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Linguistics or stylistics? Remarks on the translation of lexical anaphora from French into English and other associated phenomena.

1. Lexical anaphora in French

The first question I would like to consider is that of the translation of lexical anaphora from French to English. I will begin by defining lexical anaphora and laying down some theoretical guidelines for dealing with the phenomenon, before looking more closely at the sort of problems such anaphorical items pose for translation. This will lead us to look at how translations might vary according to the type of lexical anaphora involved.

1.1 Definition and theorisation

Pronominal anaphora, whereby a pronoun refers unproblematically back to some earlier, commonly-held representation, is a common enough phenomenon. Lexical anaphora occurs when this backpointing function is not assumed by a pronoun, but by a lexical item which is understood as coreferential with some earlier representation. (1)

The following texts provide topical illustration of both anaphorical strategies:

1. Depuis debut janvier, les mauvais sondages s'accumulent sur le bureau du president. Selon une derniere enquete (Ifop pour Le Journal du dimanche), publiee le 20 janvier, une majorite de sondes (52%) se disent mecontents de l'action de Nicolas Sarkozy. En deux mois, le chef de l'Etat a perdu dix points chez les plus de 65 ans, qui ont pourtant vote aux deux tiers pour lui a l'election presidentielle. Gardees confidentielles, les etudes qualitatives commandees par l'Elysee sont encore plus severes. (2)

The lexical anaphors le chef de l'Etat and l'Elysee used here are common enough, in texts dealing with the French president and would pose no particular problems, either for interpretation or for translation.

The next passage is slightly more complex:

2. Segolene Royal se demultiplie mais ne progresse pas. Tout au moins pour l'instant. Deux mois quasiment jour pour jour apres avoir annonce sa candidature a la primaire du PS--qui aura lieu en octobre--en vue de la presidentielle de 2012, la presidente de Poitou-Charentes a beau sillonner la France, le declic ne vient toujours pas. Si elle a pu constater avant-hier, lors d'un deplacement en Seine-Saint-Denis, que sa notoriete etait toujours intacte, l'ex-candidate socialiste est loin d'avoir retrouve le souffle qui a fait d'elle l'adversaire de Nicolas Sarkozy en 2007.

[...] Il en faut toutefois plus pour ebranler la candidate. <<Je suis dans le rythme>>, assure-t-elle en refutant toute comparaison avec le passe. (3)

Here the identity of the referent is first established with the proper noun Segolene Royal. The term is then referred to in the continuation of the text with the personal pronoun elle, but also with a number of lexical anaphors: la presidente de Poitou-Charentes, l'ex-candidate socialiste and la candidate. Unlike the previous examples, these lexical anaphors are not conventional substitutes for a particular role. In (1), le chef de l'Etat, l'Elysee and le president were all in a relation of reciprocal identity, here however, la presidente de Poitou-Charentes is not necessarily l'excandidate socialiste nor even la candidate, and so the interpretation of these lexical anaphors relies on an interpretative movement whereby the reader works to ensure continued contextual cohesion. In other words, for the text to continue to make sense, the French reader is used to recovering referents for lexical anaphors via thematically cohesive links. It is because the text topicalises Segolene Royal that one is able to interpret such anaphora as coreferential with the initial term.

The next example belongs to what is almost a sub-genre in French journalism--stories about the British royal family. It offers a far more challenging exercise in the interpretation of anaphora.

3. Happy Birthday Queen Mum, derniere imperatrice des Indes! [...]

La bonne nouvelle? Elle a regagne Clarence House, sa demeure londonienne, a temps pour celebrer, le 4 aout, ses cent un ans. La mauvaise nouvelle? Au debut de la semaine prochaine, elle retournera a l'hopital pour subir des tests de l'estomac, de l'intestin, de la thyroide et des reins. Depuis l'admission de la reine mere a l'hopital, le 1er aout, pour anemie, le royaume vivait au rythme des bulletins de sante diffuses par le secretaire particulier de la royale centenaire, Sir Alistair Aird. [...] Les esprits etaient occupes par le retablissement de la "Queen Mum". [...]

