Marxism, philosophy, and the Africana world: a philosophical commentary.
The philosophical marketplace is ensnared in a scandal of sorts. The general rule of thumb in far too many philosophy departments is that one "Negro" philosopher is more than enough. African-American philosophy in its totality is still not seen as worthy of sitting at the proverbial table of professional philosophy. Within the halls of academia, African-American philosophy and the concrete history of African-American philosophers is reduced to a rather minor subfield--the philosophy of race. This is an unwonted occurrence in philosophy departments because knowledge of the history of philosophy is a necessary condition for competency as a philosopher. One's philosophical competence, for example, would undoubtedly be called into question if you did not know the English philosopher John Locke. But knowledge of the philosophical work of the African-American "gadfly" Alain Locke is not required to be a competent philosopher in the academy today. As the late William R. Jones astutely notes, more than forty years ago, African-American philosophy still stands as a "bastard philosophy" and a "semantic monstrosity." (1) To make this observation does not necessarily imply that some African-American philosophers have not made inroads in professional philosophy. Yet, both ontological and conceptual tokenism remains the rule, not the exception. This is the smoke and mirrors of the new multiculturalism.
The professionalization of philosophy--not unlike other disciplines in the white academy--is firmly rooted in institutional racism. The virtual absence of African Americans from the history of philosophy, and the philosophical canon, in the United States is due to a history of neglect and exclusion deeply rooted in academic racism. (2) The institutional character of racism gives priority to the behaviors and institutions that give material support to the racist attitudes and beliefs by the actual suppression of the supposed inferior groups. Thus, academic racism is rooted in material practices associated with the complex matrix of institutions including colleges and universities in addition to professional associations such as the American Philosophical Association (APA). This matrix of institutions exerts a considerable amount of institutional power by establishing standards of professionalization that are historically racist in nature and continue to be racist today. (3)
What Is African-American Philosophy?
Philosophical inquiry is preeminently conceptual rather than empirical in nature. It involves taking ideas and inquiring about the nature of our basic presuppositions and assumptions. Philosophical inquiry involves subjecting these presuppositions and assumptions to the tribunal of reason. Philosophical inquiry as such is concerned with the rational justifications that ground our presuppositions and assumptions. One of the critical functions of philosophy is the justification of our beliefs via rational arguments. (4)
In the case of religion and mythology, in contrast to philosophy, we don't question our basic presumptions and presuppositions. This is important to understand in the case of religion and mythology because we accept what is habitual or traditional based on the principle of authority. The tribunal of reason is sacrificed on the basis of the authority of the gods. In the case of religion, the authority of a given individual (e.g., Jesus or Muhammad), institution (e.g., the Roman Catholic Church), or a given religious text (e.g., the Quran or biblical texts) gives authority to our claims, which we then accept primarily on the basis of faith, or unjustified belief. So, while religion and mythology are forms of social consciousness, all forms of social consciousness are not philosophical consciousness.
