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Lived orthodoxy and confessional diversity: the last decade on religion in modern Russia.

A decade ago in these pages, Gregory Freeze critiqued the historiography of religion since the fall of the USSR, remarking that it had "done little to illuminate the meaning of Orthodoxy in modern Russian society and culture." (1) Ten years on the situation looks rather different--in more ways than one. The meaning of Orthodoxy in a range of contexts has become a central preoccupation for historians of both the modern period and earlier eras. Indeed, in this essay I propose that a deep engagement with "lived Orthodoxy"--a concern for that religion as an adaptive cultural system and the variety of ways in which it was internalized and practiced--represents one of the principal accomplishments of the last decade. (2) Nowhere has this development been more significant than in work on Orthodoxy in the rapidly changing conditions of late imperial Russia, which serves as the central focus of this essay. Indeed, the relationship between Orthodox piety and "modernity" has accordingly emerged as another central vector of the last decade's scholarship? At the same time, it has become clear that Russia's religious history can no longer be contained under the heading "Russian Orthodoxy," as was the case in Freeze's essay. The scope of investigation has expanded substantially to include the other religions of Russian history--principally, but not only, Islam. These major themes--lived Orthodoxy, modernity, and multiconfessionalism--represent the three most significant trends in the scholarship of the last decade.

Some of this work entails a preoccupation with institutions, biography, texts, and ideas. Scholars have produced valuable institutional histories clarifying the place of the Holy Synod and its chief procurator in Russia's governmental structures; the functioning of Orthodox theological academies and ecclesiastical courts; and the 19th-century flowering and feminization of Orthodox monasticism. (4) Even a topic as seemingly shopworn as Peter the Great's church reforms has gained new sources and fresh perspectives in the hands of talented historians. (5) The biographical genre continues to inspire both imaginative scholars and engaged readers, while illuminating crucial aspects of religious life in Russia through investigation of Konstantin Pobedonostsev and a curious assortment of colorful bishops and monks. Such figures could facilitate the acceptance of Enlightenment principles or promote novel ideologies like Christian socialism, yet in other cases they hindered political and religious change or embroiled the church in scandal. (6) Engaging with particular corpora of texts, researchers have examined catechisms to understand the formation of Orthodox confessional consciousness; written confessions as narrative forms that constructed the sacred for ordinary believers; and didactic texts that promoted "Orthodox domesticity" by seeking to shape the behavior of women. (7) Meanwhile the intersection of Orthodox theology with philosophy, especially in the Silver Age, continues to represent a vibrant subfield that integrates culture, intellectual history, and literature. (8) A series of scholars have meanwhile wedded institutions and ideas by investigating debates about the Synodal system, the development of Orthodox ecclesiastical law, and the appearance of discourses about religious freedom. (9)

If these studies demonstrate how little we knew about core institutional and ideational attributes of Orthodoxy in Russia, many of them also cross into the realm of "lived Orthodoxy," where arguably the biggest strides in the last decade have been made. The application of "lived religion" to Russian Orthodoxy came as a response not only to the predominantly institutional histories of Orthodoxy in the past but also to the conception of "popular religion," which had often framed previous inquiry. That conception has been criticized because it presupposes two dichotomies--between elite and nonelite forms of religious culture, and between the laity and the priesthood--that ignore elements of culture shared across social distinctions and that often leave the common folk conceptually "outside of the parameters of the Church to which many of them professed to belong." (10) The idea of "lived Orthodoxy" favors a focus on practice over ideas and especially theology, although the best works in this vein explicate the original theological basis for particular forms of devotion. Such studies acknowledge tensions between "prescriptive" Orthodoxy and its "lived" counterpart but also insist on the frequent convergence of the concerns of ordinary believers with official dictates. Thus, for example, while most believers focused on "the practical and tangible results" of the miracles that saints performed on this earth, such a view was hardly inconsistent with the inclination of church elites to promote saints as "shining beacons" leading the faithful to eternal salvation. Likewise, many spiritual elders (startsy) drew authority from both their official position in the church hierarchy and their personal charisma. (11) To be sure, excellent work continues to be done on the official church's battle with witchcraft, "superstition," and various forms of "religious crime," and in this context the idea of "popular Orthodoxy" (narodnoe pravoslavie) retains some currency. (12) But lately, the emphasis has moved away from the laity's deviation from the prescriptions of clerics toward the ways in which particular practices, such as religious feasts and the veneration of icons, embraced diverse social elements and sustained a "sense of community among Russian Orthodox believers from the local to the national level," as Vera Shevzov puts it in her exceptional study. (13) The core achievement of this literature, to return to Freeze's earlier critique, is to reveal the specific ways in which Orthodoxy mattered for people in Russian society.

The problem of "modernity" has been central to many of these attempts to understand the meaning of Orthodoxy--especially those produced in the West. The fascination with modernity comes primarily as a response to the previous exclusion of religion from our understanding of a critical period of crisis and change in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In the past, religion and spirituality were "pushed to the margins of analysis, dismissed as the whimpers of a dying tradition against secularizing progress, sidelined in favor of what were perceived to be the more 'real' social, economic, and political forces in Russian society." (14) Much of the recent literature has been directed precisely against these suppositions. Indeed, rather than assume an intrinsic connection between the modern condition and secularization, scholars now examine how the encounter with modernity produced adaptations and new forms of self-awareness about religious belief, while also reconfiguring boundaries between the sacred and the profane. Thus scholars seek to ascertain the role of people, practices, and ideologies for the emergence of "modern Russian Orthodoxy"; to contemplate how new forms of religiosity were expected to promote the country's modernization and how the Orthodox clergy might have contributed to this goal; to explore the role of religious ideas for modern notions of selfhood and social identity; to investigate the integration of local objects of devotion into an emerging sense of modern nationhood; to consider the fate of icons, as both physical objects and a mode of representation, in the conditions of modernity; and to account for both new forms of priestly social activism and the persistence of religious observance (albeit in new forms) in the ultimate cauldron of modernity--the city. (15) Scholars have likewise been eager to demonstrate believers' appropriation of the appurtenances of modernity--new forms of media such as postcards and photography, novel modes of transport to facilitate pilgrimage, and so on--in the service of piety. (16) To be sure, there is some discussion of the ways in which spirituality was mobilized to oppose or confront modernity, just as some scholars insist on failures to adapt, especially on the part of the institutional church. (17) But on the whole, the most consistent thesis emphasizes the adaptability of Orthodoxy to the new circumstances of the modern condition, often with remarkable success.