La popularite de la reine mere n'a jamais faibli. [...] La derniere imperatrice des Indes rappelle l'ere glorieuse du consensus national-le Commonwealth, la grande famille anglophone d'outre-mer et la lutte contre le nazisme--qui echappe d'ordinaire aux politiciens. La mere d'Elizabeth reveille egalement toutes les nostalgies d'une Angleterre desuete.

Si la quatrieme fille du quinzieme comte de Strathmore triomphe plus que jamais au box-office des Royals, c'est aussi parce qu'a l'inverse des jeunes Windsors, elle ne s'est jamais departie de la dignite qui sied a la dynastie. Jamais celle qui a vu le jour alors que la reine Victoria terminait un regne de soixante-trois ans n'a joue une autre fonction que celle de representation. Il n'a jamais rien transpire de la vie privee de la reine douairiere depuis la mort de son epoux, George VI, en 1952. Les revelations sur son soutien a la politique d'apaisement de Chamberlain a l'egard de Hitler ou sur sa rancune tenace envers sa belle-soeur, la duchesse de Windsor, et la princesse Diana apres son divorce d'avec le prince Charles n'ont guere entame le prestige de la grand-mere favorite du royaume. (4)

The text is a veritable tour de force in the originality of the lexical anaphora its author deploys, moving from conventional anaphora, of the type already seen, such as la reine mere or la mere d'Elizabeth, to the ostentatiously extravagant la derniere imperatrice des Indes, la quatrieme fille du quinzieme comte de Strathmore or celle qui a vu le jour alors que la reine Victoria terminait un regne de soixante-trois ans, and finally back to the more predictable la reine douairiere or la grand-mere favorite du royaume.

Now let us look at how we might represent these anaphorical variations. The first case, that of simple pronominal back reference, is unproblematical. The use of elle, for example, to refer back to Segolene Royal, marks an operation of identification between two occurrences of a term, together with quantitative and qualitative stability between the two. Quantitative stability, because the existence of the referent is already established and unaltered from the first to the second occurrence. Qualitative stability, because the term elle adds no new qualitative determinations to what we already know about the referent.

Following Culioli 1991, we might represent this as follows: <occurrence 2 = occurrence 1> and (qnt) (qlt).

The third case, that of original lexical anaphora which can only be referenced via a presupposition of topical cohesion, is a little more complex. The relationship between la reine mere and la quatrieme fille du quinzieme comte de Strathmore is not at all obvious, even to the most ardent royalist. In this case, we must consider that there is still an operation of identification, coupled with quantitative stability--again, the existence of the referent is unaltered--but there is now a qualitative difference, since the referent receives new qualitative determinations. Again, following Culioli 1991:

<occurrence 2 = occurrence 1> and (qnt) qlt lex, where qlt lex indicates qualitative change and lexical input.

The second case, that of conventionalised lexical anaphora, depends very much on the extralinguistic knowledge the cospeaker (a reader in this case) already possesses. If the use of le chef de l'Etat for le president is unproblematical, the metonym l'Elysee requires a little more background knowledge for it to be meaningful. This case implies the same metalinguistic representation as above, i.e.

<occurrence 2 = occurrence 1> and (qnt) qlt lex,

The most important difference between this type of conventionalised anaphora and the previous, non conventional type is probably that the source occurrence (occurrence 1) is a common noun referring us to a lexical notion defined by various properties which may lend themselves to exploitation as lexical anaphora. (5) There are instances of common nouns which are referred back to with non conventional anaphora but they are less common, and rely on the exploitation of less salient properties of the source occurrence. (6)

1.2 Problems posed in translation

Before proceeding any further, I would like to make one or two remarks about the method adopted here. Although I do have some experience of professional translation, the better part of my personal reflexion on translation comes from my experience of teaching the subject, in an academic rather than a professional translating environment. This is complemented, I hope, by my research interests in linguistics. I am not basing myself on a bilingual corpus, but on an exploration of problems posed by the translation of lexical anaphora.