What exactly is African-American philosophy? A host of African-American philosophers have tried to engage metaphilosophical questions such as, "What does it mean to be a philosopher of African descent in the American empire?" (5) I strongly disagree with the notion that philosophy is a system of collective thought, spontaneous, implicit, and unchanging, to which all Black people adhere. (6) In reaction to the false universalism of Western philosophy, proponents of Afrocentrism (the American cousins of African ethnophilosophy) such as Molefi Asante and Marimba Ani have argued along these lines. (7) Asante states in unequivocal terms,
We have one African Cultural System manifested in diversity. Nevertheless to speak of the Arab in Algeria as my brother is quite different from speaking so of the African-Brazilian, Cuban or Nigerian. We respond to the same rhythms of the universe, the same cosmological sensibilities, the same general historical reality as the African descended people. (8)
We should take note that Asante's claim is presented as a matter of fact. But rather than grant truth to his claim, a philosopher has the obligation to challenge its factual merits. Is it the case that the experience of African Americans in the United States has the "same general historical reality" of Africans in Nigeria or Afro-Brazilians? The real answer to this question would mandate an empirical investigation into concrete (material) history. However, Asante and his band of merry Afrocentrists would only require that we make a leap of faith and accept this assertion on grounds of intuition rather than reason and empirical verification. At the end of the day, Asante rejects any rational basis in logic for his claim about the substance of this universal African identity and relies in stead on the mysterious, irrational notion of collective "cosmological sensibilities" that are adjoined to "the same rhythms of the universe." (9)
Asante's speculative idealism stands opposed to a scientific (materialist) comprehension of the world. Hence, from Asante's perspective, we can infer that there is no qualitative difference between Condeleezza Rice and Lucy Parsons, Jonas Savimbi and Chris Hani, or Barack Obama and Malcolm X. As Barbara Ransby brings to our attention, it is easy to view continental Africans as one "monolithic mass" without regard to class or politics, when one is concerned primarily with the "rhythms of the universe" and "cosmological sensibilities." A dialectical materialist philosophical perspective demands that we examine the nitty-gritty material realities of people's day-to-day lives--in all their dialectical complexities. (10) In the context of political struggle, it is very important to understand the determinate difference between Chris Hani of South Africa and Jonas Savimbi of Angola. Hani was a socialist freedom fighter committed to the liberation of African people; Savimbi was responsible for the massacre of thousands of African people in the service of imperialism. Both men are African, but they respond to very different rhythms and sensibilities. (11)
It is imperative that we "cuss and discuss" the metaphilosophy of William R. Jones. He argued that African-American philosophy should not be taken to mean a collective worldview or community with a shared metaphysics, philosophical vocabulary, or orientation. After all, there are philosophers of African descent who are Marxists, existentialists, phenomenologists, and pragmatists who conceptually dwell within different and conflicting discourse communities. In addition, there are philosophers who are of various political orientations such as liberalism, conservatism, left-radicalism, and Marxism.
Black philosophy is another instance of the concrete particularity that in fact grounds the universality of philosophy. The concept of "black" in Black philosophy, Jones argues, should not be thought of as exclusively a racial designation. Accordingly, race is not the necessary organizing principle of a black philosophy. On the contrary, Jones argues, "The experience, history, and culture are the controlling categories for a black philosophy--not chromosomes." (12) The concept of "black" in Black philosophy refers to such factors as author, audience, ancestry, accent, and antagonist. (13) Hence, on this view, which I agree with, black philosophy is simply philosophy that engages the Black experience and condition rather than a case of representing a unitary philosophical perspective, which is shared by all or even most Black people. So, I do not have a Black philosophical perspective, but I do engage in the philosophical comprehension of the Black experience. Blackness in all of its dialectical complexity is my motivation for doing philosophy, but it does not determine the limitations of my philosophical orientation. It is not an issue of thinking in Black philosophical terms; rather it is an imperative to think philosophically about the Black experience. (14) So, I am quite critical of the reactionary retrograde Afrocentric notion that one must think in Black or African modes of philosophizing.
On the Significance of Militant Materialism: Ideology, Critique, and Science
I am a Marxist-Leninist philosopher. My interest in philosophy was aroused by my passion for political struggle and the critical function of philosophical materialism. My passion for politics was inspired by the revolutionary courage of working-class people, particularly Black people throughout the world, against the juggernaut of capitalism. Marxism is a distinctive social theory and political movement that made its entrance on the world historical stage not only with its dialectical critique of capitalism founded on the law of value and the theory of surplus value, but also the materialist conception of history, the materialist ontology of dialectical materialism, the theory of class struggle, and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