Some of the more interesting implications of this work concern the nature of religious consciousness among Orthodox believers. If the modern condition in some cases led to religious indifference, then one may also discern an intensification of belief among Orthodoxy's more conscious adherents. Thus an investigation of Voronezh province in the postreform period posits the appearance of "new peasants" who were increasingly literate and brought "an unprecedented grass-roots religious activism" to parish life. (18) Another study finds a similarly complex and changing laity in Vladimir diocese, whose members "became increasingly assertive inside, not merely against, the Church." (19) For some Orthodox believers, the intensification of religious searching could lead them out of Orthodoxy altogether, to newer religions like the Baptist faith, which occupied an increasingly visible place in the East Slavic religious landscape. (20) It is thus possible to speak of a "process of religious diversification among ordinary Russians" or "the pluralization and differentiation of belief systems within Orthodoxy as well as at its margins." (21) True, social and political change also generated spiritual alienation and outright atheism, and this important trajectory should retain its place in any account of religion in late imperial Russia. (22) But among the more intriguing findings of recent years we must include the spiritual foundations for important attributes of ostensibly secular society. Thus popovichi--the sons of Orthodox priests--imported core Orthodox religious values into the culture of the secular intelligentsia, while spiritual images and tropes--crucifixion, martyrdom, salvation, and sacred truth--occupied a prominent place in the imagination of many worker-poets, even when they were avowedly secular Marxists. (23)

If the principal trend of the last decade has thus been to delve ever deeper into Russian Orthodoxy itself, the study of religion in Russia has not been immune to the "imperial turn" and has expanded to include other religious communities in several different ways. One involves simple recognition of the fact--often ignored--that not all Orthodox communities in the empire were ethnically Russian. Some had attachments to Orthodoxy dating from long before their incorporation into Russia--for example, in Ukraine, Georgia, and Bessarabia--while others emerged in missionary contexts. Orthodoxy in Belarus is a particularly intriguing case, given the former Uniate status of many parishes. These communities had their own experiences, shaped by distinct histories and a sense of difference that frequently intensified in the age of nationalism. (24) Another tendency involves the investigation of contact between Orthodoxy and other religions. This could take several different forms, but perhaps the most prominent in the recent literature is missionary work and conversion. Insightful accounts examine the emergence of new hybrid identities and forms of community through conversion, the implications of conversion for the definition of legal status and particularistic rights, the process by which some converts embraced Orthodoxy enthusiastically, and the combination of serendipity and conscious "confessional engineering" that stood behind several striking cases of mass conversion. (25) No less significant are investigations into the complex and contested relationship between Orthodoxy and Russianness--and thus between religious conversion and ethnic or linguistic assimilation--that was of crucial significance for imperial rule in sensitive regions of the empire. (26) Shifting the focus to the sacralization of landscape, two recent studies on Siberia and Crimea have proposed that Christianization--and thus the expansion of Orthodoxy--could occur without the conversion of non-Christian peoples but instead through Orthodox settlement and the construction of churches and monasteries. (27) Other studies address movement away from Orthodoxy. Such "apostasy" typically involved either converts with weak spiritual ties to Orthodoxy or originally Orthodox subjects who found greater sustenance in new religious teachings. (28) The interface with other religions and confessions sometimes constituted a powerful stimulus to the reform of Orthodoxy's own practices and institutions, and this dimension therefore needs to be included for a fuller understanding of Orthodoxy itself.

This, then, brings us to Russia's non-Orthodox faiths themselves--the so-called "foreign confessions." For understanding their general significance for Russian history, three recent interventions seem particularly significant. The first is Elena Vishlenkova's study of religious policy during the reign of Alexander I, which reconstructs how the spiritual and ideological culture of that time produced a remarkable "ecumenical experiment," designed to establish "a spirituality united community and an ideologically unified state." Though the experiment itself was short-lived, it had significant repercussions for the rest of the 19th century. (29) Of somewhat broader import is Robert Crews's model of the "confessional state," which emphasizes "patterns of interdependence between religious and state authorities" based on the efforts of the tsarist regime to govern "as patron and guardian" of non-Orthodox faiths. (30) Although Crews too readily extends his findings from the Volga-Ural region to other locales and exaggerates state commitments to the "orthodoxy" of the foreign confessions, he perceptively identifies a key religious dimension to Russian imperial governance and a significant source of the empire's long-term cohesion. Finally, Mikhail Dolbilov's new examination of religious policy in the empire's Northwestern Region provides an insightful corrective to Crews by positing that the "disciplining" dimension of the confessional state was supplemented by an alternative orientation focused on "discrediting" the foreign confessions--in his case, Judaism and Roman Catholicism. (31) Dolbilov structures his penetrating (but prolix) analysis around the dialectic between these two tendencies, revealing the tension between the state's attempts to instrumentalize non-Orthodox religions and its apprehensions about the viability of Orthodoxy in sensitive borderland regions. (32)

Whereas these three scholars address broader patterns and experiments, most recent studies focus on a single religious community (though sometimes in relation to Orthodoxy). The fate of the Uniate Church during the Polish partitions is the subject of research by a small but talented group of scholars, who address developments in two and sometimes three different countries and show that the boundary between eastern and western Christianity was unclear and deeply contested. (33) Roman Catholicism in Russia is now the focus of scholarship both solid and shoddy, (34) but on the whole this criticial religious community remains understudied. Protestantism in Russia has fared somewhat better, but mostly on account of the Evangelical Christianity that made substantial inroads among the East Slavic population and, more peripherally, work on Mennonites. Recent scholarship on Lutheranism remains limited. (35) For the Armenian Apostolic (Gregorian) Church, we have the quirky but informative books of V. G. Tunian, but there remain ample opportunities for good historical work here, as on the curious subject of Armenian Catholicism. (36) There is, of course, a massive literature on Jews and the "Jewish question," but only a bit of it is devoted to religious affairs as such. The most interesting has focused on state efforts to institutionalize and shape Judaism in Russia, marriage and divorce in Jewish communities, and the spread and transformation of Hasidism. (37) Only limited work over the last decade addresses Buddhism, shamanism, and animism, although the inclusion of ethnography would produce a larger list. (38) With some exceptions, this literature remains focused primarily on state policy and, with the exception of Judaism, exhibits only glimmers of the "lived religion" approach that is now well established in the case of Orthodoxy. At the same time, these works handsomely illustrate the complex and changing combination of theological, political, and even foreign-policy concerns that shaped the triangular relationship among the state, the Orthodox Church, and particular non-Orthodox groups.