The translation of conventional lexical anaphora is relatively simple. An anaphor like le chef de l'etat is standardly rendered by the head of state. In some cases, notably for culturally dependent metonyms, like l'Elysee for the president or l'hotel Matignon for the Prime Minister, a literal translation would be meaningless, since these terms are not properties of the notion /president/ for a non French speaker. In such cases the translator must decide whether to explain the reference via a footnote or a relative, for example, or whether to ignore the qualitative lexical input and translate only the anaphorical function, falling back on a personal pronoun (e.g. he), lexical repetition (e.g. the president) or another, transparent conventional anaphor (e.g. the head of state for l'Elysee).

The problem that interests me here is that of translating non conventional lexical anaphora. Let us imagine possible literal translations of the anaphors in the Queen Mother text above:
Original text                          Literal translation

* la royale centenaire                 * the royal centenarian
* la derniere imperatrice des Indes    * the last Empress of India
* la mere d'Elizabeth                  * the mother of
                                         Elizabeth/Elizabeth's mother
* la quatrieme fille du quinzieme      * the fourth daughter of the
  comte de Strathmore                    fifteenth count of Strathmore
* celle qui a vu le jour alors que     * the lady who was born when
  la reine Victoria terminait un         Queen Victoria was reaching
  regne de soixantetrois ans             the end of her sixty-three
                                         year reign
* la reine douairiere                  * the dowager queen
* la grand-mere favorite du royaume    * the nation's favourite
                                         grandmother


Now the translations are, I admit, not all equally convincing, and one could indeed wonder about the relevance of translating such a text, with its deliberately ironic tone, into English. The point however is that, whatever the nature of the text, it is out of the question to use lexical anaphora in such a way in English. Indeed such anaphors, if translated literally, would give the impression that these are in fact new discursive elements, despite the problems of textual cohesion this reading would entail.

Again, the translator can choose between a number of options. Literal translation is possible in certain cases (the royal centenarian or Queen Elizabeth's mother for example). Some form of enrichment might be required in others, perhaps a relative--the Queen mother, who was also the last Empress of India--or quotation marks--the "dowager queen"--. As for the more extravagant anaphora, la quatrieme fille du quinzieme comte de Strathmore, or celle qui a vu le jour alors que la reine Victoria terminait un regne de soixante-trois ans, it probably makes sense to translate the anaphorical function alone, with a simple personal pronoun. I concede that such a translation does not, however, render the ironically trivialising tone which the very irrelevance of the lexical input creates.

It is important to see that the problem is not limited to a particular style of journalese. Lexical anaphors, albeit less convoluted than the Queen Mother examples, abound in literary texts too, and again, I have found that native English-speaking students have trouble coindexing such anaphors with previous mentions of the same referent.

4. Karim s'agenouilla et observa la serrure de la vitrine. Dix ans de casses et de vols de voiture avaient forge une solide experience en matiere de cambriolage. Sans aucun doute, l'intrus qui avait manipule cette serrure disposait de veritables connaissances dans le domaine. Karim etait stupefait: pourquoi un pro serait-il venu cambrioler une ecole primaire a Sarzac? Il saisit un des registres, le feuilleta brievement. Des listes de noms, des commentaires d'enseignants, des lettres administratives ... Chaque volume correspondait a une annee distincte. Le lieutenant se releva. Jean-Baptiste Grange, Les rivieres pourpres (1998).

Here, for instance, many English-speaking students did not realise that le lieutenant was coreferential with Karim while, for French-speaking students, the coreference appeared self-evident.

1.3 Typological remarks

Let us summarise the different types of anaphora with possible translation options.

French personal pronouns can generally be translated by their equivalent personal pronoun in English.

Conventional lexical anaphors can also generally be translated by an English equivalent, i.e. the Head of State for the President.

