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Ksenija atanasijevic and the emergence of the feminist movement in interwar Serbia.

Congratulations, young lady, you have entered into hell. (1)

Ksenija Atanasijevic (1894-1981) was the first Serbian woman to earn a doctorate and become a professor of philosophy at the University of Belgrade in 1924. Atanasijevic was a prolific writer, fluent in German, French, and Serbian, who published more than 400 books and articles on aesthetics, metaphysics, literature, feminism, and philosophy. A pioneer for women's rights, Atanasijevic was also active in the Serbian Women's League for Peace and Freedom, the Women's Movement Alliance, and the Women's Movement (Zenski pokret) journal, which she edited from 1920 to 1938. In 1936, her male colleagues launched a smear campaign that cost her her professorship. A series of heated public hearings was then held at which some of Belgrade's most prominent intellectuals, including the poets Rastko Petrovic and Sima Panduric, came to Atanasijevic's defense. From 1936 until 1941 she worked in the Ministry of Education. While there, she wrote articles denouncing anti-Semitism and National Socialism that brought her to the attention of the Gestapo, who arrested her in 1942. In 1944, after the Partisans had liberated the country, Marshall Tito's government accused Atanasijevic of spreading controversial political ideas during the occupation, and she was imprisoned. Her final prison release came in 1946, after which time she was only able to work as a clerk in the National Library of Serbia. This biographical study focuses on Atanasijevic's contributions to the history of philosophy, the interwar women's movement in Serbia, and on the personal and professional price that she had to pay for her activism.

Ksenija Atanasijevic was born on 5 February 1894, the sixth child of Jelena (Cumic) and Svetozar Atanasijevic, a medical doctor. Svetozar trained in Berlin before settling on Svetogorska Street in Belgrade's Terazije district. Tragedy hit the Atanasijevic family early when Jelena died of an infection shortly after giving birth to Ksenija. A few years later, Svetozar married Sofia Kondic, a teacher at Visa Zenska Skola (Higher Women's School) in Belgrade. Sofia assumed the role of second mother to Svetozar's six children, even after her husband's death from tuberculosis on 3 May 1906. Raising her stepchildren as her own, Sofia supported them through the tragic death of Milutin, Ksenija's 28-year-old brother, who was killed, while another brother, Dragomir, a writer, died on 4 January 1938. Sofia's devotion to the children was profound and lifelong. She also kept in close contact with Ruza, Ksenija's sister, who was a teacher, and their other sister Zorka, who was married to Pavle Ljotic, a university professor. Sofia lived with Ksenija in her Belgrade apartment up until her death on 29 December 1940.

Growing up, Atanasijevic was friends with famed female artist Nadezda Petrovic, who painted her portrait in 1912. The portrait, now in the Pavle Beljanski Memorial Collection in Novi Sad, captures the 16-year-old Atanasijevic visiting the Petrovices' family home on Ratarska Street. At the time, Nadezda had just returned from Paris, bringing with her a large black hat, a present to her sister Milica Miskovic. Ksenija posed for Nadezda in this hat. The image is striking in its dramatic use of black and white as well as masterly impasto brushstrokes, which reflected the artist's interest in Expressionism. The painting remained in Milica's personal collection until 1956, when Pavle Beljanski purchased the work for his art collection in Novi Sad.

Ksenija Atanasijevic attained an unprecedented level of academic achievement at a time when educating girls was rare in Eastern Europe. In the 19th century, education for girls in Serbia was reserved for children of the elite intelligentsia.
   The state adopted a policy of sending talented students to major
   European universities, in order that upon their return they enter
   civil service and become well-qualified state functionaries. The
   professional differentiation of the elite emerges only in the
   second half of that century, when the state stipends were also
   given to students studying
   medicine, philosophy and the arts alongside the previously
   dominating subjects of law and engineering. (2)

Most female students within this time period went to Zurich, where higher education was available. Draga Ljocic-Milosevic (1855-1926) studied medicine in Zurich from 1872 to 1879 and became active in the movement for universal male and female suffrage. Sisters Milica (1854-81) and Anka Ninkovic (1855-1923) from Novi Sad studied pedagogy at the University of Zurich from 1872 to 1874. Upon returning to Vojvodina, they submitted plans for a private high school for girls in Kragujevac, based upon progressive, creative educational practices. Although unable to realize this project, they remained ardent and committed feminist activists.