But by far the best studied of Russia's "foreign confessions" is Islam. (39) This is a function of several factors, including the historic size and strategic location of the Muslim population in Russia; the opportunities that its study offers for linking Russian history to the study of other imperial formations; and the contemporary geopolitical preoccupations (and thus funding priorities) of major Western states. The literature is by now large, but discernable within it is a dichotomy that partially replicates the distinction between institutional and "lived" histories in the case of Orthodoxy. Thus one group of works focuses primarily on state policy, formal institutional structures, and/or anti-Islamic (missionary) polemics. Although the quality of such studies varies, the best have provided valuable insights into legal statutes regulating Islamic life; the aspirations and phobias of state officials in administering this critical religious group; the organization of mosques and Islamic schools; and the partial creation of a Muslim clerical estate. (40) A second group of scholars has done more to investigate the experience of Muslim communities "from within." Based sometimes on printed non-Russian sources but also on manuscripts requiring specialized linguistic training, these studies have given us a more intimate picture of Muslim life in Russia. Important works published in the 1990s built on work in the 1960s and 1970s and focused on Islamic reformers known as jadids, who were unusual in their worldliness. (41) But subsequent investigation has delved deeper into the lives of ordinary Muslim communities to reveal the functioning of Islamic institutions in situ; the evolution of legal consciousness and the operation of courts among Muslims; and the issue of communal representation and Muslim involvement in Russian politics. (42) Of course, there is some overlap between these groups, and a number of scholars are also now making attempts to bridge them more systematically. (43) As is the case with Jews, it is sometimes difficult to determine which affairs involving Muslims are best construed as specifically religious matters--and indeed how and when such a determination is meaningful. Especially given the Western assumptions about religion with which most scholars begin, contemplating the specificities of Islamic "religiosity" remains an important conceptual task for any inquiry. (44)

There have been a number of other interesting trends that encompass several of the religions noted above. First, a number of scholars have applied the German paradigm of confessionalization--the promotion by churches and states of greater unity and distinct religious identity through doctrinal and behavioral discipline--to Russia and Ukraine in order to clarify how kindred religious communities such as Orthodoxy, Greek Catholicism, and Old Belief were demarcated as separate. (45) Second, a vibrant subfield examines the role of Orthodox religion in ceremonial life, political ritual, and legitimation: for example, the efforts of Peter the Great to assert his charisma, in the original spiritual sense of divine grace; and the mobilization of the cult of the early saint Catherine of Alexandria to justify the reign of Peter's unlikely successor and the very principle of female rule. (46) Third, the religious dimension of marriage and divorce has emerged as a productive site for the investigation of legal culture, sexual relations, moral regulation, and imperial politics. (47) Fourth, a series of recent studies investigates religious issues that crossed the borders of the Russian Empire into neighboring states, such as pilgrimage and the role of religious questions in shaping Russia's foreign relations. (48) Fifth, new research has provided us with a more intimate picture of the religious life and thought of Old Believers and other dissenters--including Muslim "sectarians"--as well as the relationship of dissent to medical knowledge, ethical concerns, and empire building. (49) Finally, students of Orthodoxy in particular have become increasingly keen on deploying visual sources and anthropological approaches in order to open new perspectives on religious experience. (50)

Turning to the end of the old regime, we find that Russian scholars have done a good deal more than their Western counterparts, especially in the case of Orthodoxy. True, Western scholars have been a bit more intrepid in venturing across the revolutionary divide of 1917, tracing developments across two--more rarely, three--distinct political regimes. (51) But perhaps because 1917 exercises less fascination that it did a generation ago, or because scholars are now more concerned with continuities and adaptations than with ruptures, investigations produced in the West have engaged only minimally with the revolution itself. Russian researchers, by contrast, are exploring various dimensions of the Orthodox council of 1917-18 and its prehistory, the role of the Holy Synod in the monarchy's downfall, as well as the revolution within the church itself that was later obscured by the antireligious policies of the Bolsheviks. (52) Religion during World War I is a bigger lacuna, as many works that ostensibly go up to or even across the 1917 divide still tend to gloss over the wartime experience. (53) There have also been important developments in work on the Soviet era.

The first wave of scholarship after the fall of the USSR focused heavily on antireligious campaigns and the corresponding damage inflicted on the country's spiritual life. (54) The story was not infrequently framed in martyrological terms and, for non-Orthodox religions, as a matter of national resistance. Another line of inquiry analyzed the regime's efforts to reach an accommodation with Orthodoxy and then other religions during and after the war, although the limits of that settlement are also worth stressing. So far, few of these studies have extended beyond the fall of Khrushchev in 1964. (55) More recently, scholars have been seeking to reconstruct the religious experience that was actually possible in Soviet conditions, the efforts of some citizens to reconcile their belief with the Soviet system, and transformations in the meanings of religious belonging that were induced by the Soviet experience. Not surprisingly, this effort has made the most progress in the case of Orthodoxy, but we have valuable insights now on other cases as well. (56) In a seminal work, Adeeb Khalid shows how the Soviet experience eliminated Central Asian Islam as a source of publicly held ethical values and rendered it an attribute of local national heritage rather than a basis for inclusion in a global community. The Islam that reemerged in the 1990s was thus qualitatively different from its preSoviet manifestation. (57) Work on Protestantism, encompassing both Russia and Ukraine, has shown how Evangelical Christianity met the religious needs of a substantial segment of Soviet and post-Soviet society over the entire 20th century. (58) These are promising developments, yet it appears that for the most part the sort of intimate picture of religious life that has been painted for the late imperial period still lies ahead.

Perhaps the biggest task facing the study of religion in Russian history involves integration, which could occur along several different tracks. One might include explorations that connect the Soviet and imperial periods: for example, by tracing the changing meanings of "religion" across time-from communal belonging to individual belief--or providing a more nuanced picture of secularization, which for all the enthusiasm concerning religion's persistence seems still to have been an important feature of Russia's "modernity." Another track could entail comparison across different regions, national groups, and confessions, thus integrating Russia's various religious communities into a single narrative or analytical framework. Along the same lines, comparative work with other polities and research on the interconnected character of religious history across Europe and Asia offer numerous possibilities that so far seem to have been most enthusiastically pursued by scholars in Germany. (59) A third form of integration would involve linking religion more explicitly to other spheres of life--work, economic activity, communal organization, emotion, health, and so on. q-his is a task that has certainly begun, but deeper investigation could clarify the broader significance of religion for Russian history. Indeed, at issue in all this are core questions about "religiosity"--how to conceptualize it and whether it is a useful category at all. This is an exciting moment, because much foundational scholarship has now been done, allowing historians to take the next steps along these paths of integration. If the recent past and the immediate present are any indication, there is much to look forward to.

