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La Edad del Hierro en el Alto do Castelo (Alpiarca, Portugal).

ALTO DO CASTELO'S IRON AGE OCCUPATION (ALPIARCA, PORTUGAL)

1. Introduction (1)

The historical and archaeological significance of Quinta dos Patudos causes that the name Alpiarca is internationally associated with one of the richest periods in the history of the Tagus Valley-The Bronze Age.

Although the studies and dissemination of this unique heritage has had an auspicious beginning, since the early eighties little has been done to attract attention to its importance.

The Museum of Casa dos Patudos retains an important collection of archaeological artifacts gathered in Alto do Castelo and Cabeco da Bruxa. These materials result from excavations, in both sites, of the German Archaeological Institute team deposits, and also from a series of surveys that were carried out over the last 40 years.

In 2011, the preparation for a temporary exhibition at the Museum of Vila Franca de Xira featuring the settlement of Santa Sofia, two of the signatories (J. P and H. M.) found, among the Casa dos Patudos reserves, a set of ceramic shreds that altered the knowledge concerning the protohistoric occupation of Alto do Castelo, in particular its chronology. This set included Iron Age wheel made pottery and a fragment of a reasonable sized pithos, which was selected for the exhibition "Vila Franca de Xira ha tres mil anos. O povoado de Cabanas de Santa Sofia" (Pimenta, 2012).

Given the unprecedented nature of this occurrence, and aware of the relevance of an eventual Iron Age occupation of Alto do Castelo, the same signatories have undertaken the preparation of a Research Project aimed to analyze the artifacts in the custody of Alpiarca county, as well as the reparse of the archaeological site (2).

2. The human occupation of Alto do Castelo

Alto do Castelo is a well-known archaeological site in the Portuguese archaeological literature, largely due to its proximity to a series of Late Bronze Age necropolis (Tanchoal, Meijao, Cabeco da Bruxa, Cabeco da Bruxinha). We recall that these sites and their materials gave rise to one of the most problematic and discussed concepts in Portuguese Archaeology, the Culture of Alpiarca, whose chronology has always been questioned (Correa, 1916, 1928, 1936; Marques, 1972; Andrade and Marques, 1974), until the 14C datings (Vilaca, Cruz and Goncalves, 1999) allowed to relate the erroneously named "urn fields" incinerations (Correa, 1936; Savory, 1951; Almagro Basch, 1952) with the Late Bronze Age (Vilaca, Cruz and Goncalves, 1999).

Alto do Castelo is located between the necropolis of Tanchoal and Meijao, in wide plateau (a quaternary terrace) in the confluence of the Patudos and Atela riversides. It is relatively well detached among the surrounding landscape, with an altitude of 32 meters and an extension of 28 hectares.

Known since the works of Mendes Correa, it was, in the early 70s, surveyed by Gustavo Marques, who identified an earth rampart (Marques, 1972), and, during the 80s, excavated by P Kalb and M. Hock (1982, 1988). This fieldwork resulted in the excavation of two areas, reveling the existence of two lines of earth ramparts, identical in terms of construction, which, were not, however, contemporary. The first one would limit an area of 5 ha, occupied during the Late Bronze Age. The second one, associated with a double ditch, was assumed to have been built during the Roman Republican phase, having an extension of 1500 meters long and 4 meters high, which surrounded the entire 28 ha platform. These data were summarily published (Kalb and Hock, 1982, 1988), stating the exis-tence of a Chalcolithic and Late Bronze Age occupation, this last one contemporary of the surrounding necropolis, and yet another phase dated from the Roman period, which the authors identified as the Roman Republican army camp of Moron (Kalb and Hock, 1982, 1988). There is no refe-rence to an Iron Age occupation, with the exception of a faint reference to the destruction of a seemingly Iron Age tomb that was cut by the construction of the roman fortification (Kalb and Hock, 1988: 195).

The artifacts retrieved in these excavations were consigned in Casa dos Patudos, and confirm the chronology of these occupations. In fact, some flint and ceramic artifacts, including some bell-beaker fragments, show that Alto do Castelo was occupied during the Chalcolithic. Other pottery shreds and a Porto de Mos type dagger certify the Bronze Age occupation. The Romans materials are abundant, and diversified, with emphasis on a considerable number of Dressel 1 amphorae, mainly published by G. Marques (1972).