The 19th century also saw the rise of women's arts organizations such as the Blue Salon, organized in the 1860s by Anka Konstantinovic-Obrenovic (daughter of Jevrem Obrenovic) and based on the French model: "Anka's artistic female gatherings involved concert performances--in accordance with the spirit of the time and the fact that she was one of the first owners of a piano in Serbia--poetry in French, Italian, and German, as well as the verses of Serbian poets." (3) According to Radina Vucetic, these were "colorful artistic social gatherings ... where respectable men and women read stories and poems, played the violin, the piano, the harp, and the guitar, and occasionally even discussed politics." (4)

Atanasijevic, with Sofia's encouragement, was fortunate to have attended the Lyceum, where she was taught by Nada Stoiljkovic, an inspirational teacher with a strong interest in philosophy. Stoiljkovic urged Atanasijevic to enroll at the University of Belgrade, where in 1918 she began studying with Branislav Petronijevic. Petronijevic (1897-1954) was a brilliant philosopher who rose from a modest childhood in the village of Sovljak. Educated in Vienna and Leipzig, he earned a doctorate in philosophy, botany, and physics and published texts on mathematics and evolution.

Atanasijevic graduated with highest honors in 1920 before starting work on her doctoral dissertation, written in French, on Giordano Bruno's De triplici minimo. She conducted her dissertation research in Geneva and Paris, where she was able to find original texts by Bruno scholars who specialized in the analysis of his work. In 1922, upon returning to Belgrade, she successfully defended her dissertation in front of a committee of five scholars including Professors Petronijevic and Milutin Milankovic (1879-1958), a noted Serbian geophysicist and civil engineer. Atanasijevic was 28 years old when she became the first Serbian woman to complete a PhD in philosophy.

Alongside her devotion to philosophy, Atanasijevic's interest in the burgeoning feminist movement in Serbia also started early. In 1920, having just finished her undergraduate degree, she became the first editor of the influential Zenski pokret--an arm of the Organization for the Liberation of Women and the Protection of Their Rights (Drustvo za prosvecivanje zene i zastitu njenih prava). This was one of numerous feminist organizations, including the Alliance of Feminist Societies, the Female Student Union of Belgrade University, the Female Little Entente, the League of Women for Peace and Liberty, the Woman's Party, and the Union of University-Educated Women. (5) The journal, published from 1920 to 1938, became the voice for the growing movement for women's emancipation. The journal focused on the expansion of educational opportunities for girls and women. Among its many contributors, the architect Milica Krstic submitted articles on the "Design of Belgrade" ("Uredjenje Beograda") as early as 1926. (6) These writings on modernist design foreshadowed her later contributions to school architecture in the city.

Serbia's population explosion and shift from agrarian to urban lifestyles coincided with the women's rights movement. In 1921 women gained the right to vote in Yugoslavia, and by 1941 they were granted full legal status to own property. The late 19th-century and early 20th-century educational system, however, restricted where and when women could be educated. Girls attended segregated schools, which trained them for employment in traditionally female occupations that did not offer pensions or wages comparable to those of their male counterparts. This began to change in 1909, when the first women were admitted to Belgrade University. By 1930, twelve female professors were on the faculty.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the female illiteracy rate in Serbia, as in many other predominantly agrarian cultures was high, well above 70 percent. There were scant opportunities for girls to attend primary school and virtually none for advanced studies. Culturally, there were many prohibitions against educating women:
   Male peasants rationalized their authority over women by
   maintaining that women were stupid. Innumerable proverbs such as,
   "Long hair, little wits," "Consult your horse or ox rather than
   your wife" were current. But once schools were established and a
   few peasant girls ... were allowed to go to school, it was found
   that they could hold their own in learning, so that the mass of the
   peasants had therefore to revise their opinion about the
   intelligence of women. (7)