What are the tasks of Marxist philosophy? Marxist philosophy in its function as the ideology of the working-class gives expression to the political interest of the "grave-diggers" of capitalism. There is no Chinese wall that separates philosophy from ideology. David Hume's fork, therefore, has no place at the Marxist dinner table. Giving attention to the ideological character of philosophy, however, does not mean limiting the content and significance of philosophy to its ideological function. The real power of Marxist philosophy rests in being a "theory of scientific practice," which plays a seminal role in advancing scientific knowledge. (15) When we conceive of philosophy as involved in advancing scientific knowledge, then we see that it is not able to solve the transcendental problems in which traditional speculative metaphysics engages in. Nor can it replace the empirical work of the social and natural sciences. (16)
Few African-American philosophers have traveled down the road of Marxism in the academy. Of this small coterie of philosophers, we could mention Eugene C. Holmes, C. L. R. James, Angela Davis, John H. McClendon, and me as individuals who have sought to advance a dialectical materialist philosophical perspective on the Black experience in the academy. (17) McClendon and I, most recently, have written a Marxist contribution to the philosophy of sports titled Beyond the White Shadow: Philosophy, Sports and the African American Experience (Kendall Hunt, 2012). In the tradition of cricket's philosopher king C. L. R. James, we argue that sports, as a subfield of African-American popular culture, must be examined within the matrix of the political economy of capitalism. Sport, from our standpoint, is fundamentally a class institution totally integrated into the mechanism of capitalist production relations and class relations. In its organization and system of competitive selection, promotion, and social advancement, sport is a reflection of the logic of capitalism. The sports spectacle presents to us a microcosm of the bourgeois world. The wide world of sports feeds off of the exploitation of athletic labor; capital is vampire-like whose continued existence is grounded on sucking more and more living labor. (18)
Special note should be made of the groundbreaking work by Holmes, who made significant progress in developing a materialist conception of space and time. (19) Now, perhaps more than ever, there is a need for a materialist interpretation and critique of the latest developments in science. Throughout US history, African-American scholars and thinkers from Frederick Douglass to Malcolm X have sought to provide an intellectual rebuttal to the authority of scientific racism. (20) Yet, in the hands of rightist demagogues like Tyler Perry, Cleflo Dollar, and T. D. Jakes, Black religious ideology has continued to foster political quietism and distrust of scientific knowledge. Despite the "dubious blessings of Christianity," the pernicious onslaught of capitalist exploitation continues to bring forth the "sorrow songs" from the Black working class, who are overwhelmingly unemployed or underemployed. While some Black public intellectuals have screamed that the "Black church is dead," there is no denying the powerful influence of religious ideology on African Americans in the sphere of ideas. (21) As Hubert Harrison noted, "Show me a population that is deeply religious, and I will show you a servile population, content with whips and chains, contumely and the gibbet, content to eat the bread of sorrow and drink the waters of affliction." (22)
There is a continuing need for a materialist critique of rightist political efforts to attack science in the name of pseudoscience such as creationism and the intelligent design movement, or creationism redux, and the assault on the validity and veracity of evolution. (23) We should keep in mind the words of the renowned African-American astrophysicist Neil deGrasse Tyson, who wrote, "I have yet to see a successful prediction about the physical world that was inferred or extrapolated from the content of any religious document.... Whenever people have used religious documents to make detailed predictions about the physical world they have been famously wrong." (24) There is no scientific validity, objectivity, or predictive truth to biblical prophecy.
If Black philosophers are to be militant materialists, they are obligated to view the philosophy of dialectical and historical materialism as indispensable theoretical weapons in the class struggle of working-class and oppressed people. In the short amount of space that I have, I am not going to tackle the difficult problem of Marxism's right to sit at the philosophical table. Nor will I end with any platitudes about the importance of reading and studying Marx's Capital or Lenin's Materialism and Empirio-Criticism. Yet, it is important to refer to Marx's famous eleventh thesis on Feuerbach: philosophers have only sought to interpret the world, but the point, however, is to change the world. (25)
(1.) William R. Jones, "The Legitimacy and Necessity of Black Philosophy: Some Preliminary Considerations," Philosophical Forum 9, no. 2-3 (Winter-Spring 1977-1 978): 149-160.
(2.) Given this brief discussion of the beginnings of African-American philosophy, it should come as little surprise that many African-American philosophers are excluded from works that treat the philosophical canon. Bruce Kuklick's recent book, A History of Philosophy in America, 1720-2000 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), includes only one African-American philosopher in passing, namely, W. E. B. Du Bois. On academic racism in professional philosophy, see Robert Bernasconi and Sybol Cook, eds., Race and Racism in Continental Philosophy (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003); Leonard Harris, "'Believe It or Not' or the Ku Klux Klan and American Philosophy Exposed," American Philosophical Association Newsletter on Philosophy and the Black Experience 68, no. 5 (1995): 133-137; J. K. Ward and T. Lott, eds., Philosophers On Race: Critical Essays (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2002); and Andrew Valls, ed., Race and Racism in Modern Philosophy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005).
