for example, military defeats, the decline of patria potestas). Mathew Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity, Gender Ambiguity, and Christian Ideology in Late Antiquity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), especially 245-83, quotations on 245 and 267-68.

(52.) Gerhard 88-90 (MGH SS 4:385; AASS 2 Jul. 98-99).

(53.) Alcuin's vita of St. Willibrord depicts him as weaned nearly immediately after birth and given over to the study of sacred letters as an infantulus (PL 101:969); Herbert of Boseham described St. Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury as ablactatus a lacte, appulsus ab uberibus in sapientia et scientia magnus effectus est (PL 190:1285); Donald Weinstein, Rudolph M. Bell, Saints and Society: The Two Worlds of Western Christendom, 1000-1700 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 24-25.

(54.) PL 142:1185-86.

(55.) PL 142:1186-87: "Et licet multa tam a paganis quam a malis Christianis sis passurus adversa, tu tamen, confisus in eo qui dixit: `Confidite, ego vici mundum,' superabis universa, dicens cum Psalmista: `In Deo faciemus virtutem, et ipse ad nihilum deducet inimicos nostros.'"

(56.) Gerhard 112, 194 (MGH SS 4:389; AASS 2 Jul. 101, 110); PL 142:1195.

(57.) Gerhard 140, 278 (MGH SS 4:394, 412; AASS 2 Jul. 104, 119). The AASS edition includes chapter titles not original to the text; one for chapter 5 (106)--Frequens & potens fuerit S. Udalricus in subditis ad virtutem exstimulandis hortator--mentions virtus, but note again that it is attributed to others. Later in the same chapter, paraphrasing Ulrich's teaching, the author notes generally that God set forth eight beatitudes in the Gospels for our consolation and strengthening, so that when tempted by evil spirits, no force can uproot them (eas evellere virtus non concedatur): Gerhard 160-62 (MGH SS 4:397; AASS 2 Jul. 107).

(58.) Catalogi Bibliothecarum Antiqui, ed. Gustavus Becker (Bonn: Max Cohen, 1885), 7, 21; Paul Lehmann, "Die mittelalterliche Bibliothek," in Die Kultur der Abtei Reichenau (see above, note 15), 645-56.

(59.) The two other early-eleventh-century vitae Laudage discussed exhibit only some of the relationships among men that appear in such high relief in the reformed redaction of Ulrich's life. In the life of Bishop Burchard of Worms, for example, there is a demonized lay male who figures in the narrative as a representative of all that is wrong in the diocese before the arrival of Burchard. Duke Otto and his son Conrad dominate the city from their towered stronghold, and "at this house, the robbers and thieves and all the criminals arrayed against the bishop had their very sure refuge." The saint, of course, vanquishes the opposition and uses the stone of the iniquitous lay lair to build a house of regular canons. But he did have the assistance of King Henry in his struggles, and helpful royal males also figure prominently in the life of Bishop Bernward of Hildesheim. In Bernward's long struggle with the convent of Gandersheim, he goes to Rome for help and is received by both the pope and the emperor (Otto III). But in resolving the conflict, the power of a royal male--Henry, first as "dux potentissimus" then as king--is given greater emphasis than the efficacy of papal and conciliar sanctions. The long section of the life of Bernward emphasized by Laudage as evidence of new priestly ideals, however, conforms to the image of Bishop Ulrich as lone leader. Bernward protects his people from invasions of "pirates and other barbarians," he builds walls and towers for the city, and he enriches and ornaments his church. All this is accomplished, in the vita at least, without any help whatsoever. "Vita Burchardi Episcopi," ed. G. Waitz in MGH SS 4:835-77; "Vita Bernwardi episcopi Hildesheimensis auctore Thangmaro," ed. G. H. Pertz in MGH SS 4:767-71, 775-77; Laudage's discussion of the life of Bernward is Priesterbild, 94-104.