After 1918, dramatic changes were starting to take place within the educational system of Serbia: "During the interwar period, politically active women tended to be school teachers sent by the Ministry of Education to rural schools or organized university and professional women, educated women from urban families, who were frequently unmarried." (8) Likewise, "when women teachers began to be appointed in the villages, the process went further, for peasant parents realized that there might be good sense in taking trouble over the education of their daughters now that a daughter as well as a son could be expected to reflect credit on the family and bring an income into it." (9)
   The real obstacle for continuing education on the high-school level
   was the absence of grammar schools for women, and finishing one was
   an admission requirement for entering the university. In 1909, when
   the first generation finished the First Female Grammar School,
   higher numbers of women started enrolling in Belgrade University.
   By the First World War, 10% of all enrolled students were women,

From 1911 to 1921, Zena (Woman), a monthly publication from Novi Sad, was in distribution. The magazine, edited by Milica Jase Tomic, shed light on the changing status of Serbian women. It acknowledged the strides made by the women's movement, while warning of the dangers of such changes. In the first issue of Zena, published in 1911, a male contributor, Mita Dordevic, wrote:
   Our school structure since 1872 has ordered that female children,
   like male, are obligated to go to elementary school. But we look,
   if we can, to get female children out of that requirement. We let
   our female children into high school, but reluctantly, afraid that
   a woman might become serious competition for a man. (11)

Alternative experimental arts schools for women began to open as early as 1910, when Expressionist dancer Maga Magazinovic (1882-1968) started a school for modern dance and gymnastics in Belgrade. Magazinovic was "a philosopher, dancer, choreographer, and dance theoretician ... [who] developed Expressionist dance pieces." (12) Magazinovic's modernist school followed the teachings of Isadora Duncan; another dancer, Jelena Polyakova, founded the first classical ballet academy in Belgrade. By 1933, Polyakova's ballet troupe had embarked on a European tour, the first in its history to include Greece (1933), Romania (1936), Czechoslovakia (1938), and Bulgaria (1938) in its itinerary.

Atanasijevic was vocal as well as scholarly in her approach to women's rights. She often wrote about the long history of women's emancipation in classical literature as a way of grounding the contemporary discussions in the classical world. In 1923 Atanasijevic published a text in Zenski pokret on the "Emancipation of Women in Plato." She argued that in Plato's Republic the role of women's emancipation is an integral component of the ideal state:
   Women must be given the right to take part in the same offices that
   men from the first two classes of the ideal state participate in
   (according to Plato, the ideal state consists of three classes:
   rulers, soldiers, and craftsmen and farmers.) If women are to serve
   the same goals as men, then they must also be educated the same as
   men. (13)

Atanasijevic suggests that the women's emancipation movement was rooted in the Western tradition advanced by Plato in the fifth century BCE. As such, the concept that "there is no difference between the abilities of men and women that would be decisive in the choice of a profession" takes on a much more solid grounding in both the history of philosophical thought and in more contemporary notions of segregated professions for men and women. By linking feminism with philosophy, Atanasijevic forged the foundation for her own professional work--achievements that would earn her an academic position by 1924 and the hostility of her male colleagues.

Atanasijevic was hired to teach aesthetics and classics as well as medieval and modern philosophy in the arts division of the Philosophy Department at the University of Belgrade. She was the first woman to hold this position at the university and as such was scrutinized by her male colleagues, who felt threatened by her interests in women's equality. Professor Milos Trivunac complained that "There are parts of Serbia where women kiss the hands of younger men, and you want to give a professorship to a girl!" (14) Her colleague Professor Nikola Popovic referred to Atanasijevic as "Mata Hari" in front of his students. In 1924, his resentment towards Atanasijevic grew after she published a negative critique of his philosophical work in Srpski knjizevni glasnik. Popovic secretly accused Atanasijevic of plagiarism, denying her the opportunity to respond to the charges.