Concerning Alto do Castelo's Iron Age occupation, the data are practically nonexistent, apart from the aforementioned "tomb" (Kalb and Hock, 1988: 195). However, and as it was said in the Introduction, we have identified, among the Casa dos Patudos reserves, materials that can be related to this chronology, a factor that lead to a survey campaign carried out in 2011 by two of the signatories (J. P and H. M.), and allowed the collection of other Iron Age artifacts. In the context of the UNiARQs (Centro de Arqueologia da Universidade de Lisboa) ongoing project, Project FETE-Phoenicians in the Tagus Estuary (PTDC/ EPH-ARQ/4901/2012), we felt it was important to publish these new data, considering that it could allow the integration of Alto do Castelo among a quite dense network of Iron Age settlements that has recently been discovered on the left bank of the Tagus.

3. Artifacts

The Iron Age artifacts collected in Alto do Castelo during the 2011 surveys carried out by J. Pimenta and H. Mendes, a set of 152 ceramic fragments, include amphorae, gray pottery and common ware. These materials, along with nine other fragments deposited in Casa dos Patudos, and presumably resulting from excavations of German Archaeological Institute team, were included in the analysis that is now published.

The macroscopic characteristics of the ceramics suggest an overwhelming regional production, which has been recently characterized (Sousa, 2013) (3).

3.1. Amphorae

Among the amphorae, we have identified 60 fragments (38 rims and 22 handles), 30 of which allowed a typological classification.

Firstly, it should be underline the presence of 13 rim fragments (2, 9, 12, 26, 37, 44, 46 and 69) that appear to integrate Orientalizing morphologies. They appear to correspond to a Tagus estuary production, which was recently designated as Type 1 (4). This type encompasses containers inspired in the so called R1 amphorae (types Ramon Torres 10.1.1.1 and 10.1.2.1), that acquire, in this geographical area, a series of specific features, namely a wider rim diameter and a remarkable diversity in terms of the rims profile, a tendency that increases particularly in later periods (5).

The beginning of this amphorae production seems go back to the late VIIIth/early VIIth century BC (6), being, however, quite probable that it endures until the mid ist millennium BC, according to the data of Rua dos Correeiros (Lisbon), were evolved morphologies of this type are present--group 1B7. Amphorae Type 1 are also present in other sites across the Tagus estuary, as, for example, in Alto dos Cacos, in Almeirim (Pimenta, Henriques and Mendes, 2012) and Quinta da Marquesa, in Vila Franca de Xira (Pimenta and Mendes, 2010-2011). This last site may even correspond to one of its production sites, if we take under consideration the recovering of several deformed amphorae fragments that may result from high firing temperatures, as well as numerous ceramic prisms (ibidem), artifacts that are related with potter activities, specifically drying and separation / support during the firing process (Gutierrez Lopez et al, 2013).

The remaining amphorae types seem to relate to later chronologies, displaying a series of variations, which are typical from the Central Atlantic coast after the mid-Ist millennium BC.

Ten fragments correspond to the Tagus estuary type 3 (60, 80, 133 and 138), which includes oval shaped amphorae, with a short neck and an everted rim (8).

This type is quite characteristic of the second half of the Ist millennium BC, all indicating that its production began during the vth century BC, according to the data from Rua dos Correeiros (9). It is, however, difficult to determine its chronological length (10). This type is well represented in other areas of Lisbon, namely in Castelo de Sao Jorge (11) and Travessa de Chafariz d'el Rei (12), as well as in other settlements of Amadora (Moinho da Atalaia, Bautas, Casal de Vila Cha Sul and Fiat Alfragide), Sintra (Santa Eufemia and Castelo dos Mouros) (13), Cascais (Espigao das Ruivas) (Cardoso, 1991), Santarem (Arruda, 1999-2000) and Choes de Alpompe (Diogo, 1993).

The remaining amphorae fragments correspond to the Tagus estuary type 4 (8, 10, 11, 13, 40 e 62), which includes oval shaped containers, with a high rim, straight on the outside and thickened internally.