(60.) There are two lives: one written by Giordano for the chapter of Citta del Castello [Francois Dolbeau, "La vita di Sant'Ubaldo, vescovo di Gubbio, attribuita a Giordano di Citta del Castello," Bollettino della Deputazione di storia patria per l'Umbria 74 (1977): 81-116] and the vita by Bishop Tebaldus [AASS 3 Maii: 627-34]. Giordano's life is the earliest (Tebaldus incorporated sections of it), but it circulated in houses of regular canons, primarily in northern Italy. Tebaldus's life is fuller and was the basis for the local veneration of the saint in Gubbio, in other towns in Umbria, and in the rest of Europe when the cult became more diffused from the late fourteenth century: Nel segno del santo protettore: Ubaldo vescovo, taumaturgo, santo, Atti del Convego internazionale di studi, Gubbio, 15-19 dicembre 1986, ed. Stefano Brufani, Enrico Menesto, 2nd ed. (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo, 1992), especially 189-208 on the manuscript diffusion of the two vite; Anna Benvenuti Papi, Pastori di popolo: Storie e leggende di vescovi e di citta nell'Italia medievale (Florence: Arnaud, 1988), 189-96.

(61.) Alba Maria Orselli, "Ubaldo di Gubbio: quale [??]segno[??] per una citta?" in Nel segno del santo protettore, 151-60, but shared also by others contributing to this volume (Antonella degl'Innocenti, 222; Claudio Leonardi, 231, 234-37).

(62.) Ubaldus as a youth left Gubbio's cathedral chapter, where he was being educated, because "illius ecclesiae clericos inordinate vivere, nulliusque religionis regulam servare videret." He chose, instead to join a house of regular canons, but later reforms the cathedral chapter: AASS 3 Mail: 628; when the see of Gubbio became vacant, the chapter could not agree on a candidate, but Ubaldus goes to Rome, and the pope consecrates him to the see (629).

(63.) Points of comparison may be found in the vitae of Saints Berardus Bishop of Marsi, Peter Bishop of Anagni, and Bruno Bishop of Segni, which Pierre Toubert discussed as outlining a hagiographical model of the reformed bishop in the region surrounding Rome: Toubert, "Essai sur les modules hagiographiques," in Les structures du Latium medieval (see above, note 10). Most of the named actors in these lives are clerics; popes, cardinals, and other bishops are commanding figures in all three. Pope Paschal II calls the young Berardus to Rome and brings Bruno with him to Apulia (Ughelli, IS, 1:895; AASS 4 Jul. 482). Pope Alexander II sends Peter on a legation to Constantinople after Cardinal Altebrandus had recruited him for the papal chapel (AASS 1 Aug. 236, 235). In the life of Bruno, Pope Gregory VII, with the counsel of Bishop Peter of Albano, decides to raise Bruno to the see of Segni; Bishop Peter accompanies him there and persuades the canons to elect him (AASS 4 Jul. 479-80). Bishop Pandulphus of Marsi is the one who recognized the virtue of young Berardus, ordaining him an acolyte and sending him to Monte Cassino to be educated. The diocesan clergy also figure in the life of Berardus of Marsi: an "honest cleric" named Benedict Gisonis and his camerarius and "fellow priest" (consacerdos) witness miracles worked by the holy bishop (Ughelli, IS, 1:895, 898). In the life of Lanfranc Bishop of Pavia, the only named individuals, beside the bishop, are his predecessor Bishop Peter and Pope Alexander III: AASS 4 Junii 534.

(64.) AASS 3 Maii 628 (Bishop John), 629 (Pope Honorius and Bishop Stephen), 631 (the priest Azo and Emperor Frederick): "Imperatori dedit Deus gratiam in conspectu B. Ubaldi ut eum Sanctum intelligeret, reverenter susciperet, honorifice tractaret, et quae vir Dei postulasset libenter annueret. Cui etiam munificus Imperator scutellam argenteam cum multis aliis muneribus obtulit; et ejus genibus inclinatus, illius se orationibus suppliciter commendavit, atque humiliter postulatam benedictionis gratiam obtinuit."

(65.) AASS 3 Mail 630. In all three of Toubert's paradigmatic "reformed" lives (Sts. Berardus of Marsi, Peter of Anagni, Bruno of Segni), the central drama is the struggle of the holy bishop against evil lay men. Berardus was opposed by Count Peter Colonna who, "at the instigation of the devil," occupied papal lands in Campania, robbing and pillaging. This powerful lay man has the holy Berardus beaten and thrown into an empty cistern. Later in the life, the author exclaimed "this pious prelate was expelled from his own see a hundred times, what wickedness!, by the barons and many tyrants dwelling there in the see of Marsi who had been excommunicated for their evil deeds" (Ughelli, IS, 1:896, 898). Peter of Anagni's biggest challenge within his diocese was the reconstitution of the see's patrimony, which his predecessors had allowed to be usurped by "powerful lay men" (AASS 1 Aug. 235, 236). And Bishop Bruno of Segni is opposed by "one of the sons of Belial, Aynulfus Count of the city of Segni." The evil count waylays the bishop and incarcerates him in a towered castle. He subjects Bruno to numerous indignities, but the holy man responds with miracles and forgiveness. Finally, God liberates his servant, allowing the enemies of Count Aynulfus to overwhelm him (AASS 4 Jul. 481-82).