In many ways Atanasijevic was singled out to be an example to other women with professional aspirations. Despite educational opportunities afforded to them, professional women in interwar Serbia still experienced an ambiguous and problematic status. Married women, along with "the feebleminded, squanderers noted by court, libertines [and] debtors whose property is in bankruptcy" were not allowed to own property. (15) While the rights of married women were limited and tightly controlled by their husbands, single women and widows had more freedom when it came to property ownership.

Atanasijevic's 1926 essay on Gaius Musonius Rufus, the first-century Stoic philosopher, endorsed the role of women in the study and practice of philosophy. This essay, published in Pravda (Justice), brings to light Rufus's beliefs, which he held during a difficult time in human history. He was one of the only philosophers allowed to remain in Rome under Vespasian after several lengthy periods of exile. Rufus wrote:
   as for ethical education, it can be rightly said to apply to both
   genders, at least if we allow that the virtues of one gender also
   apply to the other ... Why would it be more necessary for a man to
   learn than a woman? Without philosophy, neither men nor women can
   be well-mannered. Because philosophy is the exercise of justice,
   nothing else. (16)

According to Atanasijevic, Rufus wrote "two fragments about women, which are so modern that they can be applied even today." (17) Atanasijevic's interest in applied philosophy through an excavation of ancient texts on gender equality became a foundation for interwar feminism. This approach allowed her to view contemporary social issues through the lens of the classics. This philosophical position made her a pioneer. It also created a dangerous divide between her work and that of her colleagues.

In 1927, Atanasijevic expanded her discourse to the issue of creativity within the social structure of her time: "By excluding an entire, certainly more sensitive and kinder gender from the creative endeavors of society and the state, an immense human resource has remained untapped ... a neglected creative force--that of women." (18) The issues of creativity, access to education, and avenues through which to contribute to culture came to the forefront in her work. It may also have been a reaction to the changes that she witnessed in her own institution: "From 1926 to 1927 the student body of the University of Belgrade consisted of 4,688 men and 1,235 women, while in the Arts Faculty there were 707 women and 469 men." (19) This shift in the student body was not reflected, however, in the demographics of the faculty--which remained almost completely male.

In 1929, on the tenth anniversary of the Serbian women's movement, Atanasijevic, although hopeful about the prospects for change within her culture, was also frustrated by the slow evolution of the movement. By this time there was a palpable backlash against achievements in the realm of women's rights. Many female activists, whom Atanasijevic described as "selflessly continuing to work creatively under the lash of the whip," (20) experienced discrimination and retaliation from male colleagues. As if anticipating her own professional and personal struggles, Atanasijevic wrote:
   with their deeply rooted salutary faith, our best, often badly
   abused feminists will find the strength to lay the foundations of a
   more ethical and fairer life, so that no destructive force, no
   perfidious dreams will be able to hold back the unfolding
   historical imperative that comes with the evolution of all
   expressions of life and all beings therein. (21)

Atanasijevic's social activism came at a heavy professional price. Ostracized by her male colleagues, she became a scapegoat in 1936 when she was fired from her academic position. Atanasijevic fought the accusations and the dismissal in a series of humiliating public hearings. (22) Coming to her defense during the hearings were some of the leading figures of Belgrade intellectual and literary life.