The chronology for these recipients is identical to that determined for Type 3, and they are quite frequent across the Tagus Estuary (14). They appear with some frequency in Lisbon (Rua dos Correeiros) (15), Almaraz (Barros and Soares, 2004), in Amadora region (Moinho da Atalaia and Fiat-Alfragide), Sintra (Santa Eufemia) (16), and, in the interior, in Alto dos Cacos--Almeirim (Pimenta, Henriques and Mendes, 2012).

In addition to the rim fragments, we have also identified a series of amphorae handles whose profiles vary between circular and sub-oval shapes. Among the latter, we counted several specimens exhibiting a groove in the outer area (32, 53), a characteristic that is widespread among the amphorae productions of the Iberian Peninsula central Atlantic coast (Sousa, 2013) (17).

3.2. Gray ware

The gray ware recovered in Alto do Castelo is constituted by 43 fragments (36 rims and 7 bases), 36 of which enabling a typological framework.

The most common type corresponds to open and relatively deep bowls that integrate, in general terms, what was refer as type 1 in Lisbon Cathedral (Arruda, Freitas and Vallejo Sanchez, 2000). This morphology is widely documented in numerous Iron Age sites across the Iberian Peninsula, without displaying more specific timelines. Sub-type lAa, established in Rua dos Correeiros (18), with arched and convex walls, is the most frequent, counting 20 fragments (A.C. 1528-III-I, A.C. 1463.13, A.C. 1545-11-1, A.C. 1528-11-1, A.C. 1516II-I, A.C. I 516-11.3, A.C. 1545-III-3, A.C. 1433-68, 6, 21, 4, 25, 92 e 27). Rua dos Correeiros sub-type lAB (19), with straight walls, is also well represented among Alto do Castelos gray ware (22, 14, 7, 24, 96, 95, 101).

Another type identified in this set, with two fragments, corresponds to smaller containers, with everted rims, and a carinated profile (20, 3). It matches Rua dos Correeiros type 2Ab (20), and is also documented, in Lisbon, in Travessa de Chafariz d'El Rei (21), and Almaraz (22). In Amadora, this type was also identified in Moinho da Atalaia (23).

Small pots are also present in Alto do Castelo gray ware, and are divisible in two different sub-types.

The first, represented by a single fragment (16), exhibits a globular shape with a short and slightly everted rim, that matches Lisbon's Cathedral type 3 a (Arruda, Freitas and Vallejo Sanchez, 2000). It is relatively frequent across the Tagus Estuary, being dated from the second half of the VIth century BC. It appears also in Santarem (Arruda, 1999-2000) and in Amadora (Bautas) (24). Its absence in later contexts, such as Rua dos Correeiros, indicates that this form does not extend beyond the Vth century BC (25).

The second sub-type, represented by 3 fragments, maintains the everted rim, displaying a higher neck (18, 3, 139, 19, 88). Despite the high fragmentation of these specimens, they appear to correspond to the sub-type 3Ba of Rua dos Correeiros (26). We should also highlight the presence of a fragment (18) with incised decoration, exhibiting a geometric motif on its outer surface. In Lisbon, these vessels appear in Rua de Sao Joao da Praca (Pimenta, Calado and Leitao, 2005), and, on the other bank of the Tagus, in Almaraz (27). It was also documented across Amadora (Moinho da Atalaia, Bautas, Moinhos do Filipinho and Casal de Vila Cha Sul) and Sintra area (Santa Eufemia and Sepultura do Rei Mouro) (Serrao e Vicente, 1980) (28).

In addition, we have recovered several bases, displaying a flat and slightly convex profile (15, 23) and, in one case, an annular foot (17).

3.3. Common ware

The Iron Age common ware set includes 50 fragments (38 rims, 6 handles and 6 bases), 27 of which led to a typological classification.

Among them we find large storage vessels, of which at least one (1407) corresponds to a pithos. This vase exhibits a red painted red band on its upper interior surface and a triangular and pending rim. The neck is short, truncated, with straight walls, and is separated from the body by a well-marked ledge. The wing is bifid. This is a common type among the Tagus valley Orientalizing contexts, being dated, in Santarem, between the second half of the VIIth and the late VIth century BC (Arruda, 1999-2000: 192). The features of Alto do Castelo's pithos indicate a chronology centered in the second half of the VIIth century BC. In Lisbon, this form is common, particularly in the Cathedral (Arruda, 1999-2000), Judiaria (Calado et al., 2013: 121), Patio do Aljube (Fernandes et al., 2013) and Largo do Chafariz de El Rei (29). In the Tagus right bank, specifically in Santa Sofia and Quinta da Marquesa (Pimenta and Mendes, 2010-2011), similar pithoi fragments were also collected. On the left bank, our pithos has the best correspondence in Alto dos Cacos, Almeirim (Pimenta, Henriques and Mendes, 2012), and in Porto do Sabugueiro, Salvaterra de Magos.