Dept. of History

University of Nevada, Las Vegas

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Las Vegas, Nevada 89154-5020 USA

(1) Gregory L. Freeze, "Recent Scholarship on Russian Orthodoxy: A Critique," Kritika 2, 2 (2001): 269-78 (quotation 270; emphasis in original).

(2) My conception here is based on the introduction to Valerie A. Kivelson and Robert H. Greene, eds., Orthodox Russia: Belief and Practice under the Tsars (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003).

(3) This is the central theme of Mark D. Steinberg and Heather J. Coleman, eds., Sacred Stories: Religion and Spirituality in Modern Russia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007).

(4) S.I. Alekseeva, Sviateishii Sinod v sisteme vysshikh i tsentral 'nykh gosudarstvennykh uchrezhdenii poreformennoi Rossii, 1856-1904 gg. (St. Petersburg: Nauka, 2003); A. Iu. Polunov, "Oberprokuratura Sviateishego Sinoda: Osnovnye etapy stanovleniia i razvitiia (XVIII-seredina XIX v.)," in Petr Andreevich Zaionchkovskii: Sbornik statei i vospominanii k stoletiiu istorika (Moscow: Rosspen, 2008), 231-60; V. A. Tarasova, Vysshaia dukhovnaia shkola v Rossii v kontse X1X-nachale XX veka: Istoriia imperatorskikh pravoslavnykh dukhovnykh akademii (Moscow: Novyi khronograf, 2005); Hyacinthe Destivelle, Les sciences theologiques en Russie: Reforme et renouveau des academies ecclesiastiques au debut du XXe siecle (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 2010); E. V. Beliakova, Tserkovnyi sud iproblemy tserkovnoi zhizni (Moscow: Dukhovnaia biblioteka, 2004); N. V. Sinitsyna, ed., Monashestvo i monastyri v Rossii, XI-XX veka (Moscow: Nauka, 2005); William Wagner, "The Transformation of Female Orthodox Monasticism in Nizhnii Novgorod Diocese, 1764-1929, in Comparative Perspective," Journal of Modern History 78, 4 (2006): 793-845; Scott Kenworthy, The Heart of Russia: Trinity-Sergius, Monasticism, and Society after 1825 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010).

(5) A. S. Lavrov, Koldovstvo i religiia v Rossii, 1700-1740 gg. (Moscow: Drevlekhranilishche, 2000); V. M. Zhivov, Iz tserkovnoi istorii vremen Petra Velikogo: Issledovaniia i materialy (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2004).

(6) Iu. E. Kondakov, Arkhimandrit Fotii (1792-1838) i ego vremia (St. Petersburg: Russkaia natsional'naia biblioteka, 2000); Nadieszda Kizenko, A Prodigal Saint: Father John of Kronstadt and the Russian People (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000); Irina Paert, "'The Unmercenary Bishop': St. Ignatii (Briachaninov) and the Making of Modern Russian Orthodoxy," Slavonica 9, 2 (2003): 99-112; A. I. Mramornov, Tserkovnaia i obshchestvenno-politicheskaia deiatel 'nost' episkopa Germogena (Dolganova), 1858-1918 (Saratov: Nauchnaia kniga, 2006); Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter, "Religion and Enlightenment in Eighteenth-Century Russia: Father Platon at the Court of Catherine II," Slavonic and East European Review 88, 1-2 (2010): 180-203; A. Iu. Polunov, K. P. Pobedonostsev v obshchestvenno-politicheskoi i dukhovnoi zhizni Rossii (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2010). See also the biographical articles by Simon Dixon: "Sergii (Stragorodskii) in the Russian Orthodox Diocese of Finland: Apostasy and Mixed Marriages, 1905-1917," Slavonic and East European Review 82, 1 (2004): 50-73; "The 'Mad Monk' Iliodor in Tsaritsyn," Slavonic and East European Review 88, 1-2 (2010): 377-415; and "Archimandrite Mikhail (Semenov) and Russian Christian Socialism," Historical Journal 51, 3 (2008): 689-718.

(7) Margarita Korzo, Ukrainskaia i belorusskaia katekheticheskaia traditsiia, kontsa XVI-XVIII vv. (Moscow: Kanon, 2007); Nadieszda Kizenko, "Written Confessions and the Construction of Sacred Narrative," in Sacred Stories, 93-118; William G. Wagner, "'Orthodox Domesticity': Creating a Social Role for Women," in Sacred Stories, 119-45.

(8) The literature here is substantial, but a fine presentation of major themes is provided in Randall Poole and G. M. Hamburg, eds., A History of Russian Philosophy, 1830-1930: Faith, Reason, and the Defense of Human Dignity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

(9) John D. Basil, Church and State in Late Imperial Russia: Critics of the Synodal System of Church Government, 1861-1914 (Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press, 2005); A. A. Dorskaia, Svoboda sovesti v Rossii: Sud'ba zakonoproektov nachala XX veka (St. Petersburg: Izdatel'stvo RGPU im. Gertsena, 2001); Dorskaia, Gosudarstvennoe i tserkovnoe pravo Rossiiskoi imperii (St. Petersburg: Izdatel'stvo RGPU im. Gertsena, 2004); Patrick Lally Michelson, "'The First and Most Sacred Right': Religious Freedom and the Liberation of the Russian Nation, 1825-1905" (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 2007); Laura Engelstein, Slavophile Empire: Imperial Russia's Illiberal Path (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009).

(10) Vera Shevzov, Russian Orthodoxy on the Eve of Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 7. For more sustained critique along these lines, see Shevzov, "Letting the People into Church: Reflections on Orthodoxy and Community in Late Imperial Russia," in Orthodox Russia, 59-77; Paul Bushkovitch, "Popular Religion in the Time of Peter the Great," in Letters from Heaven: Popular Religion in Russia and Ukraine, ed. John-Paul Himka and Andriy Zayarnyuk (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), 146-64; and the remarks by Nadieszda Kizenko in her review of Letters from Heaven in Kritika 9, 3 (2008): 641-54. For an attempt to salvage the concept, see Himka and Zayarnyuk's introduction to Letters from Heaven.

(11) Robert H. Greene, Bodies Like Bright Stars: Saints and Relics in Orthodox Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2010), 9; Irina Paert, Spiritual Elders: Charisma and Tradition in Russian Orthodoxy (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2010).

(12) Lavrov, Koldovstvo, 75-88; E. B. Smilianskaia, Volshebniki, bogokhul 'niki, eretiki:Narodnaia religioznost' i "dukhovnye prestupleniia" v Rossii XVIII v. (Moscow: Indrik, 2003); Christine Worobec, Possessed: Women, Witches, and Demons in Imperial Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2001). The paradigm of "dual faith" (dvoeverie), meanwhile, has effectively been put to rest. The final word may be Stella Rock, Popular Religion in Russia: "Double Belief" and the Making of an Academic Myth (New York: Routledge, 2007).