The poet Rastko Petrovic (1898-1949), whose sister was noted female painter Nadezda Petrovic and Atanasijevic's childhood friend, called for her reinstatement and a retraction of the charges. Petrovic, associated with Le Corbusier's L'Esprit Nouveau in the 1920s and later with Zenit in Belgrade, was a longtime friend. He was a noted art critic who had spent much of the interwar period in Paris alongside some of the country's most prominent artists and writers. He attested to Atanasijevic's character and contributions to intellectual history. Zivojin Peric, a law professor and specialist on communal housing and gender issues, emphasized her contributions to the cause of women's emancipation. Sima Pandurovic (1883-1960) was perhaps Atanasijevic's most adamant defender. (23) Pandurovic was a poet, member of the

Symbolist movement, and founder of Misao literary magazine. He declared that "she has been accused at the plenum of the University Council of plagiarism by one member of the faculty who has not the remotest inkling of philosophy and who has unaccountably taken it on himself to defend that discipline from a genuine thinker." (24)

The female members of the Cvijeta Zuzoric Society also supported Atanasijevic and started a letter-writing campaign in her defense. The society was a gathering of intelligent women "with a task to promote interest for art and create conditions for its improvement and development." (25) Among the signers of the petition protesting the decision of Belgrade University were members of the managing board Stana Dordevic and Milica Spiridonovic, "ordinary" members Gita Predic and Angelina Odavic, and the secretary Vidosava Jevremovic. (26) Artists such as Beta Vukanovid and Zora Petrovic along with the poet Desanka Maksimovid also rallied around Atanasijevic. Together with 170 notable women of "free professions and public workers" (slobodnih profesija i javnih radnika), they signed a letter supporting Atanasijevic, which was published on 29 October 1935 in Vreme. Even this massive show of support, however, did not affect the university's decision.

Atanasijevic's tribulations were in the media like a Greek tragedy. Politika, Belgrade's daily newspaper, published three articles on Atanasijevic's hearings in 1935. In the same year, Pravda and Vreme published four of Atanasijevic's responses to the hearings. Atanasijevic was also supported by her students, who "were always on my side, they were always very gentle towards me and they respected me. My lectures and my work in philosophy, which has always been my life, were my consolation." (27) Even with this groundswell of public support, she was never reinstated. Her request to enter early retirement at the age of 42 was also rejected.

Following the hearings, Atanasijevic was only able to find work as an inspector for the Ministry of Education, a position for which she was vastly overqualified. Nonetheless, she continued writing and lecturing. In June of 1936, she traveled to Athens to give a lecture which had been announced in Politika, the oldest daily newspaper in the Balkans. Founded in 1904 by Vladislav Ribnikar, it showcased the works of Ivo Andric, Branislav Nusic, Mona Pijada, and other notable thinkers from the Balkans.

Atanasijevic's personal and professional challenges contributed to her most innovative writing on the female condition. She continued her work as a contributor to Zivot i rad (Life and Work), published in Belgrade from 1928 to 1941 under the direction of Milan Pajic. Her essay "The Feminist Movement and Its Leaders," published in the July/August 1938 issue, describes the personal sacrifices that are necessary for the good of the women's movement. She mentions "the cruel historical injustices" and the required "sacrifices, which every struggle invariably presumes." (28) Atanasijevic writes that "the women's movement must be led by people who subordinate their personal to the general interest, who work selflessly and out of conviction, ready for any sacrifice, and not for material gain." (29)

In the late 1930s, Atanasaijevic began giving public lectures at Kolarac National University (Kolarcev narodni univerzitet) in Belgrade. The lectures were financed by a generous donation from Ilija Milosavljevic Kolarac in 1932. Kolarac University did not award degrees but was a site that hosted lectures, concerts, and exhibitions on topics in the arts and sciences. Aleksandar Belic, professor of philology and linguistics, who had been educated in Belgrade, Moscow, and Odessa, directed the organization. His most enduring contribution came in 1954 when he advocated for the unification of the Serbian and Croatian languages. Atanasijevic's talks between 1936 and 1941 were popular and included "Morals of the Stoics" (1937), "Chinese Philosophy" (1937), and "Eternal Life" (1938). This part-time employment provided her with a modest income and the opportunity to continue sharing her great intellect with eager students.

In 1936, she published articles in the Jewish newspaper on the dangers of Hitler and anti-Semitism. The Jewish community in Belgrade goes back many centuries and includes the 1879 establishment of the Baruh Brothers Choir-the oldest Jewish choir that is still in existence today. In 1938 Atanasijevic began giving public lectures at the Jewish reading room in Belgrade. These activities led to her arrest and imprisonment by the Gestapo in 1942.

