Legitimating Nazism: Harvard University and the Hitler regime, 1933-1937.
The few scholars who previously addressed this subject devoted insufficient attention to antisemitism in the Harvard administration and student body, and underestimate the university's complicity in the Nazis' persecution of the Jews. William M. Tuttle Jr., to be sure, criticizes Conant's unwillingness to help place German scholars exiled by the Nazis at Harvard, calling this "a failure of compassion." Morton and Phyllis Keller, in their recent history of Harvard, similarly describe its administration as slow to appoint refugees from Nazism to the faculty, particularly Jews. They describe Conant as "shar[ing] the mild antisemitism common to his social group and time," but then go on to state that an alleged commitment to meritocracy "made him more ready to accept able Jews as students and faculty." The Kellers acknowledge that under Conant Harvard restricted the number of Jewish students admitted and hired few Jewish professors, so the trend toward meritocracy was limited. Tuttle, while conceding that Conant publicly criticized the Hitler regime only for suppressing academic freedom, and "ignor[ed] other and related Nazi crimes," nonetheless praises him as "one of the more outspoken anti-Nazis in the United States from 1933 until World War II." This, however, was hardly the case. (1)
From 1933, when he assumed the presidency of America's oldest and most prestigious university, through 1937, Conant failed to speak out against Nazism on many occasions when it really mattered. He was publicly silent during the visit of the Nazi warship Karlsruhe to Boston in May 1934, some of whose crew Harvard entertained. He welcomed the high Nazi official Ernst (Putzi) Hanfstaengl to the June 1934 Harvard commencement. In March 1935, the Harvard administration permitted Nazi Germany's consul general in Boston to place a wreath bearing the swastika emblem in the university chapel. Conant sent a delegate from Harvard to the University of Heidelberg's 550th anniversary pageant in June 1936, and extended warm greetings to the Georg-August University in Goettingen on its two-hundredth anniversary in June 1937. In providing a friendly welcome to Nazi leader Hanfstaengl, President Conant and others prominently affiliated with Harvard communicated to the Hitler government that boycotts intended to destroy Jewish businesses, the dismissal of Jews from the professions, and savage beatings of Jews were not their concern. Conant's biographer, James Hershberg, trivialized Hanfstaengl's 1934 visit to Harvard by calling it "farcical"; it was, in fact, highly dangerous. (2)
President Conant remained publicly indifferent to the persecution of Jews in Europe and failed to speak out against it until after Kristallnacht, in November 1938. He was determined to build friendly ties with the Universities of Heidelberg and Goettingen, even though they had expelled their Jewish faculty members and thoroughly Nazified their curricula, constructing a "scholarly" foundation for vulgar antisemitism, which was taught as "racial science." The anniversary ceremonies in which Harvard participated, by sending a representative or friendly greetings, were simply brown shirt pageants designed to glorify the Nazi regime. James Hershberg admits that Conant "dignified a crudely Nazified spectacle," but ascribes his eagerness to do so to "fear of igniting controversy," rather than to insensitivity to Jewish suffering. (3) Harvard invited Nazi academics to its September 1936 Tercentenary Celebration, which it held on Rosh Hashonah. (Conant ignored numerous requests not to schedule it on a Jewish High Holiday.) During this period, Harvard engaged in an academic student exchange program with Nazi universities, refusing to heed the call for a boycott. Conant also displayed impatience with, and often contempt for, Jewish and other activists determined to publicly expose Nazi barbarism.
To be sure, Conant did express formal opposition to Nazism, and never assumed the role of public apologist for the Hitler regime, as did the chancellor of American University in Washington, D.C., Joseph Gray, who in August 1936 returned from Europe filled with praise for the "New Germany." Chancellor Gray declared that Hitler had restored hope to a troubled nation, preventing it from going the way of strife-torn Spain. "Everybody is working in Germany," he gushed, liberal education was available, and the cities were "amazingly clean," without beggars. But even Gray a year and a half later signed the petition denouncing Poland's 1937 introduction of segregated seating in universities for Jewish students, while Conant did not. (4)
President Conant's behavior was certainly influenced by the anti-Jewish prejudice he harbored. His predecessor as Harvard's president, A. Lawrence Lowell, had voiced his antisemitism publicly, notably during the controversy in 1922 surrounding his proposal that Harvard introduce a formal quota to reduce Jewish enrollment. In justifying a quota, President Lowell, a vice president of the Immigration Restriction League, had declared that "a strong race feeling on the part of the Jews" was a significant cause of the "rapidly growing anti-Semitic feeling in this country." (5) Lowell managed thus to blame the Jews for antisemitism. Conant, then a Harvard chemistry professor, had voted in favor of the anti-Jewish quota at a special faculty meeting. Harvard restricted Jewish enrollment during Conant's presidency in the 1930s using more subtle methods than a formal quota. (6)
Conant's antisemitism is evident in his correspondence with the chemical director of the Du Pont corporation, who sought his advice in September 1933 about whether to hire the Jewish chemist Max Bergmann, whom Germany's Kaiser-Wilhelm-Institute of Leather Research had discharged after the Nazis assumed power. Du Pont was impressed with Bergmann's record as a research chemist, but worried that he might possess undesirable personality and physical traits that Du Pont executives, and President Conant, associated with Jews. Chemistry was a well-established scientific field from which Jews had for the most part been excluded in the United States. (7) Although President Conant could have exerted his influence against chemistry's highly restrictive approach to Jews, when given the opportunity, he chose not to do so. In fact, he was not just silent in the face of discrimination; he actively collaborated in it.
Du Pont's chemical director knew that Bergmann had "a great reputation" as an organic chemist, Conant's field, but contacted Harvard's president because the corporation's London representative had alerted him that he was "decidedly of the Jewish type." If this were the case, Du Pont feared it could adversely affect its relations with American universities. Conant responded that Bergmann was "certainly very definitely of the Jewish type-rather heavy," probably dogmatic, with "none of the earmarks of genius," a view he admitted many American chemists did not share. He recommended that Du Pont not hire Bergmann. (8) Thus given the opportunity to stand up against bigotry and exclusion, even behind closed doors, in a way that would cost him nothing, he chose to do the opposite: to shore up anti-Jewish prejudice. When he died a decade later, the New York Times identified Bergmann as "one of the leading organic chemists in the world." (9)
Conant reacted differently a few weeks later when Sir William Pope, director of the chemical laboratory at the University of Cambridge in England, wrote to him on behalf of a non-Jewish chemist, Wilhelm Schlenk of Berlin University in Germany. Pope was hoping that Conant might help secure an academic position for Schlenk in the United States. Berlin University had penalized Schlenk because he had attempted to assist Fritz Haber, one of Germany's top chemists and a Christian convert from Judaism, when the Nazis forced him out of his position. Pope assured Conant that Schlenk had "no Jewish blood." He was, in fact, "one of the most charming men" Pope knew. Schlenk had never been associated with "socialist or communistic politics," involvement in which, Pope asserted, was "the cause of the disgrace" of many German Jewish chemists. Conant did not challenge this claim. For an individual who was not "of the Jewish type," unlike Bergmann, Conant indicated a readiness to help. (10)
At the very beginning of Nazi rule in 1933, Boston's Jews mobilized in a massive parade and rally to protest against antisemitic persecution in Germany, but Conant and the other local university presidents did not take part. The November demonstration, sponsored by the New England branch of the American Jewish Congress, was staged in the Dorchester/ Mattapan section, where most of Boston's Jews were concentrated, only a few miles from Cambridge. But unlike many of Boston's leaders, Conant did not even send greetings, much less speak. (11) By contrast, the president of Harvard during the next several years sent greetings to German universities when they were staging anniversary commemorations, even though they were clearly intended as Nazi propaganda spectacles, and American newspapers described them as such. Conant did not endorse the boycott of German goods that began in 1933, which was well-organized in Boston, or call for Harvard not to buy them.
Nor did President Conant express support for the resolution that Senator Millard Tydings of Maryland introduced in Congress in January 1934 condemning Nazi oppression of Jews in Germany, and asking President Roosevelt to inform the Hitler government that this country was profoundly distressed about its antisemitic measures. Senator Tydings noted that the United States government had denounced antisemitic persecution in foreign countries at least nine times between 1840 and 1919. Few of America's academic leaders endorsed the resolution, and it remained bottled up in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. (12)
William M. Tuttle, Jr., notes that President Conant was "timid at crucial moments," but minimizes his failure to take a consistent stand against the Nazis by arguing that "he was not alone in his reticence." Tuttle claims that "leaders with constituencies to serve," including university presidents, union leaders, and politicians, "were notoriously silent in the 1930s." Yet there were still some who took a principled stand. President William Green and the leadership of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) vigorously promoted the boycott of German goods almost from its inception in 1933. They specifically denounced "the ruthless persecution of Germany's Jewish population." Pennsylvania governor Gifford Pinchot prominently associated himself with the boycott from the beginning. Senator Tydings pressed vigorously for the U.S. government to confront Nazi Germany about its antisemitic persecution, and helped bring it to wider public attention by introducing his resolution. Other leading politicians, like New York's Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia, frequently denounced Nazi antisemitism, and even U.S. Representative John McCormack of Irish American South Boston sent greetings to the American Jewish Congress's November 1933 Dorchester/ Mattapan rally against Nazi antisemitism. (13)
The university over which Conant presided remained largely indifferent to the persecution of Germany's Jews, and displayed a shocking lack of awareness of Nazism. This is best revealed in a mock debate Harvard held on Adolf Hitler's conduct in late October 1934. After two teams of Harvard undergraduates presented arguments, a panel consisting largely of Harvard professors acquitted the Fuehrer on two of four charges. The panel "ruled out as irrelevant" the subject of Hitler's "persecution of Jews." By a 4-1 vote, it found Hitler guilty of having General Kurt von Schleicher killed without trial. Von Schleicher had preceded Hitler as chancellor, and was executed by the S.S. during the "Blood Purge" of June 30, 1934, directed primarily against the S.A. leadership. The panel also found Hitler guilty, by a 3-2 vote, of sending men to concentration camps without definite charges. But by 3-2 votes, it acquitted Hitler of "invading the sanctity of homes without warrant" and of ordering the murder of seventy-seven Germans in the June 30 purge. The panel accepted Hitler's own figure of seventy-seven slain; it was probably at least twice that, and may have exceeded a thousand. (14)
Harvard's student newspaper, the Crimson, strongly condemned another mock trial of Hitler staged in New York the previous spring, that had devoted serious attention to his persecution of the Jews and found him guilty of "a crime against civilization." Sponsored by the American Jewish Congress, the AFL, and approximately fifty other Jewish and liberal groups, it was held at Madison Square Garden before 20,000 people. Twenty "witnesses for public opinion" had presented "The Case of Civilization Against Hitlerism." They included former New York governor Al Smith, New York mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia, Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, the honorary president of the American Jewish Congress, AFL vice-president Matthew Woll, and Senator Millard Tydings. Chancellor Harry Woodburn Chase of New York University explicitly denounced the Nazis for denying Jews the right to study and teach in universities. He declared that it was the duty of all "teachers, scientists, and men of letters" to "resist with all their power" Nazi Germany's higher education policies--a view not shared by Conant or the other presidents of elite universities. The event's organizers had invited Germany's ambassador, Hans Luther, to defend Hitler, but he had declined. The Crimson dismissed the Madison Square Garden mock trial as having "proved nothing," because Hitler had not been provided with a defense. Moreover, it claimed that the audience, containing many Jews, was "rabidly prejudiced." (15)
Almost a year and a half later, in March 1936, one of Harvard's leading history professors, William L. Langer, a renowned authority on the world war, vigorously defended Nazi Germany's recent occupation of the Rhineland, and disputed the charge that Hitler was a militarist. Hitler's retaking of the Rhineland removed a critical obstacle blocking a German military invasion in the west. The victorious powers in the world war had demilitarized the Rhineland to prevent just such a scenario. Langer claimed that Hitler's motives were no different from those of the French and the British. The latter had imposed an "unfair treaty" on Nazi Germany, which had rearmed to protect itself, "like everyone else." He insisted that "Hitler's desire to ... control" the Rhineland was "perfectly understandable," because it "belongs to Germany, and is populated with Germans." The United States in such a situation would have acted just like Nazi Germany: "If ... New York or Massachusetts were left unguarded against foreign enemies, our immediate instinct would be to fortify it, and that is just what Hitler has done with the Rhineland." (16) Langer was in a position to strongly influence Harvard students' view of contemporary European affairs.