(66.) AASS 3 Maii 631. Bernard degli Uberti, bishop of Parma: MGH SS 30:1326. If the bishop faced no actual military encounters, his bravery and virile strength are revealed in the fight against heretics or schismatics. Bishop Lanfranc of Pavia is described as "a skilled liberator of the Catholic faith, a faithful defender, and a most powerful conqueror (fortissimus expugnator) of heretics" AASS 4 Junii 1094.

(67.) AASS 3 Maii 628. In the wake of reform, holy bishops abound in virtus and do many things viriliter: Burchard Bishop of Worms (1000-1025) manfully withstood (viriliter resistendo) false accusations and calamities for the sake of his flock (the vita was written shortly after the prelate's death: MGH SS 4:832); Lawrence Bishop of Amalfi, in his eleventh-century life of Saint Zenobius, described this early bishop of Florence as manfully conquering (viriliter expugnabat) those usurping the goods of the church with the "efficacious armaments of prayer" (AASS 6 Maii 59); Bishop Radbod of Noyon and Tournai (d. 1098) wrote the life of Saint Medard, his sixth-century predecessor in the sees, and portrayed him as manfully crushing vice and opposing pagans (PL 150:1508); Saint Peter of Anagni (d. 1105), sent on a papal mission to the Byzantine emperor, is exhorted to strengthen himself manfully (te oportet ... viriliter confortari) for the coming challenges of his mission (AASS 3 Aug. 236); Saint Anselm of Canterbury (d. 1109, vita by his disciple Eadmer [d. 11247]) defended the goods of his church viriliter (PL 158:86); Saint Hugh Bishop of Lincoln (1181-1200) resisted temptations of the flesh viriliter and manfully defended the immunities of his church against the king (PL 153:959, 1022).

(68.) AASS 3 Maii 630.

(69.) Anne Llewellyn Barstow, Married Priests and the Reforming Papacy: The Eleventh-Century Debates (New York: Edwin Mellen, 1982), 178-80.

(70.) McNamara, "The Herrenfrage," (above, note 9) 11.

(71.) Dyan Elliott, Fallen Bodies: Pollution, Sexuality, & Demonology in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 100-106.

(72.) Ibid., 223-26, notes 88-114: namely, to Bishop Cunibert of Turin, to Desiderius Abbot of Montecassino, to Archbishop Henry of Ravenna, to Archpriest Peter, to popes Nicholas II and Leo IX.

(73.) Also, Megan McLaughlin, "The Bishop as Bridegroom: Marital Imagery and Clerical Celibacy in the Eleventh and Early Twelfth Centuries," in Medieval Purity and Piety: Essays on Medieval Clerical Celibacy and Religious Reform, ed. Michael Frassetto (New York: Garland, 1998): 209-37.

(74.) Moore, "Family, Community and Cult," (above note 4), 51-56; Moore, First European Revolution (above note 3), 7-23.

(75.) Ibid., 61-62.

(76.) I. S. Robinson, "The Friendship Network of Gregory VII," History 63 (1978): 1-22; I. S. Robinson, "The Friendship Circle of Bernold of Constance and the Dissemination of Gregorian Ideas in Late Eleventh-Century Germany," in Friendship in Medieval Europe, ed. Julian Haseldine (Thrupp-Stroud, U.K.: Sutton, 1999), 185-98; William L. North, "In the Shadows of Reform: Exegesis and the Formation of a Clerical Elite in the Works of Bruno, Bishop of Segni (1078/9-1123)," (Ph.D. diss., University of California Berkeley, 1998).

(77.) Gerd Althoff, "Friendship and Political Order," in Friendship in Medieval Europe, 91-105.

Maureen C. Miller is an associate professor in the Department of History and Art History at George Mason University.
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