Atanasijevic began writing art criticism in 1936, when she published a piece on Zora Popovic, a female artist who had an exhibition at the "Cvijeta Zuzoric" pavilion in Belgrade. Popovic (1902-78) graduated from the Academy of Art in Belgrade in 1926 before going on to study at the Scandinavian Academy in Paris (1927-29). An exceptional draftsman, she specialized in portraits and street scenes. In 1937, Atanasijevic published a review of the L'Exposition Internationale in Pads. This highly political exhibition showcased Picasso's Guernica in the Spanish pavilion, the German pavilion designed by Albert Speer, Hitler's architect, and the newly constructed Musee de l'Homme (formerly the ethnographic collection in the Trocadero) in Paris. Among the Serbian artists in attendance was Predrag Peda Milosavljevic (1908-89), a Renaissance man--a lawyer, artist, and dramaturg from Kragujevac--who was awarded the Grand Prix that year.

On 25 April 1946 Atanasijevic was imprisoned for a month by the postwar communist regime. Her release from prison was followed by a ban on her books from January 1947 until April 1952. Two years later she became a contributor to Republika as well as a regular speaker at Kolarac University. However, at that point in her life and within the postwar regime, she no longer felt comfortable as a public intellectual.

During the last few years of her life, Atanasijevic focused on translating philosophical works from German, English, French, Latin, and Ancient Greek. She continued to publish her translations until 1973. In 1981, Atanasijevic died in Belgrade at the age of 87. She made many lasting contributions to the field of philosophy, and her struggle for women's rights has provided us with a written record of the challenges and triumphs of Serbian women in their quest for equality and educational opportunities.

Anna Novakov

Saint Mary's College of California

* Research for this essay was conducted while I was a 2011-12 visiting scholar at the Institute of Slavic, East European and Eurasian Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. I would like to thank Dr. Jeffrey Pennington, Executive Director of ISEEES, for facilitating my access to the Slavic archives at the university. This essay was completed during the 2012-13 academic year while I was a visiting scholar at the Beatrice Bain Research Group at the University of California, Berkeley.

(1) Professor Tihomir Dordevic welcomed Ksenija Atanasijevic to her new position at the university in January 1924 with this greeting. It is something that she remembered and referenced often during her turbulent professional life.

(2) Ljubinka Trgovcevic, Planirana Elita: O studentima iz Srbije na Evropskim univerzitetima u 19. veku (Belgrade: Istorijski institut, Sluzbeni glasnik, 2003), 297.

(3) Poleksia Dimitrijevic-Stosic, Posela u starom Beogradu (Belgrade, 1965), 68.

(4) Radina Vucetic, "The Emancipation of Women in Interwar Belgrade and the 'Cvijeta Zuzoric' Society," in Gender Relations in South Eastern Europe: Historical Perspectives on Womanhood and Manhood in the 19th and 20th Century, ed. Miroslav Jovanovic and Slobodan Naumovic, Ideje, vol. 4 (Belgrade: Udruzenje za drustvenu istoriju; Graz: Institut fur Geschichte der Universitat Graz, 2002), 145,; and Dimitrijevic-Stosic, Posela u starom Beogradu, 75.

(5) Neda Bozinovic, Zensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku (Belgrade, 1994), 113-16.

(6) Milica Krstic, "Uredjenje Beograda," Zenskipokret 7, no. 5 (May 1926): 164.

(7) Ruth Trouton, Peasant Renaissance in Yugoslavia 1900-1950: A Study of the Development of Yugoslav Peasant Society as Affected by Education (London: Routledge, 2002), 110-11.

(8) Susan L. Woodward, "The Rights of Women: Ideology, Policy, and Social Change in Yugoslavia," in Women, State, and Party in Eastern Europe, ed. Sharon L. Wolchik and Alfred G. Meyer (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1985), 239.