Prominent Harvard alumni, student leaders, the student newspaper the Crimson, and several Harvard professors assumed a leading role in the ten-day welcome and reception accorded the Nazi warship Karlsruhe when it visited Boston in May 1934, on what the Nazi government described as a good-will mission. President Conant did nothing to discourage this, although Boston's Jewish community was outraged. Boston's Port Authority had arranged the Karlsruhe's visit in 1932, before the Nazis came to power in Germany. By May 1934, it was obvious that the Nazi government was fiercely persecuting the Jews, as well as political opponents of the regime, large numbers of whom had already been seized and confined in concentration camps. (17)
Massachusetts governor Joseph Ely and Boston mayor Frederick Mansfield nonetheless sponsored an official reception for the Karlsruhe, a 6000-ton battle cruiser carrying a 589-man crew, a showpiece of Nazi Germany's navy. The crew included 119 naval cadets, the equivalent of Annapolis midshipmen, who were undergoing training on the vessel. Ely's lieutenant governor and the mayor were on hand to greet the Nazi warship as it sailed into Boston harbor flying the swastika, and tied up at a berth next to the War of 1812 frigate, U.S.S. Constitution, a venerated American patriotic symbol. (18) In the days that followed, leading members of the Harvard University community staged and were major participants in highly publicized social events designed to honor and entertain the warship's crewmen and officers, who loudly praised Adolf Hitler and the Nazi government.
When it was announced on the day of the Nazi warship's arrival that an "elaborate program" of "lavish reception[s]" was planned in Boston and Cambridge for its officers and crew, Boston's Jewish community erupted in protest. About five months before, Boston's Jews had vigorously protested to the U.S. State Department when the German consulate in Boston began openly displaying the swastika flag. (19) Conant had said nothing. Rabbi Samuel Abrams declared that "the coming to our shores of the German battleship, flying the swastika, emblem of hate and darkness, should be condemned and protested in no uncertain terms." Jennie Loitman Barron, director of the Women's Division of the American Jewish Congress in Boston, stated that the city's greeting of the Karlsruhe, representing a nation that "savagely flouts every American principle," was "an insult to the Jewish people [and] ... to every American citizen." (20)
These comments were ignored by Boston officials and prominent Harvard alumni, eager to welcome the Karlsruhe sailors, whose officers sported swastika pins on their caps. The Boston Herald noted that many of the officers' cabins displayed portraits of the "mustached man of destiny." Several Boston churches provided special religious services for the crewmen the day after their arrival. On May 16, a large bodyguard of Harvard students escorted four Karlsruhe cadets to the campus, where they were entertained at Lowell House. (21) The next evening, a supper dance to honor the warship's officers and crew was held at the Egyptian Room of Boston's Brunswick Hotel. The affair's patrons included several prominent Harvard alumni, as well as Professor Francis P. Magoun, who served as chairman of Harvard's Modern Languages Division. Magoun was an ardent Nazi sympathizer who had urged Houghton Mifflin to issue an English edition of Hitler's Mein Kampf. According to the Crimson, Magoun was a close friend of Harvard president James B. Conant. (22)
Boston Jews on May 17 joined with an assortment of anti-fascist groups, including most prominently the National Student League (NSL), to mount a massive demonstration against the Karlsruhe at the Charlestown navy yard, where it was docked. The protestors confronted what the Boston Herald described as "one of the most formidable police forces ever concentrated" in Boston. (23) The several Harvard and Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) students who carried signs marked "No Welcome for Persecutors of the Jews" were outnumbered by classmates who arrived determined to give the anti-Nazis "a good licking." (24) A large contingent from Harvard shouted "Up With Hitler!" and "Hurrah for the Nazi!" Members of the Harvard Lampoon staff, intending to mock the demonstrators, arrived in an automobile carrying students dressed as Hitler and Mussolini. The Boston Post commented that, "Of the undergraduates who were in the crowds, less than z percent appeared to be in sympathy with the purposes of the demonstration." (25)
Before the protestors could gather for speeches in Charlestown's City Square, the police charged, mounted and on foot, injuring scores with clubs and fists. According to the Boston Herald, City Square resembled Red Square in Moscow, as police "singled out and subdued in hand to hand battle" all the march's leaders. However, several witnesses described police arrests as indiscriminate. Of twenty-one arrests, two were of Harvard and two of MIT students. They were charged with inciting to riot, illegal handbill distribution, and disturbing the peace. (26)
Although Harvard's administration was publicly silent, several liberal professors denounced the police for making arrests without cause and for brutality. They insisted that there was no evidence that the students had incited a riot. (27) By contrast, the Crimson's editorial justified the methods employed by the police. It also reprinted an editorial from the Dartmouth student newspaper supporting the police's "skull crunching," which remarked, "That supposedly intelligent students of two of the country's leading educational institutions should affiliate themselves with [such] a demonstration ... seems remarkable to us." The Crimson praised Boston's Police Commissioner for the courtesy he showed to the Karlsruhe's crew. Two years later, the Crimson continued to refer to the demonstration as "discourteous." (28) A judge sentenced seventeen of those arrested to prison terms of six months or more. (29)
The protest by Jews and other anti-fascists was overshadowed by a series of social events staged by Boston society leaders, many of them associated with Harvard, whose purpose was to convey appreciation for the Nazi warship's officers and men. As the police were breaking up the demonstration at the navy yard, many Karlsruhe cadets, escorted by Boston debutantes, were headed into Boston for a round of dinners and dances. Some rode in limousines driven by liveried chauffeurs. A sizeable number of Karlsruhe officers and cadets also attended Harvard's Military and Naval Ball, making it a "distinguished event," according to the Crimson. (30)
A few hours after the demonstration was suppressed, more than a thousand Bostonians, including Harvard faculty, assembled at the luxurious Copley Plaza Hotel to honor the officers and men of the Karlsruhe. The swastika flag hung over the stage alongside the Stars and Stripes. The Jewish Advocate, Boston's English-language Jewish newspaper, called this the "basest kind of blasphemy." The Karlsruhe's commander gave what the Boston Post called "a stirring defense of the Nazi government," and other speakers denounced the Jewish-led boycott of German goods. Those in attendance gave the Nazi salute when the Karlsruhe band played both the "Star-Spangled Banner" and the Nazis' "Horst Wessel Song." Harvard German professor John Walz, later president of the Modern Language Association, was one of the speakers. (31) Several Harvard faculty also attended the reception for the Karlsruhe's officers and Nazi Germany's ambassador to the United States, Hans Luther, at the Newton estate of German consul Baron Kurt von Tippelskirch. (32)
Ambassador Luther visited Harvard a few days later as guest of the administration, touring the Germanic Museum and Widener Library. Concerned that Luther be insulated from anything critical of Nazism, his Harvard hosts "carefully protected" him from "the influence of an exhibition by [artist] Marta Adams, who [had] recently moved from Germany" because she found the Hitler regime distasteful. (33)
When the Karlsruhe returned home to Germany the next month after its eight-month world tour, Nazi Defense Minister General Werner von Blomberg declared that the warship "had made friends for the Third Reich in all places where she dropped anchor." (34) The crew considered their reception in Boston the friendliest of any port, in a trip that had taken them three-quarters of the way around the world. Undoubtedly influenced by the warm welcome Harvard and others in Boston had accorded the Karlsruhe, German seamen were soon "carrying anti-Semitic ... propaganda to 'ridiculous lengths'" in every American port in which they docked. (35)
Harvard's administration in many ways helped legitimate the Nazi regime during the next several years. It did not hesitate to publicly defend the Class of 1909's invitation to Ernst (Putzi) Hanfstaengl, a Nazi leader and close friend of Adolf Hitler, to attend the class's twenty-fifth reunion at the Harvard commencement on June 21-22, 1934. Hanfstaengl served as the Nazi party's foreign press chief. The Harvard administration joined with prominent alumni and the Harvard Crimson in extending Hanfstaengl a warm welcome. It made every effort to stifle protests against Hanfstaengl's participation in the commencement ceremonies. As they had with the Karlsruhe, Boston's Jewish leaders strongly denounced Hanfstaengl's visit, but to no avail. The appearance at Harvard of one of Hitler's inner circle again illustrated that Boston socialites, in these years very influential in Harvard's affairs, were favorably disposed toward Nazism. (36)
Scion of a wealthy Munich family, Hanfstaengl had been one of Hitler's earliest backers, joining his Nazi movement in 1922 largely because he shared Hitler's virulent antisemitism. (37) After the abortive beer hall putsch in 1923, Hitler had taken refuge at Hanfstaengl's country villa outside Munich, where he was arrested. Hanfstaengl provided important financial assistance to the Nazi party when it was first establishing itself in the early 1920s. He also later claimed to have introduced the stiff-armed Nazi salute and Sieg Heil chant, modeled on a gesture and a shout he had used as a Harvard football cheerleader. (38)
Hitler considered Hanfstaengl valuable because his wealth, air of sophistication, and fluency in English helped legitimate the Nazi party in conservative, upper-class circles, both in Germany and abroad. Hanfstaengl was descended on his mother's side from a prominent Back Bay family, the Sedgwicks, which facilitated his entry into influential Boston Brahmin circles. (39)
Hanfstaengl was determined to use his office to aggressively spread Nazi antisemitism outside Germany. On April 3, 1933, he informed American diplomat James G. McDonald, an old Harvard friend, that "the Jews must be crushed," and of the Nazis' "plans to assign a storm trooper to each Jew." (40) In the Harvard College twenty-fifth anniversary report of the Class of 1909, Hanfstaengl accused the U.S. government of forcing the sale of the New York branch of his family's Munich-based art reproduction business, considered "alien property" during World War I, to a Jewish firm for far less than its market value. Advancing the Nazi slur that Jews were war profiteers and parasites, he declared, "This may serve as a hint ... as to who in reality won the war." Hanfstaengl also informed his classmates that, in 1922, "I ran into the man who has saved Germany and civilization-Adolf Hitler." (41)
Hanfstaengl also supervised the production of and composed the music for the fiercely antisemitic "Hans Westmar," one of the earliest Nazi propaganda films. It was based on Hans Heinz Ewer's 1932 book romanticizing storm trooper Horst Wessel, the first Nazi martyr, killed by anti-fascist workers in 1930. "Hans Westmar," a phonetic substitute for Horst Wessel, opened in New York City in December 1933. It portrayed Jews as villains spreading the viruses of Communism and "internationalism," and as cowards afraid of street fighting. Hanfstaengl indicated that he was considering taking the film, which he had already screened for Benito Mussolini, to show at the Harvard reunion. (42)
In late March 1934, American newspapers reported that the chief marshal of the Harvard twenty-fifth reunion class of 1909, Dr. Elliott Carr Cutler, Harvard Medical School professor and a leading heart surgeon, had invited Hanfstaengl to come to the June commencement ceremony as one of his aides, a position of honor. Cutler was a close friend of Hanfstaengl's, and during medical school had spent a summer with him in the Bavarian Alps and in Munich. This sparked outrage from Jewish and other alumni, and from Boston's major Jewish newspaper, the Advocate. (43) The first to publicly protest against the Nazi leader's visit was Benjamin Halpern, Harvard '32, a Jew who was then a Harvard graduate student, and later a distinguished historian of Zionism. (44) He was immediately joined by Dr. William Leland Holt, Harvard '00, who charged in a letter to President Conant that the invitation implied Harvard administration approval of the Nazi regime. (45) Conant could have easily denounced the visit, but did not.