(3.) Michael R. Winston, "Through the Back Door: Academic Racism and the Negro Scholar in Historical Perspective," Daedalus 100, no. 3 (1971): 678-719.
(4.) Oftentimes philosophy is seen as any activity in which we engage in introspection, contemplation, and speculation. I want to submit that this is not necessary philosophy. Philosophers do engage in such activities; however, these activities are not a necessary and sufficient condition for being classified as a philosopher. In folklore, proverbs, and wives' tales we find, for example, gems of wisdom, but this does not necessarily constitute philosophical labor.
(5.) See Cornel West, "The Black Underclass and Black Philosophers," in I Am Because We Are: Reading in Black Philosophy, eds. Fred Lee Hord (Mzee Lasana Okpara) and Jonathan Scott Lee (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995), p. 356. One of the early African-American efforts in metaphilosophy is William D. Johnson, "Philosophy," in Afro-American Encyclopedia, ed. James T. Haley (Nashville, TN: Haley and Florida, 1895). For a work in the metaphilosophy of African philosophy, see Paulin Hountondji, African Philosophy: Myth and Reality (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983). As much as philosophical inquiry in Africa and the African diaspora has been concerned with the traditional subdisciplines in philosophy, arguably its primary focus has been what I have termed the philosophy of the Black experience. By drawing on a broad range of philosophical areas such as the history of philosophy, metaphilosophy, aesthetics, metaphysics, epistemology, philosophy of science, and social and political philosophy, contemporary Africana philosophers have attempted to address a range of philosophical issues related to the Black experience. For example, Africana philosophers have been greatly concerned with the origins of philosophy. As the traditional narrative goes, philosophical thought has its origins in Greece. However, the groundbreaking works of George G. M. James, Theophile Obenga, Cheikh Anta Diop, and Martin Bernal offer a different conception of the origin of philosophy, locating it instead in Africa. The most significant contribution to the ongoing debate about the African origins of philosophy is James's Stolen Legacy. The Guyanese-born philosopher presents a historico-philosophical interpretation of the African origins of philosophy. According to James, Greek philosophy was largely taken from classical African/Egyptian philosophy. Obenga--in the tradition of James--has done important work detailing the nature of classical African philosophy. See George G. M. James, The Stolen Legacy (New York: Philosophical Library, 1954); William Leo Hansberry, "Stolen Legacy," Journal of Negro Education 24, no. 2 (Spring 1955): 127-129; and Theophile Obenga, African Philosophy: The Pharaonic Period, 2780-330 B.C. (Popenguine, Senegal: Per Ankh, 2004). See also Yosef ben-Jochannan, "In Pursuit of George G. M. James' Study of African Origins of Western Civilization," Yosef ben-Jochannan Virtual Museum, www. nbufront.org/html/MastersMuseums/DocBen/ GGJames/OnGGJamesContent.html, accessed March 10, 2013.
(6.) I capitalize the word "Black" when making reference to people of African descent. For a number of years, it was customary to use this in regard to the word "Negro." Over a number of generations, there was a consistent fight to capitalize the word "Negro" as a way of establishing racial respect and dignity. Since the word "Black" has now come to replace "Negro" as the contemporary convention, I follow in that tradition with the capitalization of "Black." For a further discussion of this issue, see Richard B. Moore, "The Name 'Negro'--Its Origin and Evil Use," in Richard B. Moore, Caribbean Militant in Harlem: Collected Writings, 1920-1972, eds. W. Burghardt Turner and Joyce Moore Turner (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), pp. 223-239. See also John H. McClendon, "Black/Blackness: Philosophical Considerations," in Encyclopedia of the African Diaspora: Origins, Experiences, and Culture, ed. Carol Boyce Davies, vol. 3 (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2008), pp. 198-203.