(9) Trouton, Peasant Renaissance in Yugoslavia, 111.

(10) Svetic, "Building A Room of One's Own: An Insight into the Origins of Women Architects in Serbia" (paper, 6th annual conference of the Institute for Advanced Studies on Science, Technology and Society, "Critical Issues in Science and Technology Studies," Graz, Austria, 24-25 May 2007), of-One-s-Own-An-Insight-into-the-Origins-of-Women-Architects-in- Serbia, 2-3; and Ljubinka Trgovcevic, "Zene kao deo elite u Srbiji u 19. veku: Otvaranje pitanja," in Dijalog povjesnicara-istoricara, ed. Hans-Georg Fleck and Igor Graovac, vol. 5, (Zagreb: Centar za politoloska istrazivanja, 2002), br/7077.pdf, 258. This book is a compilation of presentations and papers delivered at the 5th International Congress of "Dijalog povjesnicara-istoricara," held 2-4 March 2001 in Herceg Novi.

(11) Mita Dordevic, "Sta trazimo od zena," Zena 1, no. 1 (1911), 17-18.

(12) Timothy O. Benson, Central European Avant-Gardes: Exchange and Transformation, 1910 1930 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2002), 282.

(13) Ksenija Atanasijevic, "On the Emancipation of Women in Plato," Zenski pokret, October 1923: 340-44, Also found in Ljiljana Vuletic, ed., Ksenija Atanasijevic: Etika Feminizma, Edicija Ogledi, vol. 11 (Belgrade: Helsinki odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji, 2008).

(14) Milos Trivunac, quoted in Slobodanka Ast, "Kult slobode licnosti," Dnevni list Danas, Kniga Danas, _id=148854&action=print.

(15) Ljiljana Blagojevic, Modernism in Serbia: The Elusive Margins of Belgrade Architecture, 1919-1941 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003), 258.

(16) Atanasijevic, "A Feminist of Ancient Times," Pravda (Belgrade), 1-3 May 1926,

(17) Ibid.

(18) Atanasijevic, "The Ethical Underpinnings of Feminism," Zenski pokret, 1 March 1927: 1,

(19) Celia Hawkesworth, Voices in the Shadows: Women and Verbal Art in Serbia and Bosnia (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2000), 162.

(20) Atanasijevic, "A Few Feminist Thoughts," Pivot i rad, November 1929: 901-04,

(21) Ibid., 904.

(22) According to Atanasijevic, "Velika univerzitetska sala bila je dupke puna studenata i beogradskog sveta, tako da smo petorica mojih ispitivaca i ja jedva disali." Quoted in Slobodanka Ast, "Zivot i misao Ksenije Atanasijevic," Vreme, no. 748, 5 May 2005,

(23) Iva Nenic, "Ksenija Atanasijevic," in Biographical Dictonary of Women's Movements and Feminisms in Central, Eastern, and South Eastern Europe: 19th and 20th Centuries, ed. Francisca de Haan, Krasimira Daskalova, and Anna Loutfi (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2006), 43.

(24) "Govor g. S. Pandurovica na siroj konferenciji intelektualaca i javnih radnika za pravdu dr. Kseniji Atanasijevic," Zivot i rad 22, no. 146 (November 1935): 593.

(25) Vreme, 5 February 1922. Cited in Vucetic, "The Emancipation of Women in Interwar Belgrade," 144.

(26) "Izjava zena slobodnih profesija i javnih radnica povodom slucaja gdjice Dr Ksenije Atanasijevic," Zivot i rad 22, no. 145 (1 November 1935): 572. Cited in Vucetic, "The Emancipation of Women in Interwar Belgrade," 150-51.

(27) Atanasijevic, quoted in Ast, "Zivot i misao Ksenije Atanasijevic."

(28) Atanasijevic, "The Feminist Movement and Its Leaders," Zivot i rad, July/August 1938: 37 38,

(29) Ibid.
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Author:Novakov, Anna
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Date:Jan 1, 2011
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