The administration refused to debate the issue, claiming it was entirely an alumni matter. As the commencement approached, it emphasized that "Ernst Hanfstaengl is a Harvard man" who would "be warmly welcomed." (46) The Crimson editorialized that Hanfstaengl, "as a man of ability and distinction," deserved consideration as a chief marshal's aide. It called the protests "extremely childish." The editors did not believe politics should "enter into this question." (47) Shortly before his arrival in the United States, the Crimson called for Harvard to bestow on the Nazi official an honorary degree, as a mark "of honor appropriate to his high position in the government of a friendly country." (48)
Hanfstaengl's visit to Harvard quickly became a national issue. The Baltimore Sun, which condemned Hanfstaengl's visit as insulting to "racial groups" whose relatives the Nazis had "tortured and harassed," called the Crimson's suggestion "puerile" and "absurd." (49)
Fearing an embarrassing demonstration at the commencement, Cutler and Hanfstaengl decided it would be better for the Nazi official to come just as a regular member of his class. Nonetheless, a large crowd shouting anti-Nazi slogans greeted Hanfstaengl's ship when it arrived in New York, presaging trouble in Cambridge. Well-known New York World Telegram columnist Heywood Broun noted that there were "hundreds of thousands of people [in New York] who have relatives and friends ... suffering at this very moment under the heavy hand of Hitler." (50)
By contrast, Harvard administrators and distinguished alumni extended a friendly greeting to the Nazi official when he arrived in Cambridge. Elliott Carr Cutler entertained Hanfstaengl at his Brookline home, where he discussed German politics and history with Harvard's former president, A. Lawrence Lowell. The Boston Globe reported that "Hanfstaengl's voice was of worship every time he mentioned the name of Hitler." Hanfstaengl was also received by classmate Louis Agassiz Shaw, distinguished professor at Harvard Medical School, at his Beverly Farms estate, where he was an overnight guest. (51)
The next day, a "fashionable and sporty" party gave the Nazi official a "cordial welcome" at the home of George Saltonstall West, Harvard '10. After luncheon, Hanfstaengl accompanied the group to the country club horse races, where he shared a box with West, Dr. Shaw, and their wives. Hanfstaengl placed only one bet, choosing the horse, he told reporters, because its jockey wore a brown shirt like the Nazis. After the races, he attended a tea at the house of President Conant, who shook his hand. In his autobiography, published in 1970, long after the Holocaust, Conant continued to insist that Hanfstaengl "had every right" to participate in the reunion. (52)
Boston newspapers repeatedly emphasized how fond his Harvard classmates were of Hanfstaengl. Several of them were delighted to pose with him for newspaper photographers. These men included many of the nation's leading financiers, industrialists, educators, corporate attorneys, scientists, and physicians. The Boston Globe reported that Hanfstaengl was the most popular attendee at the Class of 1909 party held at the Harvard Union on the evening of June 18, where he was "surrounded constantly by his classmates." According to the Boston Post, "all through dinner ... he was besieged by the[ir] sons and daughters ... who sought his autograph." (53) Hanfstaengl recalled for his classmates the "many long nights" he and Hitler had spent at his villa near Munich, "talking of 'the day'," and exclaimed excitedly to his rapt listeners, "now the day is here." (54) The following day the Boston Herald, a newspaper with a large circulation in the business community, described the Nazi official as the "Life of the Party" when his class gathered for a field day on the 5,000-acre estate of railroad tycoon Frederick H. Prince, whose fortune during the Depression was estimated at $250 million. (55)
As the Nazi official partied with his classmates, campus and municipal police carefully prepared to suppress any protests against Hanfstaengl's visit. Following instructions from the Harvard administration, campus police tore down scores of anti-Nazi stickers that protestors had attached to the fence around Harvard Yard during the night. These signs proclaimed "Drive the Nazi Butcher Out," and suggested that Harvard award Hanfstaengl the degree of "Doctor of Pogroms." (56) Each day during the week prior to commencement, Boston police arrested Jews and other anti-fascists picketing the German consulate, charging them with illegally displaying signs. The Municipal Court judge denounced the defendants as "troublemakers," fined them, and declared, "I cannot understand why you fight European battles in Boston." (57)
The joyous festivities were briefly interrupted when Rabbi Joseph Solomon Shubow confronted Hanfstaengl as he was talking to reporters in Harvard Yard. Rabbi Shubow demanded to know the meaning of a remark Hanfstaengl had made to the press on June 17, that "everything would soon be settled for the Jews in Germany." "Tremb[ling] violently," Rabbi Shubow cried out, "My people want to know ... does it mean extermination?" The Nazi official replied that he did not care to discuss political matters, and the Harvard police immediately ushered him away to President Conant's house. (58)
The "traditional formality" that the Harvard administration so prized at commencement exercises was "momentarily shattered" when two young women chained themselves to a railing near the speakers' platform, and interrupted President Conant's remarks by chanting "Down With Hitler!" The Boston Post noted that "a record of three centuries of peaceful and orderly exercises centering around commencement at Harvard was broken." Policemen immediately arrested the two women. The disturbance shocked and angered the Harvard administration and an alumni audience that included "some of the wealthiest and most distinguished men in the country." (59) By contrast, Dr. Samuel Margoshes, Zionist leader and editor of the New York Yiddish newspaper The Day, spoke with awe of the young women, extolling their "magnificent and undying courage." (60) Shortly after the disturbance in Harvard Yard, other demonstrators began a protest against the university's welcoming of Hanfstaengl in Harvard Square, but police squelched it by immediately arresting those who attempted to speak, seven in all. (61)
Although President Conant privately persuaded a judge to have the charges dropped against the two women arrested in the Yard, he declared that he had "very little sympathy" when the seven arrested in the Square received very harsh sentences. The demonstrators, six men and a woman, were charged with disturbing the peace and speaking without a permit. They were initially sentenced to thirty days in jail, but when they appealed, the Superior Court ordered each confined in the Middlesex House of Correction for six months at hard labor and fined $20. In arguing for stiff punishment, the district attorney declared that the defendants had "on a day ... sacred in the eyes of educated people ... staged a demonstration against one of the most respected of institutions." The Superior Court judge agreed, handing down sentences of six months at hard labor "as a deterrent to those who hold views similar to yours." (62)
President Conant refused to intervene after the Superior Court sentencing, claiming that Harvard was not concerned with actions that occurred outside university grounds. He declared that the protest in Harvard Square "seemed to me very ridiculous." President Conant rejected a professor's private request that the university "register its disapproval of the severe sentence imposed," although in his reply he expressed doubt that it would serve society's best interests. He warned the professor, however, not to quote him on that. (63)
Conant was unsympathetic when Mrs. Joseph Dauber, the wife of one of the convicted demonstrators, a recent MIT graduate, appealed to him to "disclaim any support" for the "cruelly repressive measures" the Superior Court had imposed, after ordering her husband imprisoned for six months. She informed Conant that the prison permitted her to visit her husband only one half-hour a week, and only allowed him to write a letter to her every two weeks. On Mrs. Dauber's letter, Conant or his secretary scrawled "write regrets," indicating he would do nothing. (64)
Upon Hanfstaengl's triumphant return to Germany, Hitler bestowed on him the honor of opening the sixth convention of the Nazi party at Nuremberg in September 1934. As the Fuehrer made his entrance amid the throngs that cheered him as the "Savior of Germany," Hanfstaengl praised the adoption by the Third Reich of the doctrine of the "purity of the race." (65)
President Conant later that fall refused the Nazi official's offer to the university of a $1,000 scholarship to permit a Harvard student to study in Germany for a year, including six months in Munich. Conant now explained that the Harvard Corporation was "unwilling to accept a gift from one who has been so closely associated with the leadership of a political party which has inflicted damage on the universities of Germany." Columnist Paul Mallon reported that feeling was widespread at Harvard that the university had turned down Hanfstaengl's offer because of the adverse public reaction to Harvard Law School dean Roscoe Pound's recent acceptance, in a public ceremony on campus, of an honorary degree from the University of Berlin, personally presented by Nazi Germany's ambassador Hans Luther. Nazi Germany's consul Kurt von Tippelskirch and Luther had hosted a luncheon for Dean Pound and members of the Law School faculty after the ceremony. (66)
The Harvard Club of Berlin, whose secretary, a General Electric executive, was president of the American Chamber of Commerce in the German capital, passed a resolution protesting the rejection of Hanfstaengl's scholarship. The Club fully endorsed Nazi higher education policy, which it claimed was part of a necessary "program of national sanitation." (67)
In Germany, the Nazi press noted that the Harvard Crimson had denounced the Corporation's decision, claiming it deprived students of the opportunity to study in "one of the greatest cultural centers of the world." The Nazis declared that the Crimson's dissent exposed a wide gulf between a promising postwar American student generation, that resembled Hitler's young followers, and a decadent faculty "still clinging to old-fashioned Wilsonism." (68)
The Harvard administration's friendly reception of Hanfstaengl at the June commencement provided a rationale for Yale University President James Rowland Angell's decision to welcome a delegation of Italian fascist students to his campus in October 1934. The Yale Daily News rushed to President Angell's support, justifying his decision by "cit[ing] President Conant's hospitality to Ernst F. S. Hanfstaengl last June." The Harvard Crimson ran a news story entitled "Yale Follows Harvard's Lead Greeting Italians." (69)
A few months later, in March 1935, the Harvard administration permitted Nazi Germany's consul in Boston, Baron von Tippelskirch, to place a wreath bearing the swastika emblem in the university's Memorial Church (Appleton Chapel). It was laid below a tablet Harvard had attached to the chapel wall "recognizing the heroism" and honoring the memory of four Harvard men killed in action fighting for Germany during the world war. The Boston Post declared that "for the first time since she received Ernst F. S. Hanfstaengl, Chancellor Hitler's right-hand man, at his class reunion last June did Harvard, by allowing the swastika to be displayed in her chapel, recognize and accept the new German Nazi state." It noted that the ceremony, which occurred on the day Germany annually commemorated its war dead, was attended by "a small group of prominent Harvard faculty members" and visiting professors from Nazi Germany. Some Harvard students protested against the placing of the "swastika wreath" on campus by an official representing a nation that "conducts hysterical racial massacres." But the Crimson supported the administration's commitment to what it called "Harvard's breadth of mind." (70)