(13) Shevzov, Russian Orthodoxy, 214.

(14) Heather Coleman and Mark Steinberg, "Introduction: Rethinking Religion in Modern Russian Culture," in Sacred Stories, 5.

(15) Works that emphasize modernity in these ways include Paert, "Unmercenary Bishop"; Paert, Spiritual Elders; Engelstein, Slavophile Empire; Kizenko, Father John; Greene, Bodies Like Bright Stars; Mark D. Steinberg, Proletarian Imagination: Self, Modernity, and the Sacred in Russia, 1910-1925 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002); T. G. Leont'eva, Vera i progress: Pravoslavnoe sel'skoe dukhovenstvo Rossii vo vtoroi polovine XIX-nachale XX. vv. (Moscow: Novyi khronograf, 2002); Chris J. Chulos, Converging Worlds: Religion and Community in Peasant Russia, 1861-1917 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2003); Heather J. Coleman, Russian Baptists and Spiritual Revolution, 1905-1929 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005); Laurie Manchester, Holy Fathers, Secular Sons: Clergy, Intelligentsia, and the Modern Self in Revolutionary Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2008); Page Herrlinger, Working Souls: Russian Orthodoxy and Factory Labor in St. Petersburg, 1881-1917 (Bloomington, IN: Slavica Publishers, 2007); Jennifer Hedda, His Kingdom Come: Orthodox Pastorship and Social Activism in Revolutionary Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2008); Jefferson J. A. Gatrall and Douglas Greenfield, eds., Alter Icons: The Russian Icon and Modernity (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010).

(16) See, in addition to the works cited above, the special cluster of articles introduced by Ekaterina Emeliantseva, "The Sacred before the Camera: Religious Representation and the Medium of Photography in Late Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union," Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas 57, 2 (2009): 161-72.

(17) Herrlinger, for example, remarks on the failure of Christian socialism as a real alternative to Marxism and other radical movements among workers (Working Souls, 196-98). Leont'eva discusses the failure to use the clergy as agents of modernization in the countryside (Vera i progress, 242-44). Alexander Polunov has also stressed the difficulties of the church's adaptation to modernity--for example, in "Church, Regime, and Society in Russia (1880-1905)," Russian Studies in History 39, 4 (2001): 33-53.

(18) Chulos, Converging Worlds, 54.

(19) Gregory L. Freeze, "A Pious Folk? Religious Observance in Vladimir Diocese, 1900-1914," Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas 52, 3 (2004): 323-40 (quotation 324, emphasis in original).

(20) Coleman, Russian Baptists; Sergei Zhuk, Russia's Lost Reformation: Peasants, Millennialism, and Radical Sects in Southern Russia and Ukraine, 1830-1917 (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2004).

(21) The first phrase is from Shevzov in Russian Orthodoxy, 5; the second from Dietrich Beyrau, "Religion und Gesellschaft in Russland vor der Revolution von 1917,"Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas 52, 3 (2004): 321.

(22) Herrlinger handles this issue well by presenting this trajectory as one variation on the theme of "religious doubt" (Working Souls, 115-52). On doubt as an intellectual development, see Victoria Frede, Doubt, Atheism, and the Nineteenth-Century Intelligentsia (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2011).

(23) Steinberg, Proletarian Imagination; Manchester, Holy Fathers, Secular Sons.

(24) Ricarda Vulpius, Nationalisierung der Religion: Russifizierungspolitik und ukrainische Nationsbildung, 1860-1920 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2005); Anton Rybakov, "V 'oblasti kesaria': Problema statusa i struktury Gruzinskoi pravoslavnoi tserkvi posle otmeny avtokefalii (pervaia polovina XIX veka)," Ab Imperio, no. 3 (2010): 113-51. See also the series edited by A. V. Gavrilin, Pravoslavie v Latvii: Istoricheskie ocherki, which encompasses both Russian and Latvian Orthodoxy.

(25) These works include Robert P. Geraci and Michael Khodarkovsky, eds., Of Religion and Empire: Missions, Conversion, and Tolerance in the Russian Empire (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001); Kimitako Matsuzato, ed., Navaia volna v izuchenii etnopaliticheskoi istorii Valgo-Ural'skogo regiana (Sapporo: Slavic Research Center, 2003); Iokhanan Petrovskii-Shtern, Evrei v russkoi armii, 1827-1914 (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2003); K. V. Orlova, Istoriia khristianizatsii kalmykov, seredina XVII-nachalo XX v. (Moscow: Vostochnaia literatura, 2006); I. N. Vibe, "Smena very v Zapadnom krae: Normai praktika v kreshchenii evreev," Istoricheskie zapiski 10 (128) (2007): 202-26; Gwenn A. Miller, Kodiak Kreol: Communities of Empire in Early Russian America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2010); Ilya Vinkovetsky, Russian America: An Overseas Colony of a Continental Empire, 1804-1867 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011); Darius Staliunas, Making Russians: Meaning and Practice of Russification in Lithuania and Belarus after 1863 (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2007); Daniel Cavender Ryan, "The Tsar's Faith: Conversion, Religious Politics, and Peasant Protest in Imperial Russia's Baltic Periphery, 1845-1870s" (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 2008); Barbara Skinner, The Western Front of the Eastern Church: Uniate and Orthodox Conflict in 18th-Century Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2009); Mikhail Dolbilov, Russkii krai, chuzhaia vera: Etnokonfessional 'naia politika imperii v Litve i Belorussii pri Aleksandre II (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2010); Ellie R. Schainker, "Imperial Hybrids: Russian-Jewish Converts in the Nineteenth Century" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2010).

(26) See, for example, Benjamin Nathans, Beyond the Pale: The Jewish Encounter with Late Imperial Russia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002). The contested relationship between Orthodoxy and Russianness has produced especially illuminating studies with regard to the so-called western provinces and the Volga region. Staliunas, Making Russians; Dolbilov, Russkii krai; and Robert P. Geraci, Window on the East: National and Imperial Identities in Late Tsarist Russia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001).

(27) Valerie Kivelson in Cartographies of Tsardom: The Land and Its Meanings in Seventeenth-Century Russia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006); and Mara Kozelsky, Christianizing Crimea: Shaping Sacred Space in the Russian Empire and Beyond (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2010).