Culture-specific conventional lexical anaphors such as l'Elysee, will require the translator to decide how relevant the lexical input is to the text. If the lexical input is not relevant to the text, then a conventional lexical anaphor or even a personal pronoun can be used. If the lexical input is considered relevant, then the translator will have to maintain this, while making the anaphorical function clear, with a relative clause for example.

Non-conventional lexical anaphors pose similar problems. Again the translator will have to consider how relevant the lexical input is, and adjust the translation accordingly.

2. Explanation

I hope that it is clear from the above discussion that the problem is not limited to a few anecdotal "untranslatables". We are in fact confronted with an important systematic difference in strategy between English and French readers for recovering anaphorical reference. The English reader will often, at least initially, fail to link a non conventional lexical anaphor to its referent, dealing with it as if it were a new term in discourse, i.e. as if there were both quantitative and qualitative input. The French reader appears to be primed to link such non conventional lexical anaphors to previously established referents, on the basis of thematic relevance. The quantitative stability is taken for granted, in other words.

We might stop there, considering that these differences in textual interpretation are the result of arbitrary and inexplicable cultural or stylistic factors.

I would like to argue that this difference in strategy is largely dependent on an important--albeit obvious -linguistic difference between the pronoun systems of the two languages.

In the third person singular, French possesses a binary distinction between il masculine and elle feminine. This distinction of genre concerns both natural gender and grammatical gender, so that il can be used indifferently to refer anaphorically to an animate male or to some masculine common noun.

English possesses three third person singular pronouns, in a system which is doubly binary. The distinction of genre concerns essentially natural gender, and operates between he and she. These enter into a second opposition of animacy with it, which is gender-neutral and is used essentially to refer to inanimates.

One consequence of this very fundamental difference is that the personal pronouns il and elle are potentially more ambiguous than their counterparts in English he and she. This is because il and elle can refer back to inanimates and animates alike and so if, between occurrence 1 and occurrence 2 of a term, there are other nouns of the same grammatical gender, then these are potential rival sources for pronominal anaphora.

In the following example, the presence of the feminine noun notoriete between occurrence 1 elle and occurrence 2 lrex-candidate socialiste, makes the use of elle for the second occurrence less likely.

5. Si elle a pu constater avant-hier, lors d'un deplacement en Seine-Saint-Denis, que sa notoriete etait toujours intacte, l'excandidate socialiste est loin d'avoir retrouve le soufile qui a fait d'elle l'adversaire de Nicolas Sarkozy en 2007.

The same problem would of course not occur in English, where she could be used quite unambiguously, though admittedly without the additional lexical input which Vex-candidate socialiste provides.

I am not claiming that the greater use of lexical anaphora in French, and the correspondingly greater readiness of French readers to interpret such anaphora, is systematically conditioned in every text by the presence of some potentially confusable inanimate common noun in between the two occurrences. I do however claim that the potential for referential ambiguities contained in the French pronoun system has a knock-on stylistic effect which influences processes of text production and recognition in French generally.

3. Animism or differences in subject-predicate constraints

Now if the difference in pronoun systems between French and English is important enough for it to affect strategies of text production and recognition in the two languages, as I claim, one might expect it to have other, associated, effects, which translation difficulties can also alert us to. One such effect, I believe, is the difference in subject-predicate constraints between the two languages, often described as animism. In this section I would like to define the term of animism and provide some theoretical description for what is involved, before discussing several examples of the phenomenon in detail and drawing a number of conclusions.

3.1 Definition and theorisation

In their classic, ground-breaking study, Vinay and Darbelnet define the concept of animism in the following terms:

Au subjectivisme [...] s'apparente l'animisme qui prete aux choses le comportement des personnes, qui, par exemple, fait courir des fraicheurs dans l'exemple de Fromentin [Quoique l'air fut encore tiede, on y sentait courir des fraicheurs humides.]

--Marseille compte une population de pres d'un million d'habitants:

The population of Marseilles is close to the million mark.