Although Conant turned down the Hanfstaengl scholarship, Harvard chose not to follow the example of Williams College, whose president, Tyler Dennett, terminated student exchanges with German universities in April 1936. About sixty students from Nazi Germany attended American colleges and universities each year, solicited by schools in this country, while many Americans studied in Nazi Germany. Hanfstaengl, in fact, noted in October 1935 that the enrollment of Harvard students at the University of Munich had greatly increased since Conant had turned down his scholarship offer. (71)
Harvard continued the student exchanges even though the German official in charge of them publicly announced in April 1936 that his government sent its students abroad to serve as "political soldiers of the Reich." German youths studying at foreign universities were required to first receive special training in "the principles of National Socialism." They also had to present to the Reich Ministry of Education a certificate from a Nazi party functionary attesting to their enthusiasm for Nazism. The Hitler government regarded exchange students as "an important element in Germany's foreign propaganda." (72)
Stephen Duggan, director of the Institute of International Education, which encouraged American student exchanges with foreign universities, in late 1937 correctly predicted that "Harvard, Yale, Columbia, Princeton," and other American universities that provided fellowships for students from Nazi Germany would remain impervious to mounting calls to terminate them. Nor, he added, would "any of the fine women's colleges-Barnard, Vassar, Bryn Mawr, Holyoke, Smith, Wellesley, and Radcliffe-which have had German exchange students practically every year" agree to join a proposed boycott. Duggan noted that many of America's "ablest" students were anxious to study in Nazi Germany in order "to see a modern French Revolution in actual operation." (73)
Harvard contributed significantly to the Hitler regime's effort in 1936 to gain international respectability by accepting the University of Heidelberg's invitation to send a representative to the 550th anniversary ceremonies of Germany's oldest institution of higher learning. More than twenty other American colleges and universities participated in the Heidelberg ceremonies. By contrast, no British university was willing to send a representative.
The Nazis wanted to favorably influence foreign perceptions of Germany as they embarked on a major rearmament program and stepped up persecution of the Jews. Germany reinstituted military conscription in March 1935. Shortly before Berlin was swept by savage antisemitic rioting in July, the New York Times quoted Propaganda Minister Josef Goebbels declaring, "We do not want the Jew.... Certain classes of intellectuals have interposed that, after all, the Jew is also a human being. Well ... the flea is an animal, but it is not a very pleasant animal." In September, the Nazis implemented the Nuremberg race laws, which deprived Jews of citizenship. Hitler sent his troops into the demilitarized Rhineland in March 1936, undermining the postwar security arrangement that prevented a German invasion of the west. (74) The Nazis believed that by hosting scores of distinguished academic guests from the United States and other western democracies at an elaborate, carefully controlled, four-day festival, they could greatly enhance the prestige of the Nazi university, and of the government itself, outside Germany.
In the months prior to the University of Heidelberg's anniversary commemoration, President Conant communicated several times with President Nicholas Murray Butler of Columbia and President James Rowland Angell of Yale, in order to more effectively deflect criticism of their universities' decision to send delegates to the Nazi festival. Each designated as its representative a professor or administrator who was traveling in Europe at the time of the celebration, standard practice when an American university accepted such an invitation from a European counterpart. (75) Harvard was represented by Dr. George D. Birkhoff, Dean of the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences and Perkins Professor of Mathematics. The University of Heidelberg did not invite Princeton University to participate because of the position at the Institute for Advanced Study for the refugee Jewish physicist Albert Einstein, whom the Nazis fiercely detested. (76)
After taking power in January 1933, the Nazis had quickly tightened party control over all German universities and suppressed all academic freedom, which was widely reported in the American press. German university students were in the forefront of the movement to Nazify German higher education. The German professoriate actively promoted the Nazi project and made vital contributions to it. As historian Max Weinreich has noted, "German scholars from the beginning to the end of the Hitler era worked hand in glove with the murderers of the Jewish people." (77)
The public book burnings staged at universities across the Reich in May 193 3 underscored faculty and student support for Nazi anti-semitism and anti-intellectualism. Students campaigned to destroy scholarly works they deemed "un-German," including anything written by Jews. About 40,000 people gathered to watch the bonfire near the University of Berlin, in which more than 20,000 books were destroyed, and to hear Nazi propaganda minister Josef Goebbels intone that "Jewish intellectualism is dead." A little over a week later, the University of Heidelberg staged its book burning, following a torchlight procession in which Nazi storm troopers marched alongside the student dueling corps "in full regalia, booted and sword-belted." (78)
The Nazis swiftly expelled nearly all Jews from university faculty positions, at least 800 in all by the 1934-1935 academic year. The Jews forced out of the professoriate included many scholars of international renown, like Albert Einstein, Richard Courant, Max Born, James Franck, and Ernst Cassirer. In April 1933, the German government also passed a law severely limiting the enrollment of Jewish students in universities. Those few who remained were required to carry a red card of "non-Aryanism," while so-called "German" students were issued a "white card of honor." Many German universities initiated severely discriminatory policies against Jews even before the Nazi government itself. Less than three months after the Nazi takeover, for example, the University of Hamburg refused to admit Jews any longer. (79)
By 1936, when the Nazis scheduled the anniversary commemoration, they were in complete control of the University of Heidelberg. The rector, Wilhelm Groh, announced in the summer of 1935 that only professors committed to advancing the Nazi revolution in the universities belonged on the faculty, and that even those Christians who were married to Jews should be removed. Groh habitually wore a military uniform to academic functions. (80) Between 1933 and 1936, the University of Heidelberg discharged forty-four faculty members for "racial, religious, or political reasons." No other faculty there protested these dismissals. Heidelberg required that its students join Nazi party organizations and frequently attend speeches by Nazi officials. (81)
In an action of enormous political significance, the Nazis replaced the statue of Athena, Greek goddess of wisdom, over the entrance to Heidelberg's main classroom building with a large bronze eagle, which they intentionally pointed west toward France, their enemy. The university substituted a new inscription, "To the German Spirit," and a golden swastika for the old "To the Eternal Spirit." (82)
The German universities incorporated the Nazi outlook in their curricula in the sciences as well as the arts. Reich Minister of Culture and Education Bernhard Rust announced in January 1935 that Nazi race theory would constitute the foundation of all university studies. Max Weinreich noted that German scholarship of the mid-1930s "looks like a gigantic assembly line working toward one aim"--the campaign against the Jews and preparation for war. (83) University anthropologists and biologists contributed significantly to the elaboration of a virulently antisemitic "racial science" that the Nazis introduced into school curricula. Law school professors similarly helped the Nazi state fashion and refine antisemitic legislation and provided justification for Nazi legal initiatives. They presented papers at a 1936 conference on "Jewry and Jurisprudence." Because of the Nazis' exaltation of military force, German university students devoted about one-third of their time to paramilitary exercises and drill. (84)
In 1935, the University of Heidelberg became one of the two principal centers for the propagation of what the Nazis called "Aryan Physics." In December 1935, in a ceremony attended by leading German academics and industrialists that concluded with the Horst Wessel song, the University of Heidelberg Physics Institute was renamed the Philipp-Lenard-Institut, after the school's best-known professor, a Nobel laureate and longtime Hitler supporter. Lenard's mission was to remove what he called "Jewish science" from physics. In the principal speech at the dedication, Dr. Wacker, substituting for Education Minister Rust, who was ill, declared that "the Negro or the Jew will view the same world in a different way from the German investigator." (85)
The next day an imposing number of German physicists gathered at the Philipp-Lenard-Institut to declare their commitment to combating "Jewish evil." Professor Dr. Tirala, speaking on "Nordic Race and Science," attributed the principal scientific discoveries since ancient times to "Nordic" investigators. Professor Lenard concluded by declaring that "the Jew is strikingly lacking in appreciation of Truth," and urging those present to "continue energetically the fight against the Jewish spirit." (86)
In early 1936, Lenard published the first volume of his four-volume Deutsche Physik, printed in Gothic type to emphasize its "Germanness" [Deutschtum]. (87) Lenard intended his work to serve as the principal text for university students on Aryan physics. In it, he asserted that "Science ... is racial and conditioned by blood." (88) Heidelberg student leaders embraced Lenard's outlook. For example, Fritz Kubach, Reichsleader of the German Student Body in the Department of Mathematics, a national position, in the German academic journal Deutsche Mathematik demanded that the "fundamental questions of Mathematics" be "handl[ed] ... on a racial basis," which required "the destruction of the ... influence of Jews" in the field. (89)
The leading members of the University of Heidelberg's medical faculty enthusiastically promoted what the Nazis called "racial hygiene," which involved sterilizing people they considered "defective." Professor Hans Runge supervised hundreds of forced sterilizations at the university's women's clinic. Heidelberg professor Carl Schneider became prominent in the Nazi government's "program to systematically murder the mentally ill and handicapped." (90)
All this notwithstanding, Harvard accepted the invitation to participate in the University of Heidelberg's anniversary celebration on March 2, 1936, several days after the leading British universities had publicly announced their refusal. The New York Times on February 28 reported that Britain's preeminent universities, Oxford and Cambridge, had refused to send delegates to Heidelberg because of that university's discharge of forty-four faculty members "on the grounds of race, religion, and politics" and its "suppression of academic freedom." They were joined by the Universities of Manchester, Liverpool, Birmingham, London, Edinburgh, and Dublin. The Times noted that the scheduling of the ceremony on the date of the 1934 blood purge had resulted in "widespread suspicion" in Britain that "the anniversary is intended not to honor Heidelberg, but to glorify the Nazi regime." Moreover, the prestigious British scientific journal Nature charged that evidence in the British Museum revealed that the University of Heidelberg's charter had been issued in October 1385 and its first session had begun in October, 1386, and thus the upcoming anniversary was not the school's 550th. (91)
In late March, the eminent British medical historian Charles Singer urged President Conant to reconsider his decision to send a Harvard representative to Heidelberg. The University of London professor asserted that "the scandals at Heidelberg have been even above the normal level of German universities both in gravity and number," and that faculty and students at the school shared and often expressed Philipp Lenard's views. Singer informed Conant that leading universities in the Netherlands, including Leyden, Utrecht, and Groeningen, had joined the British universities in refusing to send delegates. (92)