Another two fragments from Alto do Castelo (61 e 39) share an everted rim that ends with a small pending lip, with a triangular or subcircular profile.

A considerable amount of vessels seem to correspond to morphologies that evolve from pithoi prototypes, although they lose the bifid handles and exhibit a wide variety in the profile of the neck and rim. They correspond to Rua dos Correeiros type 10B (30), being divided between the sub-type 10BA (14 fragments--39, 78, 84, 48, 142, 77, 151, 75), with a triangular and pointed rim and sub-type 10Bb (6 fragments--1, 61, 55, 76) with subcircular profile rims. These types are very frequent across the Tagus estuary (Lisbon--Rua dos Correeiros (31), Rua de Sao Joao da Praca (Pimenta, Calado and Leitao, 2005), Rua dos Douradores (Cardoso and Carreira, 1993), Lisbon Cathedral (Arruda, 1999-2000); Almada--Quinta da Torre (Cardoso and Carreira, 1997-1998); Amadora --Moinho da Atalaia, Bautas, Moinhos do Filipinho, Casal de Vila Cha Sul, Fiat-Alfragide, Alfragide Segundo Sul (32); Sintra--Santa Eufemia, Castelo dos Mouros (33); Cascais--Espigao das Ruivas (Cardoso and Encarnacao, 1993) and Freiria (Cardoso and Encarnacao, 2013); Santarem (Arruda, 1999-2000).

Among the closed vessels group we have also identified Rua dos Correeiros sub-type 10Aa (Sousa, 2011), with simple and everted rims (63, 144) and sub-type 10Aa.2 (Sousa, 2011), with handles (152). This is a common morphology among Tagus Estuary Iron Age settlements, identified so far in Amadora (Moinho da Atalaia, Bautas, Casal de Vila Cha Sul and Fiat-Alfragide), Sintra-Santa Eufemia (34), Cascais-Espigao das Ruivas (Cardoso and Encarnacao, 1993) and Freiria (Cardoso and Encarnacao, 2013), Almada-Almaraz (Barros and Henriques, 2002) and Santarem (Arruda, 1999-2000).

Although it is still difficult to determine precisely the chronological limits of these 10Aa type vessels, we know they were used during the Vth century BC, according to the data of Rua dos Correeiros (35) and Freiria (Carbon 14 dating) (Cardoso and Encarnacao, 2013).

In addition, we have also identified 6 handles (circular and bifid profile) and 6 bases (flat and ring foot).

Among the open vessels category, we have counted one rim of a large basin that corresponds to Rua dos Correeiros type 5Ad (36). Unfortunately, its high fragmentation state did not allow a graphical representation.

Another fragment (7) belongs to a plate, with a wide and flattened rim. Its inclusion among common ware was due to the absence of any trace of red slip on its surfaces. However, this morphology is common in other Phoenicians and Orientalized settlements Iberian Peninsula, exhibiting a red slip or, in the case of the Central Atlantic coast, gray polished surfaces. Although we can exclude the possibility of being gray ware, the same cannot be stated for the red slip ware. It is possible that due to post-depositional phenomena, the red slip wasn't preserved. We should also highlight the reduced width of the rim (2.8 cm) and a relatively large diameter (22 cm), which could indicate a chronology, centered between the late VIIth and the VIth century BC, if we consider Santarem's red slip ware data (Arruda, 1999-2000: 184-186).

4. Discussion

The Iron Age ceramic set recovered in Alto do Castelo deserves to be discussed in terms of its regional significance, but also its terms of its relevance concerning the Western Iberian Peninsula Orientalizing phenomena and its subsequent effects.