--L'extraordinaire essor qu'allait connaitre Los Angeles:

The spectacular development in store for Los Angeles. (Vinay et Darbelnet, 1957: 205)

The same authors go on to add:

Cette penetration de la realite par le sujet pensant donne aussi naissance a des emplois metaphoriques de verbes ordinaires qu'on peut alors appeler des verbes expressifs et dont la traduction en anglais est parfois malaisee.

--La sueur perlait sur son front:

Beads of sweat stood out on his brow. [...]

--Le froid sevit dans plusieurs regions:

Cold weather is reported in several areas. (Op. cit. 206-207)

Francoise Grellet, in a practical translation studies manual, also uses the term of animisme, and suggests three techniques the translator might use to render such cases:

1. utiliser un sujet anime:

[right arrow] Ce livre m'a enchante.I was delighted the book.

2. affaiblir le verbe (en utilisant un verbe moins dynamique, un verbe d'etat par exemple):

[right arrow] Ces reves peuplaient sa solitude. These dreams filled his solitude. [...]

3. choisir le passif:

[right arrow] L'idee de suicide le hantait. He was obsessed by the idea of suicide. (1994: 40)

Chuquet and Paillard, in a more theoretical, enunciative framework, do not speak of animism but formulate the same idea in terms of the choice of grammatical subject, which they note [C.sub.0], for "rank zero complement" (complement de rang zero), i.e. the minimal, necessary complement for a verb:
   On constate [...] une nette difference entre le francais et
   l'anglais pour ce qui est du rapport entre l'expression
   linguistique et les categories extra-linguistiques, l'anglais
   faisant preuve d'une plus grande <<homogeneite>> que le francais et
   ayant tendance a <<ne mettre en relation que des termes dont les
   referents appartiennent a la meme categorie du reel>>. Dans le cas
   particulier de l'opposition <<anime/inanime>>, alors qu'il est
   frequent de voir associes en francais un [C.sub.0] inanime et un
   verbe anime, l'anglais prefere, par le biais de differents procedes
   syntaxiques, mettre en relation un [C.sub.0] et un verbe
   appartenant a la meme categorie du reel." (1989: 141) (7)


It is unproblematical to say that the semantic properties of certain verbs mean that they entertain privileged relationships with certain types of subject. A verb like contain or break for example will typically associate with an inanimate subject, while a verb like sneeze or hope will imply an animate subject. Many verbs may accept both types of subject indifferently. It appears that the constraints linking a given verb with a certain category of subject (i.e. animate or inanimate, in the case that concerns us) are stronger in English than they are in French. I consider this tendency to be a further, independent, consequence of the difference in pronoun systems between the two languages. The English pronoun system distinguishes for animacy. The French pronoun system does not. This purely linguistic feature makes it easier for French to associate subjects which are extralinguistically inanimate with verbs which would normally select animate subjects. If similar procedures remain possible in English, they are nonetheless less frequent and the unwonted association will appear more marked than in French.

3.2 Examples and discussion

Let us illustrate these remarks with one or two examples.

6. L'angoisse m'a envahi vers le soir, a la fin de notre promenade. Le soleil etait deja couche et la lumiere d'ete s'attardait. (Erik Orsenna, Grand amour, 1993)

The above example contains two clear instances of animism, as defined above, associating the verbs envahir and s'attarder which would typically require animate subjects capable of intentionality, and the subjects angoisse and lumiere respectively.

Let us imagine, firstly, a translation which maintains the same subject-verb associations as the original:

6a. Anguish overtook me towards the evening, at the end of our walk. The sun had already set and the summer light was lingering.

And, secondly, a translation which seeks to respect the tendency of English to respect subject-verb selection constraints more closely: (8)

6b. I was overcome with anguish towards the evening, at the end of our walk. The sun had already gone down and there was a little summer light left.

Both translations appear possible, but the first strikes me as a less probable option. The subject-verb associations appear to me far more marked cases of the personification of inanimates in English than they were in the original French.