(7.) Marimba Ani's Yurugu is considered to be an "underground Bible" for the Afrocentric movement. For hordes of excited acolytes to the cult of Afrocentrism it offers a systematic outline of the African-centered critique of Eurocentrism. Ani seeks to formulate a counter-hegemonic discourse in the tradition of Leopold Senghor's Negritude. See Ani, Yurugu: An African-Centered Critique of European Cultural Thought and Behavior (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1994). For a critique of ethnophilosophy, see Hountondji, African Philosophy. For a leftist critique of Negritude, see Marcien Towa, Leopold Sedar Senghor, Negritude ou servitude? (Yaounde, Cameroon: Editions CLE, 1971).
(8.) Molefi Asante, Afrocentricity (Trenton, N J: Africa World Press, 1989), p. 2.
(9.) For a Marxist critique of Afrocentrism, see Ferguson, "The Utopian Worldview of Afrocentricity: Critical Comments on a Reactionary Philosophy," Socialism and Democracy 25, no. 1 (2011): 44-70.
(10.) Barbara Ransby, "Afrocentrism and Cultural Nationalism," in Dispatches from the Ebony Tower, ed. Manning Marable (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), p. 219.
(11.) Chris Hani was the general-secretary of the South African Communist Party, taking over from Joe Slovo in 1991. He also served as chief of staff of Umkhonto we Sizwe, the armed wing of the African National Congress (ANC). He fought against apartheid in South Africa until he was assassinated on April 10, 1993, outside his home, by Polish anti-Communist immigrant Janusz Walug, who shot him in the head and at the back as Hani stepped out of his car. Walus had close links to far Right groups, Afrikaner Weerstandsbewging (AWB) (or Afrikaner Resistance Movement), and the Conservative Party. See Janet Smith and Beauregard Tromp, Hani: A Life Too Short: A Biography (Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball, 2009). Jonas Savimbi was the leader of an Angolan anti-Communist political organization, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), that was in opposition to the leftist People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) during the Angolan civil war of 1975-2002. He was supported by the United States and its ally Apartheid South Africa. Most recently, he has been featured in the video game Call of Duty: Black Ops II (2012). In January 1986, Savimbi met with Ronald Reagan and in turn received $15 million in military aid from the Reagan administration. Therefore, given Savimbi's anti-Communism, Reagan feted him as a freedom fighter. For a definitive account of Savimbi's reactionary role in the Angola's war of independence, see Piero Gleijeses, Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa, 1959-1976 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002). See also Terence Hunt, "Reagan Tells Savimbi He Wants to Be Very Helpful," Associated Press News Archive, January 30,1986,www.apnewsarchive.com/1986/Reagan -Tells-Savimbi-He-Wants-to-Be-Very-Helpful/ id-aac4344cb87abdb200515823dcf2b712, accessed March 10, 2013.
(12.) Jones, "The Legitimacy and Necessity of Black Philosophy: Some Preliminary Considerations," p. 152.
(13.) Jones explains, "The intent appears to be one or more of the following: to identify that the author is black, i.e. a member of a particular ethnic community, that his primary, though not exclusive, audience is the black community, that the point of departure for his philosophizing or the tradition from which he speaks or the worldview he seeks to articulate can be called in some sense the black experience.... Special attention must be to 'black' as a designation of the antagonist.... Accordingly, to call for a black philosophy, from this perspective, is to launch an implicit attack on racism in philosophy, especially in its conceptual, research, curricular, and institutional expressions." Ibid., p. 153.
(14.) McClendon, "Act Your Age and Not Your Color: Blackness as Material Conditions, Presumptive Context, and Social Category," in White on White, Black on Black, ed. George Yancy (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005), p. 284.
(15.) Paulin Hountondji, "What Philosophy Can Do," Quest 1, no. 2 (1987): 18.
(16.) See R. Andrew Sayer, Method in Social Science: A Realist Approach (London: Routledge, 1992); and Patrick Murray, Marx's Theory of Scientific Knowledge (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press International, 1988).