Two Jewish Harvard alumni warned Conant that the German government intended to use the Heidelberg celebration as a vehicle for spreading Nazi propaganda, just as it had at the recently concluded fourth Winter Olympiad held in the twin Bavarian towns of Garmisch and Partenkirchen. (93) Westbrook Pegler, columnist for the New York World Telegram, noted that the Winter Olympics had proven that "the Nazis could not be trusted to refrain from political and military propaganda" when sponsoring international gatherings. The New York Times reported that, during the Winter Olympics, Garmisch and Partenkirchen had "become a forest of ... swastika flags," with the Nazi symbol "waving from every roof and draped from almost every balcony," while the flags of other nations were seldom visible. Foreign journalists covering the winter olympiad were stunned when State Secretary Funk of the Propaganda Ministry opened the games with a long speech extolling Hitler and Nazism. (94)
Many American observers agreed with William L. Shirer, one of the most experienced foreign correspondents in Germany, that Hitler had scored a major propaganda triumph at Garmisch and Partenkirchen. Shirer reported that the lavish ceremonies, modeled on the Nuremberg rallies, made the Nazis appear administratively efficient. Foreigners had also been impressed with the well-mannered treatment accorded visitors, which to Shirer and other American journalists familiar with the Nazis "of course seemed staged." The New Republic commented that the Nazis "unquestionably considered the Games ... as demonstrating international approval of the present regime." (95)
G. E. Harriman, executive secretary of the Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League, stressed that the Germans had spread "tremendous Nazi propaganda" at two international scholarly conferences they had recently hosted, the International Prison Congress in Berlin, and the Congress for Health and Hygiene. Harriman reported that the foreign delegates attending these conferences had been "inundated with speeches by Nazi officials." In radio broadcasts throughout Germany and abroad, the Nazis had attempted to associate the prestige of "these gatherings of [distinguished] scientists" with the Hitler regime itself. (96)
Conant nevertheless remained steadfast in his commitment to have Harvard represented at Heidelberg, and he received strong support from the Harvard Crimson. In a press release announcing Harvard's acceptance of the Heidelberg invitation, Conant had declared that "the ancient ties by which the Universities of the world are united ... are independent of ... political conditions." He indicated that Harvard had already expressed "strong disapproval" of the "present [German] regime in respect to academic freedom" when it turned down the Hanfstaengl scholarship. (97) Those who wrote to challenge his decision received a standard reply from Conant's secretary insisting that Harvard's relationship with the University of Heidelberg was "purely academic," and that "the matter of politics should not enter." The Crimson similarly editorialized that "Heidelberg University is not the Nazi government," and even claimed that it had opposed Nazi policies. It condemned the British universities that had refused Heidelberg's invitation for "dragging politics in." (98)
Alvin Johnson, director of the New School for Social Research, branded Harvard's idea of an international community of scholars that included Nazi Germany a dangerous delusion. He explained that the graduate faculty over which he presided, composed of German exiles, had been established "as an expression ... that there is no free German university." (99)
While the Crimson enthusiastically endorsed Conant's position, Columbia University, which had also accepted Heidelberg's invitation, was rocked by intense student and faculty protest. Both the Columbia Spectator, the undergraduate student newspaper, and the Teacher's College News published editorials denouncing President Nicholas Murray Butler's decision to send a delegate. Prominent professors urged President Butler to rescind Columbia's acceptance of the invitation, including the distinguished anthropologist Franz Boas and Harold Urey, Nobel laureate in chemistry. Boas, when a student at Heidelberg in the late 1870s, had pledged with four schoolmates to reunite there on the 550th anniversary, but now announced that he would not go to any German university "under any circumstances." Boas declared, in fact, that it was time to organize a meeting "mourning the death of the old Heidelberg." One thousand Columbia students and faculty members signed a petition asking that the university not send a representative to Heidelberg. (100)
Angered by the protests, President Butler expelled from Columbia University the leader of a group of one-hundred-fifty students who picketed his mansion demanding that he not send a delegate to Heidelberg. The demonstration immediately followed a book burning that the students staged on campus as a "Mock Heidelberg Festival," at which they snake-danced around a bonfire, carrying placards that read "Butler Diddles While the Books Burn." Butler charged that the "ring leader" of the demonstration at his mansion, Robert Burke, had "delivered a speech in which he referred to the President disrespectfully." Even Columbia's attorney conceded that "the evidence that Burke himself used bad language is slight," but he was never readmitted to the university, despite his excellent academic record. (101)
Conant considered Harvard's attendance at the Heidelberg ceremony part of a reciprocal exchange with German universities, whose representatives he had invited to participate in the Harvard tercentenary celebration scheduled for September 1936 and to present papers at the tercentenary conference preceding it. Harvard also planned to award honorary degrees to ten academics from Nazi Germany. These included Werner Heisenberg, who later directed Germany's effort to develop an atomic bomb during World War II, and Friedrich Bergius, whose chemical research proved highly important to the Nazi war effort. (102) When Dr. Charles Singer wrote to express strong opposition to sending a delegate to Heidelberg, Conant replied that the logic of his position would require Harvard to ban from its tercentenary events "German scientists who ... have embraced Nazi policy but nevertheless have remained distinguished members of the world of scholars." Conant pronounced such a view "absurd." (103)
President Nicholas Murray Butler of Columbia aggressively defended Harvard's invitation to Nazi academics to its tercentenary, insisting that "academic relationships have no political implications." To the chairman of a Columbia student committee established to protest that university's decision to send a delegate to Heidelberg, Butler sneered, "Perhaps the Germans might reply that they would send no representatives to the Harvard Tercentenary Celebration next September because they do not approve of what the newspapers here call the New Deal." (104)
As Conant was making plans for Harvard's participation at Heidelberg, he refused requests from Jewish alumni and the mayor and city council of Cambridge to reschedule the Harvard tercentenary celebration, which the administration had decided would take place on Rosh Hashonah. Protests concerning the date had first been presented to the Harvard administration in December 1934. The Cambridge city council resolution asking for a change of date, adopted on April 21, 1936, noted that many of Harvard's Jewish graduates, "from Justice Brandeis down the ladder of fame have added to the glory and prestige of Harvard." Conant claimed that the university was limited to only two dates in staging the tercentenary celebration--November 8, equivalent to October 28 on the Julian calendar used in 1636, or September 18, equivalent to September 8. The former, which marked the passage of the act of the Massachusetts Bay Colony's General Court establishing the college, fell on Sunday, the Christian day of worship, making it unacceptable to the administration. It therefore chose September 18. Taking issue with its Jewish critics, the administration saw nothing in the "dignified ceremonies" it planned that was "incompatible with the proper religious observance" of the Jewish New Year. (105)
Conant joined with Butler and President Angell of Yale in drafting a statement to be released if the Nazis at the Heidelberg ceremony publicly claimed that the presence of delegates from American universities represented an endorsement of the Nazi regime. The statement, mostly Butler's work, criticized the "German government's actions in regard to academic freedom." It praised a long list of men who had made significant contributions to German culture. Butler noted to Conant that he had deliberately included Spinoza, invited to Heidelberg in 1673, Heine, and Mendelssohn, all of whom the Nazis considered Jews. The statement, however, was never issued. The congratulatory greeting that Columbia sent to Heidelberg did not mention any of the latter's Jewish scholars, or even Christians of Jewish ancestry, (106)
The University of Heidelberg anniversary celebration, held from June 27 to June 30, 1936, was highlighted by fiery Nazi speeches delivered by top officials of the Hitler regime and a massive military display. Harvard was represented by Dr. George Birkhoff, dean of the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences, a mathematics professor who held antisemitic views. At the ceremonies he was in the company of Nazi Propaganda Minister Josef Goebbels, a Heidelberg graduate who delivered a welcoming address, Nazi racial theorist Alfred Rosenberg, Education Minister Rust, Ernst Hanfstaengl, and S.S. chief Heinrich Himmler. As the flags of the participating countries were hoisted in the opening ceremonies, the spectators gave the Nazi salute. A brown-shirted storm trooper was stationed at each flagpole. During the first two days, "military bands and goose stepping ... held the center of the stage," and no academic robes were visible. (107)
Following Protestant and Catholic religious services, on the second day, a Sunday, storm troopers drove the foreign guests to a military cemetery overlooking the city of Heidelberg for a memorial ceremony in honor of German soldiers killed during the world war. Presiding
was Dr. Schmitthenner, professor of military science at Heidelberg, who proclaimed that Germany's dead had entered Valhalla. He declared that Germany had not been defeated in the world war, and that God had sent her "a great leader, Adolf Hitler, to ... liberate the nation." Columbia University's representative, Arthur F. J. Remy, Villard professor of Germanic Philology, characterized the service at the war cemetery as "very impressive and dignified." (108)
The anniversary celebration climaxed on June 29 and 30 with lengthy speeches praising Nazi educational policy by Education Minister Rust and Heidelberg philosophy professor Dr. Ernst Krieck, who became rector the next year. Heidelberg presented honorary degrees to foreign professors, including two from Harvard, Kirsopp Lake and Reginald Aldworth Daly. Rust proclaimed that Germany had discarded forever "the old idea of science" as "abstract intellectual activity," and made scientific research conform to the Nazi outlook. He explained that German universities had removed Jews from their faculties because they belonged to an "alien race," which rendered them unable to understand the "order of nature." The next day Krieck similarly declared that science must be in accord "with the great racial and political task before us." (109)
Back in the United States, Conant remained adamant that Harvard had been "absolutely right" to send a representative. When President Angell wrote to report some alumni concern about the German press coverage, Conant refused to consider issuing the joint statement they had prepared with Butler. He declared, in fact, that the British universities would "live to regret the day when they broke diplomatic relations ... with one section of the learned world." Conant considered the harangues by Rust and Krieck "no more absurd than some statements about the aims of education" he had heard expressed in the United States. Conant decided, moreover, that, because of the Harvard tercentenary, he would refrain during the next six weeks from making any criticisms of the Nazi regime "out of politeness and good manners." Harvard, after all, was "being host to delegates from German universities." (110)