The above example was taken from a novel which has not, to the best of my knowledge been translated into English.

The following text is taken from an article, written in French, and published in the February 2011 edition of Le Monde diplomatique.

7. Les responsables politiques aiment invoquer la <<complexite>> du monde pour expliquer qu'il serait fou de vouloir le transformer. Mais, dans certaines circonstances, tout redevient tres simple. Quand, par exemple, apres le 11 septembre, l'expresident George W. Bush enjoignit a chacun de choisir entre <<nous et les terroristes>>. A Tunis, ce fut plutot entre un dictateur ami et <<un regime du type taliban au nord de l'Afrique>>. Ce genre d'alternative conforte les protagonistes:le dictateur se proclame seul rempart contre les islamistes; les islamistes, seuls ennemis du dictateur.

Mais le ballet se deregle quand un mouvement social ou democratique fait surgir des acteurs qu'ecartait une choregraphie verrouillee pour l'eternite. Le pouvoir aux abois ausculte alors la moindre trace de <<menee subversive>> dans le mecontentement populaire. Qu'elle existe, il en profite; dans le cas contraire, il l'invente. (http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/20n/02/HALIMI /20112)

Here we find a number of typical cases involving the association of inanimate subjects and verbs which would normally take animates, including [ce] genre d'alternative conforte les protagonistes, un mouvement social ou democratique fait surgir des acteurs, des acteurs qu'ecartait une choregraphie verrouillee pour l'eternite and lastly [le] pouvoir aux abois ausculte alors la moindre trace de <<menee subversive>>. On publication, Le Monde diplomatique is simultaneously translated into English, among other languages, providing a very useful multilingual corpus for analysis. Let us see how the examples of animism given above are handled by the translator of Halimi's article.

7a. Political leaders often claim a situation is so complex that any attempt to change it would be disastrous. This is not always the case. After 9/11, President George Bush offered a clear choice: "Either you are with us or you are with the terrorists." According to President Sarkozy, the choice in Tunisia was between a friendly dictator and "a Taliban-type regime in North Africa". This suits both sides: a dictator can claim to be the last bastion against militant Islam, and the Islamists can claim that they alone oppose the dictator.

But if there is a social or democratic movement, and new players, the scenario suddenly changes. The embattled authorities look out for subversive activity among the protesters. If they find it, they exploit it. If not, they invent it. [Translation by Barbara Wilson.] (http://mondediplo.com/2011/02/01impossible)

The first case, [ce] genre d'alternative conforte les protagonistes is translated with a weakening or dilution of the verb, from conforter [comfort] to suit, which would more normally select an inanimate subject. The second case un mouvement social D'a democratique fait surgir des acteurs, is dealt with by the choice of an existential construction if there is ... corresponding to quand ... and a considerable dilution in the choice of the coordinating conjunction and, used here in a context of implied consequence: a social or democratic movement and consequently new players, to translate fait surgir. The third case, qu'ecartait une choregraphie verrouillee pour l'eternite, which maintains the running metaphor of dance, together with the animism, is not translated. The last case [le] pouvoir aux abois ausculte alors la moindre trace de <<menee subversive>> is rendered with a further dilution in the verbal semantics, as ausculter becomes look out for. At the same time, the subject le pouvoir interestingly becomes the authorities, this in turn opening the way for they exploit it and they invent it. The point here is that the plural they is unmarked for gender and is therefore far easier for the translator to associate with verbs like exploit and invent than the singular inanimate it.

The resulting text does not read as a translation but as idiomatic English-language journalism, largely as a result of these systematic translation choices, made to respect the subject-selection constraints characteristic of English. Constraints which, as I have indicated, are the direct reflection of an animacy distinction present in the English pronoun system.