Regarding this last issue, it should first be noted that some materials, particularly those that relate with an earlier chronology, as for example the pithos, the R1 type amphorae and common ware (red slip?) plate and even some of the gray ceramic bowls, display morphological features that relate to the eastern and southern orientalizing world of Andalusia, the Iberian Peninsula Southeast and Ibiza. In fact, it is in these areas that we find the best parallels for our artifacts, in addition to those already mentioned in the nearby region. Thus, as seems evident, Alto do Castelo can be integrated, as many other settlements in the Tagus area, but also in Algarve, Sado and Mondego, in a wide phenomena, that, after the second half of the 8th century BC, developed the "colonization" of the Portuguese coast, and was carried out by Western Phoenicians settled in the Strait of Gibraltar area.

Naturally, we must never lost sight that the moment of arrival cannot be confused with a long and slow process, which led to the effective occupation of territories that were already occupied by native communities that coexisted with the exogenous groups.

The remaining artifacts recovered in Alto do Castelo indicate, firstly, the permanence of those foreign groups in the Atlantic Portuguese area, and secondly, a continuity of the orientalizing tradition. In fact, and as it was already stated in previous works (Arruda, 1993, 1999-2000, 2005; Sousa, 2013) (37) the population that inhabited this area, both native and Phoenician, groups that after some time were no longer distinguishable from each other, due to entanglement relations, maintained, in terms of their material culture, and until Roman times, an obvious Orientalizing conservatism, a phenomenon that in southern regions wasn't as expressive. As a matter of fact, the amphorae, common and gray ware, which is mostly from the mid 1st millennium BC, reflect a local development of the prototypes from earliest centuries, not showing the massive addition, as happened in the south of Iberia, of new forms or specific decorative styles typical from the Andalusian area. Once again, it is possible to re-emphasize that the mid 1st millennium BC corresponds to a period when, even in areas that share a common past, the peninsular regionalisms gain a strong expression, which has been explained in the framework of the deconstruction of the Phoenician colonial world (ibidem). Therefore, as in Western Andalusia the Turdetanean/Punic-gaditanian 'culture' acquires prominence, and in the Easter Mediterranean coast emerged the Iberian 'culture', in the Portuguese western shores we also notice a development of another reality, different from the previous (Sousa, 2013) (38) It is characterized by a direct extension of morphologies and decorative styles, heirs of the Orientalizing phase, and by a very limited number of imports that reflect a significant descent in contacts with the Mediterranean world.

As for the regional context, we recall that the Tagus estuary is, on the whole, an area with a high density of settlements connected with the western Phoenician colonization, and its historical evolution was a direct result of this phenomena. But the truth is that, until recently, the true extension of this process was virtually unknown, and only Santarem (Arruda, 1993; Arruda, 1999-2000), Lisbon (Arruda, 1999-2000) and Almaraz (Barros, Cardoso and Sabrosa, 1993), whose chronologies went back to the second of the VIIIth/VIIth century BC, were consecrated as places of choice in terms of Phoenician and Orientalizing occupation. Everything indicated that the "colonization" of nearby areas had begun only in the late VIth and mainly during the Vth century BC, focusing in innermost regions, such as Almada, Sintra, Cascais, Oeiras and Amadora, and aiming for the agricultural exploitation controlled, more or less directly, by the large settlements of the Tagus mouth, Lisbon and Almaraz (Sousa, 2013) (39).

Recent surveys carried out in Vila Franca de Xira (Pimenta and Mendes, 2010-2011) and Almeirim (Pimenta, Henriques and Mendes, 2012) allowed us to recognize the existence of a complex and dense network of riverside settlement, with a high number of sites located along the river, which go back to the first half of the Ist millennium BC, specifically from the late VIIth until the late VIth/Vth century BC. On the left bank, Porto do Sabugueiro, in Muge (Pimenta and Mendes, 2008), Alto dos Cacos, in Almeirim (Pimenta, Henriques and Mendes, 2012), Cabeco da Bruxa and Alto do Castelo, in Alpiarca, are part of this settlement network. This last site is distinguishable from the others for a more prominent roll in the landscape, gathering an important visual domain across an extensive area. This dense settlement network may be related to the control of the river navigation and/or to the Tagus valley agricultural exploitation, which, until today, remains as one of the most fertile regions of the Iberian Peninsula.