Believing that Nazi universities still remained part of the "learned world," Conant in March 1937 again responded favorably to an invitation from the University of Goettingen to send a delegate to its bicentennial celebration, also scheduled for "Purge Day," June 30, 1937. Goettingen prior to 1933 had been arguably the world's most prestigious university in physics and mathematics, but the Nazi transformation of German higher education had severely damaged its reputation. Goettingen had driven out its Jewish professors under the racial ruling applicable to civil servants. They included several of the world's most eminent scientists, like Richard Courant, Nobel laureate James Franck, and future Nobel laureate Max Born, directors of three of Goettingen's four institutes for physics and mathematics. In late 1933, Franz Boas observed that "the destruction of mathematics in the University of Goettingen ... was accomplished without a protest" from its non-Jewish faculty. (111)
Harvard astronomy professor Harlow Shapley informed Conant that "never in the history of the world has the gutting and disgrace of a scientific school been made so obvious as in the wrecking of the Institute[s] for Mathematical and Physical Sciences at Gottingen." Shapley at that moment was attempting to raise funds to provide for the support of "a brilliant young astrophysicist," Martin Schwarzschild, formerly of Goettingen and now exiled in Oslo. The Nazis had barred Schwarzschild from using Goettingen's observatory and library even though he was the son of Germany's "greatest astrophysicist and astronomer in recent times," who had "loyally helped the Germans murder thousands of Americans during the Great War." (112)
By early April 1937, every English university had announced its refusal to send a delegate to Goettingen, except for Durham, whose chancellor, the Marquess of Londonderry, was considered Nazi Germany's greatest friend in British society. The New York Times reported that "Cambridge's refusal was almost a rebuke to Goettingen for having sent the invitation." (113)
Although Harvard's initial reaction to the invitation was favorable, not many American universities expressed interest in sending delegates. Among prestigious universities, only MIT announced it would be represented. Even there, many students fiercely protested their administration's decision. The MIT student newspaper, The Tech, bitterly denounced President Karl Compton's position, declaring that, "In lending the name of a leading American scientific school to the Goettingen fete," MIT was "placing a feather in the cap of the educational gangsters ... who control the present German system of schooling." The Goettingen bicentennial was not "a scientific meeting" to which MIT sent "a group of professors to exchange technological information and ideas," but a "Nazi celebration." (114)
Prominent writers and intellectuals strongly denounced participation by any American university in the Goettingen festival. Exiled German novelist Thomas Mann declared, "People should not go, since all the festivals [in Germany] are political-all Nazi propaganda." At Columbia, anthropologists Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict, political scientist Raymond Moley, a leading member of President Roosevelt's Brains Trust, and philosopher Ernest Nagel were among sixty professors who announced their opposition to any university participation in the Goettingen celebration. The Columbia Spectator strongly endorsed their position. (115)
In the face of this pressure, President Butler finally decided to refuse Goettingen's invitation, although he did send its rector and faculties a formal letter of greeting in Latin. But to this letter Butler attached a statement that implicitly criticized the current situation at Goettingen, by praising conditions he associated with an earlier Germany: "We wish to mark our appreciation and admiration for that ... freedom of thought and inquiry, that absence of race and religious prejudice and persecution, which gave to the old Germany its leadership for generations in philosophy, in letters, in science, in the fine arts, in music, and in industry...." As Dr. Samuel Margoshes, editor of the Yiddish newspaper The Day chortled, President Butler was "indeed, rubbing it in." (116) Conant could not go nearly this far. In early May 1937, he and the Harvard Corporation decided to send greetings to the University of Goettingen instead of a delegate, but planned to keep the press from learning that until June. The news was, however, quickly leaked to the Boston Globe, which reported it on May 5. Harvard's letter of greeting to Goettingen expressed "sincere sorrow" at not being able to send a delegate, and conveyed "the most fraternal of feelings." The Dallas Morning News noted that the messages Yale and Princeton sent Goettingen declining their invitations "were much more strongly negative" than Harvard's. (117)
Although President Conant did send Goettingen a warm letter of greeting, Harvard's official alumni publication and the Crimson expressed regret that the university would not be represented at the bicentennial. The Harvard Alumni Bulletin in an editorial criticized the administration's decision as "too much like a breaking off of communications." True to form, the Crimson declared that the administration had been "downright discourteous" to Goettingen. (118)
Representatives of seven American colleges and universities, most notably MIT, were present at the Goettingen bicentennial festivities, held in what the New York Times called "a thoroughly National Socialist atmosphere." At the opening ceremony, Goettingen students in Hitler Guard uniforms stood smartly at attention as the swastika was raised to the tune of the Nazi anthem, the Horst Wessel song. The town streets "rang with the tramp of marching Storm Troopers." Goettingen awarded honorary degrees to two American professors, including A. B. Faust, head of Cornell University's German Department, who gave the rector the Nazi salute. (119)
Germany's Education Minister, Bernhard Rust, wearing the brown uniform of a Nazi party district leader, delivered the two principal bicentennial addresses, both of them intensely antisemitic. In the first, he proclaimed that "the future of science was the principle of race." When he finished speaking, Goettingen's rector rose to exclaim, "We honor and strengthen ourselves in that we cry, 'Our Fuehrer Adolf Hitler, sieg heil!'" The assembled scholars answered him with three lusty "heils." Two days later, Minister Rust lectured the American representatives that commitment to personal liberty invariably led to "dictatorship of the masses," followed by an even worse dictatorship of the Jews. He denounced the Jews as "world wanderers who know no fatherland." (120)
From 1933 through 1937, as the Nazi menace steadily increased and Germany's savage persecution of Jews was widely reported in the United States, President Conant's administration at Harvard was complicit in enhancing the prestige of the Hitler regime by seeking and maintaining friendly and respectful relations with Nazi universities and leaders. The Harvard administration refrained from supporting protests against fascism and sometimes suppressed them, as when it directed campus police to tear down anti-Nazi fliers posted during Hanfstaengl's visit to the university. Harvard student leaders, notably those associated with the Crimson, on occasion even surpassed the administration in their desire to foster amicable relations between the university and the Nazi regime. When President Conant, who admitted he "was neither an interventionist nor an isolationist" until well after Germany launched its western offensive in 1940, urged U.S. material assistance for Britain, the Crimson strongly condemned him, and much of the student body opposed him. (121) Reporting on the waves of violent attacks on Jews that broke out in Berlin in July 1935, New York Times correspondent Frederick T. Birchall noted that "Anti-Semitism in its worst form is in the saddle" in Germany, and that "there is nothing-save, perhaps, some echo of world opinion-to exercise the least check upon it." (122) It is truly shameful that the administrative, alumni, and student leaders of America's most prominent university, who were in a position to influence American opinion at a critical time, remained indifferent to Germany's terrorist campaign against the Jews, and instead on many occasions assisted the Nazis in their efforts to gain acceptance in the West.
(1.) William M. Tuttle Jr., "American Higher Education and the Nazis: The Case of James B. Conant and Harvard University's 'Diplomatic Relations' With Germany," American Studies 20 (Spring 1979): 54, 61, 66; Morton Keller and Phyllis Keller, Making Harvard Modern: The Rise of America's University (New York, 2001), 49, 153-55. Claus-Dieter Krohn noted that the New School for Social Research, which hired many anti-fascist refugee scholars, served as an excuse for many American universities' "inaction," and that that was "especially true of Harvard." Claus-Dieter Krohn, Intellectuals in Exile: Refugee Scholars and the New School for Social Research (Amherst, 1993), 76.
(2.) James G. Hershberg, James B. Conant: Harvard to Hiroshima and the Making of the Nuclear Age (New York, 1993), 86.
(3.) Ibid., 96-97.
(4.) Washington Post, August 22, 1936; New York Times, December 20, 1937.
(5.) New York Times, June 27, 1922.
(6.) Hershberg, James B. Conant, 58; Marcia Graham Synnott, The Half-Opened Door: Discrimination and Admissions at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, 1900-1970 (Westport, 1979), 202.
(7.) Harriet Zuckerman points to chemistry's "longstanding inhospitality to Jews." Harvard chemistry professor Albert Sprague Coolidge testified to a Massachusetts legislative committee in 1945 that his department did not award scholarships to Jews because "there were no jobs for Jews in chemistry." Harriet Zuckerman, Scientific Elite: Nobel Laureates in the United States (New York, 1977), 76. Dan A. Oren, Joining the Club: A History of Jews and Yale (New Haven, 1985), 357; Alan D. Beyerchen, Scientists Under Hitler: Politics and the Physics Community in the Third Reich (New Haven, 1977), 49. Harvard's chemistry department had no "self-identified Jewish professors" during Conant's presidency, which lasted until 1953. Keller and Keller, Making Harvard Modern, 97.
(8.) E. K. Bolton to Dr. James B. Conant, September 8, 1933 and James B. Conant to Dr. E. K. Bolton, September 13, 1933, box 31, James B. Conant Presidential Papers (hereafter JBCPP), Harvard University Archives (hereafter HUA), Pusey Library, Cambridge.
(9.) Obituary of Max Bergmann, New York Times, November 8, 1944.
(10.) Sir William J. Pope to President Conant, October 2, 1933, Conant to Pope, October 18, 1933, box 31, JBCPP, HUA. Fritz Haber had converted to Christianity over forty years before, in 1892. Fritz Stern, Einstein's German World (Princeton, 1999), 73.
(11.) Jewish Advocate, November 10 and 14, 1933.
(12.) New York Times, January 9, 1934; Washington Post, February 7, 1934; "Speech of Senator Millard E. Tydings," March 7, 1934, Series II, box 2, Millard E. Tydings Papers, Archives and Manuscripts Department, Hornbake Library, University of Maryland, College Park.
(13.) Tuttle, "American Higher Education," 66-67; New York Times, May 15, October 14 and 22, 1933; Jewish Advocate, November 14, 1933.
(14.) Harvard Crimson, October 25, 1934; William L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (New York, 1960), 222-23; Karl Dietrich Bracher, The German Dictatorship (New York, 1970), 239. Shirer notes that at the 1957 Munich trial of individuals accused of carrying out executions in the June 30 "Blood Purge," a figure of more than a thousand slain was presented. Former Social Democratic Reichstag deputy Gerhart Seger, who had escaped from the Oranienburg concentration camp in December 1933 and lectured in the United States about conditions inside Nazi Germany, charged in November 1934 that in excess of one thousand had been slaughtered in the June 30 "Blood Purge." Chicago Tribune, November 22, 1934.
(15.) New York Times, March 7, 8, and 9, 1934; Harvard Crimson, October 11, 1934.
(16.) Harvard Crimson, March 11, 1936.
(17.) Boston Herald, May 12 and 13, 1934.
(18.) Ibid., May 12 and 13, 1934; Boston Post, May 12, 1934.
(19.) Boston Herald, May 12, 1934; Jewish Advocate, December 29, 2933.