3.3 Tolerance threshold

It might be objected that the arguments above are formulated too strongly, that if the pronoun system were so important in imposing selection constraints on the type of subject verbs can accept, then literary figures such as personification would be impossible. This would be taking our arguments too far, though. The point is not that selection constraints exist in English and they do not exist in French. The point is that the selection constraints appear to be more flexible in French than in English and that, all things being equal, identical associations will be clearly felt as more metaphorical in English than in French. Vinay and Darbelnet--who consider things in terms of types of verb, rather than in terms of subject selection--express the same qualifying remarks:
   Il serait evidemment excessif de dire que ces verbes sont un
   monopole du francais. [...] Mais ce qu'on peut avancer, c'est que
   ce genre de verbes est plus repandu dans notre langue. Et s'il est
   vrai qu'ils y denotent une certaine recherche, ils produiraient
   souvent en anglais un effet inattendu et force. (1957: 207)


In other words, it is as if there exists a tolerance threshold such that the point at which an inanimate subject/animate verb association is perceived as a markedly figurative or non-literal use of language is reached sooner in English than it is in French.

In fact, things are happening in much the same way as in section 1, where a non-conventional lexical anaphor can still be perceived anaphorically in French, whereas in English it would easily be misinterpreted as referring to a new discursive entity.

4. Linguistics or stylistics?

Linguistics and stylistics are often treated as domains apart, the first dealing with the nuts and bolts of how forms associate within a given language to construct reference, while the second looks at how the choice of forms when there is a choice--contributes to the hallmark of a given text or author.

In this paper we have studied two stylistic features of French relative to English--the tendency of French texts to favour lexical anaphora and the greater latitude French allows for the use of inanimate subjects with animate verbs. We have looked at the problems such features pose in translation, and have considered a number of possible strategies the translator might adopt in the passage from one language to the other.

The key point I would like to insist upon, however, is that these undeniable stylistic differences between the two languages are to a large extent the predictable consequence of strictly linguistic differences. Once one appreciates the foundational nature of distinctions built into the pronoun system, then the knock-on effects at many other levels of linguistic representation become largely self-evident and a number of otherwise baffling translation choices receive a linguistically motivated explanation.

REFERENCES

Chuquet, Helene. Paillard, Michel. (1987), Approche Linguistique des problemes de traduction, Ophrys: Gap.

Culioli, Antoine. (1991), Pour une linguistique de lrenonciation, tome 1, Ophrys: Gap.

Grellet, Francoise. (1994), Initiation au theme anglais: the mirrored image, Paris: Hachette.

Ranger, Graham. (2002), "Notes sur la traduction de l'anaphore lexicale du francais vers l'anglais," Langues et cultures en contact. Traduire e(s)t commenter, Besancon, Presses Universitaires Franc-Comtoises: 83-98.

Vinay, J.-P. Darbelnet, J. (1958), Stylistique comparee du francais et de l'anglais, Paris: Didierf.

GRAHAM RANGER

Graham.Ranger@univ-avignon.fr

Universite d'Avignon et des Pays de Vaucluse

Laboratory Identite culturelle, textes et theatralite EA 4277

NOTES

(1.) Note that the literary figure of anaphora involves repetition of the same lexical item.

(2.) La Croix Vendredi 25 Janvier 2008. Nos italiques.

(3.) Aujourd'hui en France Samedi 5 Fevrier 2011.

(4.) Le Monde 5 aout 2001. Nos italiques.

(5.) That is to say that we can construe head of state as a property of president and this construal opens the way for anaphoric substitution.

(6.) Here is an example of a non conventional lexical anaphora associated with a common noun: 'le prince mime devant son groupe une conversation telephonique avec la reine--"sur un ton manquant de respect" envers la commandante en chef de l'armee britannique, Liberation 12 janvier 2009. The reader might not know that the queen is commander in chief of the British army, but is informed of this thanks to the anaphorical device.

(7.) We have, I think, to understand the term "verbe anime" as a rather ill-chosen shorthand for "a verb which would more usually require an animate subject".

(8.) This translation uses a passive form for the first case and semantic weakening for the second.
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