(28) Geraci, Window on the East; Coleman, Russian Baptists; Zhuk, Russia's Lost Reformation; Dixon, "Sergii (Stragorodskii)"; Agnes Kefeli-Clay, "Krashen Apostasy: Popular Religion, Education, and the Contest over Tatar Identity (1856-1917)" (Ph.D. diss, Arizona State University, 2001); Jeffrey Bruce Beshoner, Ivan Sergeevich Gagarin: The Search for Orthodox and Catholic Union (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2002); Eugene M. Avrutin, "Returning to Judaism after the 1905 Law on Religious Freedom in Tsarist Russia," Slavic Review 65, 1 (2006): 90-110; I. N. Vibe, "Dvoriane Zapadnogo kraia v sudebnykh protsessakh ob otpadenii pravoslavnykh v katolitsizm, 1831-1839 gg.," in Pravoslavie: Konfessiia, instituty, religioznost, XVII-XX vv., ed. Mikhail Dolbilov and Pavel Rogoznyi (St. Petersburg: Izdatel'stvo Evropeiskogo universiteta, 2009), 47-71.

(29) Elena Vishlenkova, Zabotias' o dushakh poddannykh: Religioznaia politika v Rossii pervoi chetverti XIX veka (Saratov: Izdatel'stvo Saratovskogo universiteta, 2002), quotation 3. Some of these issues have also been taken up in other works: Mariia Maiofis, Vozzvanie k Evrope: Literaturnoe obshchestvo "Arzamas" i rossiiskii modernizatsionnyi proekt 1815-1818 godov (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2008), 455-530; and the works of Iu. E. Kondakov, most recently Gosudarstvo i pravoslavnaia tserkov 'v Rossii: Evoliutsiia vzaimoomoshenii v pervoi polovine XIX v` (St. Petersburg: Rossiiskaia natsional'naia biblioteka, 2003).

(30) Crews presents the model in broad terms in his article, "Empire and the Confessional State: Islam and Religious Politics in Nineteenth-Century Russia," American Historical Review 108, 1 (2003): 50-83 (quotations at 52 and 83); and in greater detail in his monograph, For Prophet and Tsar: Islam and Empire in Russia and Central Asia (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006). For some antecedents in the 18th century, see A. S. Riazhev, "Prosveshchennoe dukhovenstvo pri Ekaterine II," Voprosy istorii, no. 9 (2004): 43-57.

(31) Here Dolbilov draws on Zhivov's observations about Petrine church reform in Iz tserkovnoi istorii, esp. 52-53.

(32) Dolbilov, Russkii krai. In a book written jointly with Darius Staliunas, Dolbilov also analyzes an unrealized plan to unite the Catholic Church in the western region with Orthodoxy: Obramaia uniia: Iz istorii otnoshenii mezhdu katolitsizmom i pravoslaviem v Rossiiskoi imperii, 1840-1873 (Vilnius: LII Leidykla, 2010).

(33) Most notable are Skinner, Western Front; and Larry Wolff, "The Uniate Church and the Partitions of Poland: Religious Survival in an Age of Enlightened Absolutism," Harvard Ukrainian Studies 26, 1-2 (2002-3): 153-244. On Uniates in the 19th century--still studied only to a limited degree--see Dolbilov, Russkii krai, 68-81; the brief but informative E. N. Filatova, Konfessional'naia politika tsarskogo pravitel'stva v Belarusi, 1772-1860 gg. (Minsk: Belorusskaia nauka, 2006); and I. N. Vibe, "Veroispovednaia politika samoderzhaviia v Zapadnom krae, 1830-1855" (Candidate of Historical Sciences diss., St. Petersburg Institute of History, RAN, 2009).

(34) In the former category are Dolbilov, Russkii krai: Staliunas, Making Russians; Vibe, "Veroispovednaia politika"; and Theodore R. Weeks, "Religion and Russification: Russian Language in the Catholic Churches of the 'Northwest Provinces' after 1863," Kritika 2, 1 (2001): 87-110. The latter category includes Dennis J. Dunn, The Catholic Church and Russia: Popes, Patriarchs, Tsars, and Commissars (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2004); and A. K. Tikhomirov, Katoliki, musul'mane i iudei Rossiiskoi imperii v poslednei chetverti XVIII-nachale XX v. (St. Petersburg: Izdatel'stvo Sankt-Peterburgskogo universiteta, 2007).

(35) Coleman, Russian Baptists; Zhuk, Russia's Lost Reformation; and Tat'iana Nikol'skaia, Russkii Protestantizm i gosudarstvennaia vlast'v 1905-1991 godakh (St. Petersburg: Evropeiskii universitet, 2009); Abraham Friesen, In Defense of Privilege: Russian Mennonites and the State before and during World War I (Winnipeg: Kindred, 2006); and Aileen Friesen, "Assembling an Intervention: The Russian Government and the Mennonite Brethren Schism of the 1860s," Journal of Mennonite Studies 26 (2008): 221-39. For a recent overview of Lutheranism, see Gregory L. Freeze, "Lutheranism in Russia: A Critical Reassessment," in Luther zwischen den Kulturen: Zeitgenossenschaft-Weltwirkung, ed. Hans Medick and Peer Schmidt (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004), 297-317.

(36) V. G. Tunian's publications include "Polozhenie" armianskoi tserkvi, 1836-1875 (Erevan: Gosudarstvennyi inzhenernyi universitet Armenii [GIUA], 2001); Echmiadzkinskii prestol, XIX-nachalo XX vv. (Erevan: n.p., 2001); and Poslednii period patriarshestva M. Khrimiana, 1904-1907 gg. (Erevan: GIUA, 2003).

(37) Staliunas, Making Russians, 199-233; Dolbilov, Russkii krai, 530-601,709-747; ChaeRan Y. Freeze, Jewish Marriage and Divorce in Imperial Russia (Hanover, NH: Brandeis University Press, 2002); Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern, "Hasidism, Havurot, and the Jewish Street," Jewish Social Studies 10, 2 (2004): 20-54. For a recent broad survey of Jewish religious life from the mid-18th century to 1914, see Antony Polonsky, The Jews in Poland and Russia, 2:1881 to 1914 (Oxford: Littman Library, 2010), 275-335.

(38) G. Sh. Dorzhieva, Buddiiskaia tserkov' v Kalmykii v kontse XIX-pervoi polovine XX veka (Moscow: Institut rossiiskoi istorii, 2001); Dittmar Schorkowitz, "The Orthodox Church, Lamaism, and Shamanism among the Buriats and Kalmyks, 1825-1925," in Of Religion and Empire, 201-25; Galina G. Chimitdorzhin, Institut Pandito Khambo Lam, 1764-2004 (Ulan-Ude: n.p., 2004); Nikolai Tsyrempilov, "Za sviatuiu dkharmu i belogo tsaria: Rossiiskaia imperiia glazami buriatskikh buddistov XVIII-nachala XX vekov," Ab Imperio, no. 2 (2009): 105-30; H. S. Hundley, "Defending the Periphery: Tsarist Management of Buriat Buddhism," Russian Review 69, 2 (2010): 231-50.