(20.) Boston Herald, May 12, 1934. The Women's International League for Peace and Freedom also protested against the official celebration of the Karlsruhe's visit. Boston Evening Transcript, May 15, 1934.
(21.) Boston Herald, May 12 and 13, 1934; Boston Post, May 17 and 20, 1934.
(22.) Ferris Greenslet to Felix Frankfurter, November 10, 1933, reel 102, Felix Frankfurter Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; Boston Post, May 17 and 19, 1934; Harvard Crimson, November 26, 1934 and April 28, 1936.
(23.) Boston Evening Transcript, May 15, 1934; Harvard Crimson, June 6, 1934; Boston Herald, May 18, 1934.
(24.) Boston Post, May 18, 1934; Christian Science Monitor, May 18, 1934; The Tech, May 18, 1934.
(25.) Boston Post, May 18, 1934.
(26.) Boston Post, May 18, 1934; Boston Globe, May 18, 1934; Boston Herald, May 18, 1934; Harvard Crimson, May 18, 1934. The Crimson referred to those arrested as "red agitators."
(27.) Boston Post, May 21, 1934; Harvard Crimson, May 21, 1934. Several of those arrested charged that the police had severely beaten them after booking them at the station. Boston Post, May 25, 1934 and Harvard Crimson, May 22, 1934.
(28.) Harvard Crimson, May 24, June 11, 1934 and May 18, 1936. The MIT student newspaper agreed that a demonstration aimed at "the discomfort" of the Karlsruhe's crew was "out of place." The Tech, May 18, 1934. Dartmouth College hosted a contingent of Karlsruhe officers and cadets, who journeyed to the Hanover, N.H., campus at the invitation of the German Department. New York Times, May 20, 1934.
(29.) Boston Herald, May 30, 1934; The Tech, June 5, 1934; Alfred H. Hirsch to James B. Conant, November 13, 1934, box 32, JBCPP, HUA.
(30.) Boston Post, May 18, 1934; Harvard Crimson, May 18 and 19, 1934. Boston College administrators invited the Karlsruhe crewmen to a track meet and baseball games on their campus. Boston Post, May 12, 1934.
(31.) Jewish Advocate, May 18, 1934; Boston Post, May 18, 1934; Boston Globe, May 18, 1934; Obituaries of John Walz in New York Times, April 17, 1954, and Harvard Crimson, April 20, 1954.
(32.) Boston Post, May 17 and 20, 1934; Boston Evening Transcript, May 19, 1934.
(33.) Boston Evening Transcript, May 21, 1934; Harvard Crimson, May 22, 1934; Boston Globe, May 22, 1934.
(34.) New York Times, June 19, 1934.
(35.) Boston Post, May 13, 1934, New York Post, March 5, 1936.
(36.) Morton Keller and Phyllis Keller state that Harvard Treasurer Henry L. Shattuck, "a Brahmin of Brahmins," was the most influential member of the Harvard Corporation, the university's major governing board, during the 1930s, and that all of its members besides Conant himself "were part of or ... had close ties to the Boston Brahmin elite." Keller and Keller, Making Harvard Modern, 18.
(37.) Gerhard L. Weinberg, The Foreign Policy of Hitler's Germany: Diplomatic Revolution in Europe, 1933-1936 (Chicago, 1970), 11; Erika and Klaus Mann, Escape to Life (Boston, 1939), 119.
(38.) Bracher, German Dictatorship, 117; Peter Conradi, Hitler's Piano Player: The Rise and Fall of Ernst Hanfstaengl, Confidant of Hitler, Ally of FDR (New York, 2004), 45, 63.
(39.) Conradi, Hitler's Piano Player, 44; Harvard Crimson, December 12, 1978; William E. Dodd and Martha Dodd, Ambassador Dodd's Diary, 1933-1938 (New York, 1941), 360.
(40.) New York Times, April 22, 2004. Edgar Ansel Mowrer, Berlin correspondent for the Chicago Daily News and a non-Jew, recalled that Hanfstaengl tried to discredit his reports of antisemitic outrages in the early months of Nazi rule by accusing him of being a "secret Jew." Edgar Ansel Mowrer, Triumph and Turmoil: A Personal History of Our Time (New York, 1968), 219.
(41.) Harvard College 25th Anniversary Class Report, Class of 1909, 277-78, HUA.
(42.) New York Times, February 4, March 29, and May 28, 1934; Conradi, Hitler's Piano Player, 135; Erika Mann, School for Barbarians: Education Under the Nazis (New York, 1938), 65; Boston Evening Transcript, March 30, 1934; Jewish Advocate, March 30, 1934.
(43.) Conradi, Hitler's Piano Player, 144-45; Harvard College 25th Anniversary Class Report, Class of 1909, n.p., HUA; Jewish Advocate, April 6, 1934.
(44.) Boston Evening Transcript, March 30, 1934; Conradi, Hitler's Piano Player, 145. Halpern's protest deeply impressed Golda Meyerson [Meir], who proposed that he be appointed secretary general of Hechalutz, "the world organization of Jewish youth for pioneering work in Palestine." "Ben: A Personal Appreciation," in Frances Malino and Phyllis Cohen Albert, eds., Essays in Modern Jewish History (Rutherford, NJ, 1982), 10-11.
(45.) William Leland Holt to Dr. James B. Conant, March 30, 1934, box 32, JBCPP, HUA.
(46.) Secretary to Dr. William L. Holt, April 3, 1934, box 32, JBCPP, HUA; Boston Post, June 12., 1934.
(47.) Harvard Crimson, May 8, 1934; Conradi, Hitler's Piano Player, 145; Boston Evening Transcript, March 30, 1934.
(48.) Harvard Crimson, June 13, 1934; New York Times, June 13, 1934; Conradi, Hitler's Piano Player, 149. Morton and Phyllis Keller describe the Crimson as "fashionably antisemitic in its recruitment until after" World War II. Keller and Keller, Making Harvard Modern, 300.
(49.) Baltimore Sun, June 18, 1934.
(50.) Conradi, Hitler's Piano Player, 145; New York World Telegram, June 15 and 16, 1934.
(51.) Boston Globe, June 18 and 19, 1934; Boston Herald, June 18 and 19, 1934.
(52.) Boston Globe, June 19, 1934; Boston Herald, June 19, 1934; Boston Post, June 19, 1934; James B. Conant, My Several Lives: Memoirs of a Social Inventor (New York, 1970), 141.
(53.) Boston Globe, June 20, 1934; Boston Post, June 19, 1934.
(54.) Boston Post, June 20, 1934.
(55.) Boston Herald, June 20, 1934; obituary of Frederick H. Prince, New York Times, February 3, 1953.
(56.) Boston Evening Transcript, June 18, 1934; Boston Evening Globe, June 18, 1934; The Day, June 24, 1934.
(57.) Boston Globe, June 19 and 20, 1934
(58.) Ibid., June 19, 1934; Boston Post, June 19, 1934.
(59.) Boston Herald, June 22, 1934; Boston Globe, June 22, 1934; Boston Post, June 22, 1934.
(60.) The Day, June 24, 1934.
(61.) Boston Herald, June 22, 1934; Boston Post, June 22, 1934; Boston Globe, June 22, 1934.
(62.) Eugene D. Bronstein, et al., "An Open Letter to President Conant," n.d., James B. Conant to Professor H. M. Sheffer, November 7, 1934, and Mrs. Joseph Dauber to Dr. James B. Conant, November 14, 1934, box 32, JBCPP, HUA; Harvard Crimson, October 24, 1934.
(63.) H. M. Sheffer to President James B. Conant, November 6, 1934 and James B. Conant to Professor H. M. Sheffer, November 7, 1934, box 32, JBCPP, HUA.
(64.) Mrs. Dauber to Conant, November 14, 1934, box 32, JBCPP, HUA; Conant, My Several Lives, 142. The seven demonstrators were released after they had served thirty-six days of their sentences. Boston Evening Transcript, November 28, 1934.
(65.) Washington Post, September 5, 1934.
(66.) New York Times, September 18 and October 4, 1934; Conant, My Several Lives, 141, 144; Dallas Morning News, October 9, 1934.
(67.) Translation from Berliner Boersen Zeitung, October 13, 1934, box 32, Dr. K. O. Bertling to President James B. Conant, October 9, 1934, box 32, and J. C. White to Hon. Secretary of State, October 12, 1934, box 32, JBCPP, HUA; New York Times, October 13, 1934; Chicago Tribune, October 13, 1934.
(68.) Translation from Deutsches Nachrichtenburo, October 9, 1934, box 32, JBCPP, HUA.
(69.) Harvard Crimson, October 1 and 6, 1934; Boston Herald, October 5 and 6, 1934.
(70.) Boston Post, March 18, 1935; Harvard Crimson, March 19, 1935. When Harvard built the chapel in 1931, it had not included the names of its alumni killed fighting for Germany on a plaque honoring the university's war dead. The Crimson led a campaign to add the names of the Germans to the plaque. As a compromise, the university placed a separate tablet for the German soldiers in the chapel. There was no such controversy after World War II. The name of the Harvard Divinity student killed fighting in the Nazi army was included on the plaque honoring Harvard men slain during World War II. It remains there today. Harvard Crimson, November 23, 1951, and November 6, 2003.
(71.) Boston Globe, May 1, 1936; Stephen Duggan to Professor Walter F. Willcox, September 24, 1937, box 118, Records of the Office of the President (hereafter ROP), Milton S. Eisenhower Library (hereafter MSEL), Johns Hopkins University (hereafter JHU), Baltimore.
(72.) New York Times, April 25, 1936 and August 27, 1937; "Nazis: Exchange Students End Training for Foreign Service," Newsweek, September 6, 1937, clipping in box 118, ROP, MSEL, JHU.
(73.) Duggan to Willcox, September 24, 1937, box 118, ROP, MSEL, JHU.
(74.) New York Times, July 24, 1935; Weinberg, Foreign Policy of Hitler's Germany, 239-40, 253-61.
(75.) Stephen H. Stackpole to Walter M. Hinkle, April 6, 1936, box 59, JBCPP, HUA; James R. Angell to James E. G. Fravell, March 7, 1936, James R. Angell Presidential Papers (hereafter JRAPP), box 100, Sterling Library (hereafter SL), Yale University, New Haven.
(76.) Nicholas Murray Butler to President James R. Angell, April 9, 1936, box 100, JRAPP, SL; Keller and Keller, Making Harvard Modern, 106, 156.
(77.) Steven P. Remy, The Heidelberg Myth: The Nazification and Denazification of a German University (Cambridge, 2002), 1, 3; Max Weinreich, Hitler's Professors: The Part of Scholarship in Germany's Crimes Against the Jewish People (New Haven, 1999 ), 9.
(78.) Michael Stephen Steinberg, Sabers and Brown Shirts: The German Students' Path to National Socialism, 1918-1935 (Chicago, 1977), 138-40; New York Times, May 11 and 19, 1933.