It should also be noted that the data from Alto do Castelo show an intense relation with Santarem, and both sites are intervisible. On the other hand, the similarity of the pottery fabrics in certain vessels (as, for example, the pithos, that displays the same petrographic and fabric characteristics) indicates a common origin in the pottery production of Santarem and Alto do Castelo. We do not know, for now, the actual components of this relation (cooperation, dependency, domination), as well as for their relation with other settlements located in the nearby Tagus shores. Nevertheless, the data seems to indicate that this settlement network was hierarchical, and it is quite likely that such an organization had been previously planned.

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/zephyrus201474143155

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(1) This paper was carried out under the project FETE (ptdc/eph-arq/4901/2012--"Fenicios no Estuario do Tejo").

(2) We thank the support of Alpiarcas City Hall President, Dr. Mario Fernando Pereira and the Director of the Museum Casa dos Patudos, Dr. Nuno Prates.

(3) See also: Sousa, E.: A ocupacao pre-romana da foz do Estuario do Tejo durante a segunda metade do 1[grados] milenio a.C. PhD thesis presented in 2011 in the Lisbon's University. http://repositorio.ul.pt/handle/10451/4508; Sousa, E. and Pimenta, J.: "A producao de anforas no Estuario do Tejo durante a Idade do Ferro". In Actas do II Congreso Internacional de la secah--ex officina hispana, in press.

(4) Sousa, E. and Pimenta, J.: "A producao de anforas no Estuario do Tejo durante a Idade do Ferro". In Actas do ii Congreso Internacional de la secah--ex officina hispana, in press.

(5) Sousa, E. and Pimenta, J.: op. cit. n. 4.

(6) Sousa, E. and Pimenta, J.: op. cit. n. 4.

(7) Sousa, E.: A ocupacao pre-romana da foz do Estuario do Tejo durante a segunda metade do 1[grados] milenio a.C. PhD thesis presented in 2011 in the Lisbon's University.

(8) Sousa, E. and Pimenta, J.: op. cit. n. 4.

(9) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(10) Sousa, E. and Pimenta, J.: op. cit. n. 4.

(11) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(12) Filipe, V.; Calado, M. and Leitao, M.: "Evidencias orientalizantes na area urbana de Lisboa: o caso dos edificios na envolvente da Mae de Agua do Chafariz d'El Rei". In Actas do vi Congresso Internacional de Estudos Fenicios e Punicos, in press.

(13) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(14) Sousa, E. and Pimenta, J.: op. cit. n. 4.

(15) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(16) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(17) See also: Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7; Sousa, E. and Pimenta, J.: op. cit. n. 4.

(18) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(19) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(20) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(21) Filipe, V.; Calado, M. e Leitao, M.: "Evidencias orientalizantes na area urbana de Lisboa: o caso dos edificios na envolvente da Mae de Agua do Chafariz d'El Rei". In Actas do vi Congresso Internacional de Estudos Fenicios e Punicos, in press.

(22) Henriques, S.: A ceramica cinzenta da Idade do Ferro da Quinta do Almaraz (Almada, Cacilhas). Master thesis presented in 2006 in Lisbon's University-Faculty of Letters. http://repositorio.ul.pt/bitstream/10451/3020/27 ulfl082229_tm.pdf.

(23) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(24) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(25) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(26) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(27) Henriques, S.: op. cit. n. 22.

(28) See also: Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(29) Filipe, V.; Calado, M. and Leitao, M.: op. cit. n. 21.

(30) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(31) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(32) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(33) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(34) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(35) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(36) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(37) See also: Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(38) See also: Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

(39) Sousa, E.: op. cit. n. 7.

Ana Margarida ARRUDA *, Elisa DE SOUSA *, Joao PIMENTA **, Henrique MENDES ** y Rui SOARES *

* UNIARQ-Centro de Arqueologia da Univ. de Lisboa. Faculdade de Letras. C/ Alameda da Universidades. 1600-214 Lisboa (Portugal). Correo-e: a.m.arruda@letras.ulisboa.pt; el@fl.ul.pt; ruigusmao@hotmail.com

** Camara Municipal de Vila Franca de Sira-uniarq. Correo-e: pimentamarques@iol.pt

Recepcion: 20/02/2014; Revision: 6/06/2014; Aceptacion: 23/07/2014
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