(39) A good overview is provided by Vladimir Bobrovnikov, "Islam in the Russian Empire," in Cambridge History of Russia, 2: Imperial Russia, 1689-1917, ed. Dominic Lieven (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 202-23. A valuable bibliographic resource with critical commentary on the literature is the ongoing Central Eurasian Reader edited by Stephane Dudoignon, volumes 1 and 2 (Berlin: Claus Schwarz, 2008 and 2011).

(40) A sampling of the literature would reveal the following works: Geraci, Window on the East; Crews, For Prophet and Tsar; Daniel Brower, Turkestan and the Fate of the Russian Empire (London: Routledge Curzon, 2003); D. Iu. Arapov, Sistema gosudarstvennogo regulirovaniia islama v Rossiiskoi imperii, posledniaia tret' XVIII-nachalo XX vv. (Moscow: MPGU, 2004); Anatolii V. Remnev, "Rossiiskaia imperiia i islam v kazakhskoi stepi (60-80-e gody XIX v.)," Rasy i narody: Sovremennye etnicheskie i rasovye problemy 32 (2006): 238-77; Il'dus Zagidullin, Islamskie instituty v Rossiiskoi imperii: Mecheti v evropeiskoi chasti Rossii i Sibiri (Kazan: Tatarskoe knizhnoe izdatel'stvo, 2007); and Alexander Morrison, Russian Rule in Samarkand, 1868-1910: A Comparison with British India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).

(41) The central work in English--published now more than a decade ago--remains Adeeb Khalid, The Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform: Jadidism in Central Asia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).

(42) Allen J. Frank, Muslim Religious Institutions in Imperial Russia: The Islamic Worm of Novouzensk District and the Kazakh Inner Horde, 1780-1910 (Leiden: Brill, 2001); V. O. Bobrovnikov, Musul'mane Severnogo Kavkaza: Obychai, pravo, nasilie (Moscow: Vostochnaia literatura, 2002); Michael Kemper, Herrschafi, Recht und Islam in Daghestan: Von den Khanaten und Gemeindebiinden zum gihad-Staat (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2005); Diliara Usmanova, Musul'manskie predstaviteli v rossiiskom parlamente, 1906-1916 gg. (Kazan: Akademiia nauk RT, 2005); Norihiro Naganawa, "Molding the Muslim Community through the Tsarist Administration: Mahalla under the Jurisdiction of the Orenburg Mohammedan Spiritual Assembly after 1905," Acta Slavica Iaponica 23 (2006): 101-23; Paolo Sartori, "Judicial Elections as a Colonial Reform: The Qadis and Biys in Tashkent, 1868-1883," Cahiers du monde russe 49, 1 (2008): 79-100.

(43) Consider two recent dissertations: James H. Meyer, "Turkic Worlds: Community Representation and Collective Identity in the Russian and Ottoman Empires, 1870-1914" (Ph.D. diss., Brown University, 2007); and Mustafa Ozgiir Tuna, "Imperial Russia's Muslims: Inroads of Modernity" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 2009).

(44) For informative observations on this score, see Devin DeWeese, "Islam and the Legacy of Sovietology: A Review Essay on Yaacov Ro'i's Islam in the Soviet Union," Journal of Islamic Studies 13, 3 (2002): 298-330. Scholars of Islam have also gone farther than most in contemplating both the possibilities and limitations of using "imperial archives" in their work. See the forum on this issue organized by Sean Pollock, "Islam in the Imperial Archives," Ab Imperio, no. 4 (2008): 234-333.

(45) Skinner, Western Front; Dolbilov, Russkii krai; Lavrov, Koldovswo; Serhii Plokhy, The Cossacks and Religion in Early Modern Ukraine (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001). For a broad consideration of the possibilities and pitfalls, focused mostly on the early modern period, see Alfons Bruning, "Confessionalization in the Slavia Orthodoxa (Belorussia, Ukraine, Russia)? Potential and Limits of a Western Historiographical Concept," in Religion and the Conceptual Boundary in Central and Eastern Europe, ed. Thomas Bremer (Houndsmill, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 65-96.

(46) Ernest A. Zitser, The Transfigured Kingdom: Sacred Parody and Charismatic Authority at the Court of Peter the Great (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004); Gary Marker, Imperial Saint: The Cult of St. Catherine and the Dawn of Female Rule in Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2007).

(47) Works that address this issue include Beliakova, Tserkovnyi sud; Freeze, Jewish Marriage and Divorce; Crews, For Prophet and Tsar; Miller, Kodiak Kreol; Irina Paert, Old Believers, Religious Dissent and Gender in Russia, 1760-1850 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003); Gregory Freeze, "Profane Narratives about a Holy Sacrament: Marriage and Divorce in Late Imperial Russia," in Sacred Stories, 146-78; V. A. Veremenko, Dvorianskaia sem 'ia i gosudarstvennaia politika, vtoraia polovina XIX-nachalo XX v., 2nd ed. (St. Petersburg: Evropeiskii dom, 2009); and Douglas Rogers, The Old Faith and the Russian Land: A Historical Ethnography of Ethics in the Urals (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009).

(48) Relevant works include Skinner, Western Front; Brower, Turkestan; E. S. Tokareva and A. V. Iudin, eds., Rossiia i Vatikan v kontse XIX-pervoi treti XX veka (St. Petersburg: Aleteiia, 2003); Elena Astaf'eva, "La Russie en Terre Sainte: Le cos de la Societe imperiale orthodoxe de Palestine (1882-1917)," in Cristianesimo nella Storia (Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane, 2003), 41-68; L. A. Gerd, Konstantinopol'i Peterburg: Tserkovnaia politika Rossii na pravoslavnom Vostoke, 1878-1898 (Moscow: Indrik, 2006); N. N. Lisovoi, Russkoe dukhovnoe ipoliticheskoe prisutstvie v Sviatoi Zemle i na Blizhnem Vostoke v XlX-nachale XX v. (Moscow: Indrik: 2006); and Eileen Kane, "Odessa as a Hajj Hub, 1880s-1910s," in Russia in Motion: Politics, Society, and the Culture of Human Mobility, 1850-Present, ed. John Randolph and Eugene M. Avrutin (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, forthcoming).