(79.) Beyerchen, Scientists Under Hitler, 15; Saul Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews, volume I: The Years of Persecution, 1933-1939, 2 vols. (New York, 1997), 1: 30; New York Times, April 26 and October 8, 1933 and February 11, 1934; Memorandum on Official Discrimination Against Jews in Germany, box 153, Emergency Committee in Aid of Displaced Foreign Scholars Papers (hereafter ECADFS), Manuscripts and Archives Division (hereafter MAD), New York Public Library (hereafter NYPL).
(80.) Remy, Heidelberg Myth, 15; Charles Singer to President Conant, May 27, 1936, box 59, JBCPP, HUA.
(81.) Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1:51; Singer to Conant, March 24, 1936, box 59, JBCPP, HUA; Charles Grant Robertson, "University of Heidelberg-Dismissal of Staff" in Heidelberg and the Universities of America (New York, 1936), 23.
(82.) Remy, Heidelberg Myth, 50; New York Times, June 28, 1936; Turtle, "American Higher Education," 61.
(83.) New York Times, January 20, 1935; Weinreich, Hitler's Professors, 67-68; Remy, Heidelberg Myth, 25, 34; L. G. Montefiore, "The Spirit of the German Universities" (London, n.d.), 5, enclosure in Singer to Conant, May 27, 1936, box 59, JBCPP, HUA.
(84.) Weinreich, Hitler's Professors, 17, 38-39; Remy, Heidelberg Myth, 25, 34.
(85.) "Philipp-Lenard-Institut Heidelberg," Heidelberg and the Universities of America, 47; Weinreich, Hitler's Professors, 11; The Tech, March 3, 1936"
(86.) "Philipp-Lenard-Institut Heidelberg," Heidelberg and the Universities of America, 48; Montefiore, "Spirit," enclosure in Singer to Conant, May 27, 1936.
(88.) Correspondent, "Heidelberg, Spinoza and Academic Freedom," Heidelberg and the Universities of America, 52.
(89.) Montefiore, "Spirit," enclosure in Singer in Conant, May 27, 1936.
(90.) Remy, Heidelberg Myth, 45, 72.
(91.) New York Times, February 23 and 28 and March 3, 1936; "U.S. Colleges Arouse Protests by Accepting Nazi Bid," The Anti-Nazi Economic Bulletin, March 1936, box 114, ECADFS, MAD, NYPL; M. Gardiner, "Heidelberg, Spinoza, and Academic Freedom," Heidelberg and the Universities of America, 53.
(92.) Singer to Conant, March 24, 1936. Amsterdam University almost immediately afterward announced it would not participate in the anniversary ceremony. The Universities of Stockholm and Oslo also refused their invitations. New York Times clipping, March 25, 1936 in box 114, ECADFS Papers, NYPL; Columbia Spectator, March 24, 1936; Turtle, "American Higher Education," 61. In Switzerland, the Basel canton government forbade students at Basel University from sending a delegation to Heidelberg. Manchester Guardian, June 8, 1936.
(93.) Ronald D. Hoffman and Arnold Hoffman to Dr. James B. Conant, March 3, 1936, box 59, JBCPP, HUA.
(94.) New York World Telegram, February 26, 1936; New York Times, February 5, 1936.
(95.) Shirer, Berlin Diary, 46-47; Richard D. Mandell, The Nazi Olympics (Urbana, 1987 ), 104-5; The New Republic, March 18, 1936, 152.
(96.) G. E. Harriman to Frank E. Robbins, March 12, 1936, box 134, Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League Papers (hereafter NSANL) Papers, Columbia University Rare Book and Manuscript Library (hereafter CURBML), New York.
(97.) James B. Conant, press release, March 31, 1936, box 59, JBCPP, HUA.
(98.) See, for example, Stephen H. Stackpole to Roger Baldwin, April 6, 1936, Stackpole to Hinkle, April 6, 1936, and Stackpole to Lewis Eldridge, April 6, 3936, box 59, JBCPP, HUA; Harvard Crimson, March 3, 1936.
(99.) Alvin Johnson to G. E. Harriman, March 9, 1936, box 134, NSANL Papers, CURBML.
(100.) Columbia Spectator, March 27, 30-31, April 24, 29, and May 11, 1936; New York Times, March 4 and 31 and July 3, 1936; Franz Boas to Bernard A. Grossman, May 18, 1936, reel 38, Franz Boas Papers, Library of Congress.
(101.) J. G. Saxe, "Memorandum for Committee on Legal Affairs," March 10, 1937. Subject: Robert Burke v. University, and Supreme Court: NY County. Robert Burke Plaintiff, against the Trustees of Columbia University in the City of New York, Defendant. Answer. in Central Files (hereafter CF), Columbia University Archives-Columbiana Library (hereafter CUACL); Columbia Spectator, May 13, 1936.
(102.) New York Times, May 27, 1936 and April 1, 1949; Dr. Friedrich Bergius to Professor Dr. James Bryant Conant, October 23, 1936, box 96, JBCPP, HUA.
(103.) Stephen H. Stackpole to Julius Creidenberg, March 18, 1936 and Stackpole to H. U. Brandenstein, July 16, 1936, box 59 and James B. Conant to Dr. Charles Singer, June 2.3, 1936, box 59, JBCPP, HUA. Albert Einstein took sharp issue with Conant's and Butler's insistence that academic celebrations had nothing to do with politics. He did not attend the Harvard tercentenary celebration, although invited, because he objected to participation by German academics who supported Nazi policies. Turtle, "American Higher Education," 64; Jamie Sayen, Einstein in America: The Scientist's Conscience in the Age of Hitler and Hiroshima (New York, 1985), 101-2.
(104.) Nicholas Murray Butler to Herbert Park Beck, May 29, 1936, CF, CUACL.
(105.) John D. Lynch to President and Fellows, Harvard College, April 24, 1936 and Jerome D. Greene to Hon. John D. Lynch, April 28, 1936, box 70, JBCPP, HUA. In 1915, President Lowell had brushed aside Jewish objections when Harvard scheduled its entrance examinations on Yom Kippur. Complaints about Harvard's scheduling of important events on the Jewish High Holidays continued into the 1950s. Synnott, Half-Opened Door, 45-46.
(106.) Nicholas Murray Butler to President James R. Angell, April 9, 1936, Butler to Conant, April 24 and 28, and May 11 and 14, 1936; Conant to Butler, April 27, May 4, 7, and 12, 1936; "Proposed Form of Statement in re Heidelberg," box 59, JBCPP, HUA; "Suggested Revision of Proposed Form of Statement in re Heidelberg To be Revised if Thought Necessary About June 30," CF, CUACL. The congratulatory greeting that Columbia sent to the University of Heidelberg praised "the notable achievements of Bunsen in the field of chemistry, of Kirchhoff in physics, of Helmholtz in physiology ... of Gervinus in literature, of Schlosser and Hausser in history, of Bluntschli in international law, of Rothe in theology, of Zeller and Fischer in philosophy." "Report of the President of Columbia University for the Year Ending June 30, 1936," in Annual Report of the President and Treasurer to the Trustees with Accompanying Documents for the Year Ending June 30, 1936, CUACL.
(107.) G. D. Birkhoff to James B. Conant, July 1, 1936, box 59, JBCPP, HUA; "A Report of the Celebration of the 550th Anniversary of Heidelberg University, June 27th to July 1st, 1936, by Arthur F. J. Remy," CF, CUACL; New York Times, June 28 and 29 1936; Keller and Keller, Making, Harvard Modern, 65, 106, 238.
(108.) Remy, "Report"; New York Times, June 29, 1936; Chicago Tribune,
June 29, 1936; Columbia Spectator, April 29, 1936. Columbia's representative at Heidelberg, Professor Remy, had joined Nazi Germany's ambassador, Hans Luther, as a speaker at the Steuben Society of America's German Day celebration at Madison Square Garden, where the swastika flag was hoisted. New York mayor John O'Brien had refused to allow the use of a city armory for the event because its purpose was to "spread undemocratic Nazi propaganda." New York Times, December 2 and 7, 1933.
(109.) Remy, Heidelberg Myth, 58, 79; New York Times, June 30 and July 1 and 5, 1936.
(110.) James R. Angell to President James B. Conant, August 13, 1936; Conant to Angell, August 17, 1936, box 59, JBCPP, HUA.
(111.) Stephen H. Stackpole to H. U. Brandenstein, April 21, 1937, box 83, JBCPP, HUA; New York Times, April 19, 1937; Beyerchen, Scientists Under Hitler, 15; Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1 :50; "Renowned Scientist Against the Enslavement of the Spiritual Life of Fascist Germany," Bulletin No. 6, November 1933, box 153, ECADFS, NYPL; "American Scholars and Gottingen," New Republic, April 28, 1937, 346.
(112.) Harlow Shapley to Conant, April 16, 1937, box 83, JBCPP, HUA.
(113.) Ernest L. Meyer, "As the Crow Flies," box 83, JBCPP, HUA, PL; New York Times, April 19 and 20, 1937; Chicago Tribune, April 2, 1937. The University of Durham decided not to participate at the last moment, leaving Glasgow the only British participant. New York Times, June 26, 1937.
(114.) New York Times, May 4, 1937; The Tech, April 23 and 30, 1937.
(115.) Columbia Spectator, April 29 and 30, and May 3, 1937; The Tech, April 23, 1937.
(116.) "Report of the President of Columbia University for the Year Ending June 30, 1937," 39-41, CUACL; New York Times, May 10, 1937; Columbia Spectator, May 12, 1937; The Day, May 11, 1937.
(117.) Arthur Held to James B. Conant, May 5, 1937, box 83, JBCPP, HUA; Boston Evening Globe, May 5, 1937; Boston Globe, May 8, 1937; Dallas Morning News, May 5, 1937. See also The Day, April 30, 1937.
(118.) Boston Evening Transcript, May 14, 1937; Harvard Crimson, May 8, 1937.
(119). New York Times, June 26, 27, and 28, 1937. The American schools represented included MIT, Haverford College, Temple University, University of Idaho, Wittenberg College, and the University of Alabama. New York Times, June 26, 1937.
(120.) New York Times, June 27 and 29, 1937.
(121.) Conant, My Several Lives, 209, 214, 222. On May 31, 1940, a Harvard Crimson editorial declared that "sober analysis throws much doubt" on President Conant's comment that the United States could not "live at peace with a victorious Germany." It asserted that U.S. entry into the European conflict "offers nothing but disaster for us." Harvard Crimson, May 31, 1940. A Harvard senior, John F. Kennedy, took sharp issue with the Crimson in a letter to the editor. He asserted that Britain's failure to build up armaments might well prove disastrous, and concluded: "Are we in America to let that lesson go unlearned?" Harvard Crimson, June 9, 1940.
(122.) New York Times, July 24, 1935.
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|Title Annotation:||Adolph Hitler|
|Author:||Norwood, Stephen H.|
|Publication:||American Jewish History|
|Date:||Jun 1, 2004|
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