(17.) The Marxist philosopher and historian C. L. R. James embarked on an investigation of the role of dialectics in political struggle in his magnum opus, Notes on Dialectics: Hegel-Marx-Lenin. Angela Davis, one of the most widely known among past Communists of African-American descent, has a distinguished career in activism and scholarship challenging racism and sexism, and supporting black political prisoners. For a groundbreaking study of James's Notes on Dialectics, see McClendon, C. L. R. James's Notes on Dialectics: Left-Hegelianism or Marxism-Leninism? (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2005).
(18.) Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 1 (New York: International Publishers, 1967), p. 224.
(19.) Holmes also did work in the general area of the philosophy of the black experience, writing essays on African-American sociopolitical philosophy, the aesthetics of black art, and thinkers such as W. E. B. Du Bois, Langston Hughes, and Alain Locke. See John H. McClendon, "The Philosopher, Rebel," Freedomways 22, no. 1 (1982); McClendon, "Eugene Clay Holmes: Black Marxist Philosopher," in Philosophy Born of Struggle, ed. Leonard Harris (Dubuque, IA: Kendall Hunt, 1983), pp. 36-50; Percy E. Johnson, Phenomenology of Space and Time: An Examination of Eugene Clay Holmes" Studies in the Philosophy of Space and Time (New York: Dasein Literary Society, 1976).
(20.) The racist arguments clothed in the methods of science during the nineteenth century were based primarily on craniometry, the measurement of human skulls. While the scientific credibility of craniometry was severely attacked and discredited by African-American intellectuals, the eugenics movement has continued to be spurred on by "data" supporting the view that IQ tests adequately measure something we call "intelligence." In journals like The Black Scholar and Sage Race Relations Abstracts, the bourgeois (class) character of the racist arguments of Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray's The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life and the political dangers of psychometrics was exposed. See Ned Joel Block and Gerald Dworkin, The I.Q. Controversy: Critical Readings (New York: Pantheon Books, 1976); Ashley Montagu, Race and IQ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975); Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man (New York: Norton, 1981); Richard C. Lewontin, Steven P. R. Rose, and Leon J. Kamin, Not In Our Genes: Biology, Ideology, and Human Nature (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984). For an excellent discussion of the historical development of Marxist philosophy of science, see Helena Sheehan, Marxism and the Philosophy of Science: A Critical History (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1985). For an idealist approach to the philosophy of science by an African-American philosopher, see Roy Dennis Morrison, Science, Theology, and the Transcendental Horizon: Einstein, Kant, and Tillich (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994).
(21.) Eddie Claude Jr., "The Black Church Is Dead," Huffington Post, February 24, 2010.
(22.) Hubert Harrison, "The Negro a Conservative: Christianity Still Enslaves he Minds of Those Whose Bodies It Has Long Held Bound," in Hubert H. Harrison, A Hubert Harrison Reader, ed. Jeffrey B. Perry (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 2001), p. 44.
(23.) Today's proponents of intelligent design like William Dembski are not just opposed to Darwinian evolutionary theory. Their critique is aimed at philosophical materialism, the view that the world is explained in terms of itself, by reference to material conditions, natural laws and contingent, emergent phenomena, and not by invoking the supernatural or the gods. See John Bellamy Foster, Brett Clark, and Richard York, Critique of Intelligent Design: Materialism Versus Creationism from Antiquity to the Present (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2008); Ashley Montagu and Isaac Asimov, Science and Creationism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984); and Robert T. Pennock, Tower of Babel: The Evidence Against the New Creationism (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999).
(24.) Tyson, "Holy Wars: An Astrophysicist Ponders the God Question," in Death by Black Hole: And Other Cosmic Quandaries (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007), p. 348.
(25.) Marx is not objecting to the need for philosophical interpretation and inquiry. Yet, he is condemning philosophical speculation that limits itself to the mere task of interpreting what exists. See T. I. Oizerman, The Making of the Marxist Philosophy (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1981), pp. 344-355.
Stephen C. Ferguson II is an associate professor in liberal studies at North Carolina A & T State University. He is coauthor of Beyond the White Shadow: Philosophy, Sports and the African American Experience (Kendall Hunt, 2012) with John H. McClendon III.
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|Author:||Ferguson, Stephen C., II|
|Publication:||The Black Scholar|
|Date:||Dec 22, 2013|
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