(49) Paert, Old Believers; Rogers, Old Faith; Daniel Beer, "The Medicalization of Deviance in the Russian Orthodox Church, 1880-1905," Kritika 5, 3 (2004): 451-83; Nicholas Breyfogle, Heretics and Colonizers: Forging Russia's Empire in the South Caucasus (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005); Diliara Usmanova, Musul'manskoe "sektantstvo" v Rossiiskoi imperii: Vaisovskii Bozhii polk staroverov-musul'man, 1862 1916 gg. (Kazan: Akademiia nauk RT, 2009); M. N. Farkhshatov, "Delo" sheikha Zain'ully Rasuleva: Vlast' i sufizm v poreformennoi Bashkirii (Ufa: Institut istorii, iazyka i literatury UNTs RAN, 2009).

(50) On visuality, see Gatrall and Greenfield, Alter Icons; and Valerie A. Kivelson and Joan Neuberger, eds., Picturing Russia: Explorations in Visual Culture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), which includes several contributions on religious topics. For introductions to anthropological approaches, which deal primarily but not exclusively with the present, see Rogers, Old Faith; and Chris Hann and Hermann Goltz, eds., Eastern Christians in Anthropological Perspective (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010).

(51) Greene, Bodies Like Bright Stars; Coleman, Russian Baptists; Edward E. Roslof, Red Priests: Renovationism, Russian Orthodoxy, and Revolution, 1905-1946 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002). Russian scholars who have crossed the divide include Nikol'skaia, Russkii protestantizm; Bobrovnikov, Musul 'mane severnogo Kavkaza; and Leont'eva, Vera i progress.

(52) Beliakova, Tserkovnyi sud; Leont'eva, Vera i progress; Georgii Orekhanov, Na puti k soboru: Tserkovnye reformy i pervaia russkaia revoliutsiia (Moscow: Sv.-Tikhonovskii Bogoslovskii institut, 2002); S. L. Firsov, Russkaia tserkov "nakanune peremen, konets 1890-kb--1918 gg. (St. Petersburg: Dukhovnaia biblioteka, 2002); M. A. Babkin, Dukhovenstvo Russkoi pravoslavnoi tserkvi i sverzhenie monarkhii, nachalo XX v.-konets 1917 g. (Moscow: Gosudarstvennaia publichnaia istoricheskaia biblioteka, 2007); P. G. Rogoznyi, Tserkovnaia revoliutsiia 1917 goda: Vysshee dukhovenstvo Rossiiskoi Tserkvi v bor 'be za vlast' v eparkhiiakh posle Fevral "skoi revoliutsii (St. Petersburg: Liki Rossii, 2008).

(53) But see Coleman, Russian Baptists; Leont'eva, Vera i progress; A. Iu. Bakhturina, Politika Rossiiskoi imperii v vostochnoi Galitsii v gody pervoi mirovoi voiny (Moscow: AIRO-XX, 2000); Scott M. Kenworthy, "The Mobilization of Piety: Monasticism and the Great War in Russia, 1914-1916," Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas 52, 3 (2004): 388--401; and Dietrich Beyrau, "Projektionen, Imaginationen und Visionen im Ersten Weltkrieg: Die orthodoxen Militargeistlichen im Einsatz fur Glauben, Zar und Vaterland," Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas 52, 3 (2004): 402-20.

(54) This is true also for several of the more recent studies that go across the 1917 divide-e.g., Kenworthy, Heart of Russia; and Greene, Bodies Like Bright Stars. On Jews, see Robert Weinberg, "Demonizing Judaism in the Soviet Union during the 1920s," Slavic Review 67, 1 (2008): 120-53. On Muslims, see Il'nur Minnullin, Musul'manskoe dukhovenstvo i vlast" v Tatarstane, 1920-1930-e gg. (Kazan: Institut Istorii imeni Mardzhani, 2006). On the Armenian Church, see Hacik Rafi Gazer, Die Armenische Kirche in Sowjetarmenien zwischen den Weltkriegen: Anatomie einer Vernichtung (Munster: LIT, 2001). For a recent synthesis in sociology--with some problematic assumptions and source limitations--see Paul Froese, The Plot to Kill God: Findings from the Soviet Experiment in Secularization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008).

(55) M. V. Shkarovskii, Russkaia Pravoslavnaia Tserkov'pri Staline i Khrushcheve (Moscow: Krutitskoe patriarshee podvor'e, 2000); T. A. Chumachenko, Church and State in Soviet Russia: Russian Orthodoxy from Worm War II to the Khrushchev Years, ed. and trans. Edward Roslof (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 2002); Yaacov Ro'i, Islam in the Soviet Union: From the Second Warm War to Gorbachev (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000); Alena Lapatniova, "Administrer la religion en URSS: Le cas de la Bielorussie et de la Lituanie," Cahiers du monde russe 47, 4 (2007): 749-80; Leonid Smilovitskiy, "Jews under Soviet Rule: Attempts by Religious Communities to Renew Jewish Life during the Postwar Reconstruction Period, 1944-1953," Cahiers du monde russe 49, 2-3 (2008): 475-514. This can be seen as part of a more general migration in the study of the USSR from the 1920s and 1930s to the postwar years.

(56) See, for example, Andrew B. Stone, "'Overcoming Peasant Backwardness': The Khrushchev Antireligious Campaign and the Rural Soviet Union," Russian Review 67, 2 (2008): 296-320.

(57) Adeeb Khalid, Islam after Communism: Religion and Politics in Central Asia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007).

(58) Nikol'skaia, Russkii protestantizm; Catherine Wanner, Communities of the Converted: Ukrainians and Global Evangelism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2007).

(59) Consider, for example, Martin Schulze-Wessel, "Religion und Politik: Uberlegung zur modernen Religionsgeschichte Russlands als Teil einer Religionsgeschichte Europas," in Religion und Gesellschaft: Europa im 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Friedrich Wilhlem Graf and Klaus Grosse Kracht (Cologne: Bohlau, 2007), 125-50; and Schulze-Wessel, ed., Nationalisierung der Religion und Sakralisierung der Nation im ostlichen Europa (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2006).

For advice and critical observations on earlier drafts of this essay, I thank Heather Coleman, Miriam Dobson, Mikhail Dolbilov, Adeeb Khalid, Nikolai Mitrokhin, Alexander Polunov, Vera Shevzov, Barbara Skinner, Darius Staliunas, and Christine Worobec. My discussion focuses primarily on publications in English and Russian, with limited consideration of work in German and French. This is by no means to minimize the scholarship being done in these and other languages.
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Author:Werth, Paul W.
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Date:Sep 22, 2011
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