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John Bcllenden's Livy and the tools of translation.


This essay focuses on the earliest extant translation of Livy in the British Isles, namely John Bellenden's (f. 1495- 1545x8) reworking of the first pentad into Scots. Drawing on neglected archival sources, this research posits the edition of Livy from which Bellenden was working as well as establishing the hermeneutic tools to which he turned to complete the project. By uncovering Bellenden's engagement with continental scholarship, this piece sheds further light on the links between humanists in Scotland and their European counterparts.


In around 1533, John Bellenden (c. 1495-1545x8), archdeacon of Moray, completed the earliest extant translation of Livy into English. (1) The translation, commissioned by James V (1512 - 1542) , reworked the first five books of Livy's Ab Urbe Condita (hereafter AUC), a period of Roman history spanning from the city's legendary foundation by Romulus and Remus to its sack by the Gauls in 390 BC. (2) The Livy project followed fast on the heels of Bellenden's translation (also commissioned by James) of Hector Boece's (c. 1465-1536) Scotorum Historia (1527), a history of the Scots which was itself drawing on Livy's history of Rome. (3) Though some critical attention has been paid to the Boece translation, Bellenden's Livy remains relatively unstudied. (4) John MacQueen included an analysis of Bellenden's Livy in a chapter on the development of humanist interests in Scottish literature. (5) Cornelia Jumpertz-Schwab has conducted a rich, comparative study on the influence of Latin lexis and syntax on sixteenth century Scots via translation with an eye to Bellenden's translations of Boece and Livy. (6) Most recendy, John Leeds examined the Livy translation in Renaissance Syntax and Subjectivity, comparing close readings of Bellenden with the works of two later historiographers, John Knox (c. 1514-1572) and George Buchanan (1506-1582). (7) There has not, however, been any serious attempt to identify the version of Livy which Bellenden was using, or to establish the lexicographical resources which he had at his disposal. This essay argues that Bellenden depended for the most part on a print edition of the AUC, specifically one prepared by the prolific Jodocus Badius Ascensius (1462-1535). Though there has been some speculation as to the version of Livy to which Bellenden had recourse, this essay offers hitherto unexplored evidence that points to an Ascensius edition. (8) To help navigate this 'ocean, untouched and untried', Bellenden also turned to the proto-dictionaries of Niccolo Perotti (1429-1480) and Ambrogio Calepino (c. 143 5-1509/10), echoes of which can be heard throughout his translation of Livy. (9) Through a close examination of the manuscript witnesses of the Livy translation, this study thereby uncovers the hermeneutic tools which allowed Bellenden to complete his project.

Through the work of Victoria Moul, Edward Paleit, and Wilson-Okamura, the early-modern afterlives of the Roman poets have received some detailed attention in recent years. (10) Some recent work has also been undertaken on Livy in particular, exploring his presence in Shakespeare's Macbeth as well as his role in the English querelle des femmes. (11) This article focuses on a much earlier engagement with Livy north of the border, one which seeks to shed new light on how Scottish humanists were engaging with continental scholarship.

Bellenden's translation of Livy survives in three manuscript witnesses. The earliest of these is preserved at the British Library (MS Add 36, 678). Salvaged from the binding of an early Scottish print, this was presented to the British Museum by George Reid in 1903. This fragmentary copy includes sections from the first and third books and preserves the working of both an amanuensis and Bellenden himself. This is a rough version of the translation, with frequent deletions and additions and reveals, as Ryoko Harikae observes, a work very much in progress. (12) This copy also contains a series of marginal notes, written in both Latin and Scots, explaining loan words found in the main text and pointing the reader to comparable moments in other classical works, most frequently to the Memorable Doings and Sayings of Valerius Maximus and to Ovid's Fasti.

The second manuscript witness is held at the National Library of Scotland (Adv.MS.18.3.12), the composition of which E. A. Sheppard dated as 'not later than 1538. (13) This is a fair copy of the translation. All five books are extant here except the last chapter of the fifth book. In terms of provenance, the manuscript was once in the hands of an 'A. Home', who provided his own translation of the missing chapter along with some verse on Bellenden's achievement. (14) At some point, the manuscript was held at Stichill School near Kelso on the Scottish borders. (15) Only minor emendations have been made to this copy, and for the most part these are corrections to scribal slips. Only occasionally do they involve a significant change in meaning. Many of the glosses which appear in the BL MS have also been incorporated here, although intriguingly they are now entirely in Latin. The margins of this manuscript have been trimmed in the rebinding process and thus the glosses preserved in the Advocates MS exist only in fragmentary form. (16) The last witness, known as the Boyndlie MS, is now at the University of Aberdeen (MS 2740/box 63). William Craigie dated the composition of this copy as between 1550 and 1560 (and therefore after Bellenden's death) and identified 'no less than eleven' different hands at work. (17) Unlike the earlier witnesses, the Boyndlie manuscript does not include marginal glosses, nor the verse 'prologue' which prefaces the Advocates MS. The situation is comparable to Douglas's Eneados, where the notes accompanying Prologue 1 and Book 1 appear only in the Trinity Manuscript. (18) If there was once a presentation copy of Bellenden's Livy, as there is with the Boece translation, it has not survived.

There has been some confusion surrounding the marginal glosses which appear in the BL and Advocates manuscripts. The presence of these glosses in the Advocates MS has not so much been ignored by scholars as altogether denied, most probably because they were not included by William Craigie in his modern edition of Bellenden's Livy. (19) These glosses are, however, very much a feature of both the BL and Advocates manuscripts and offer vital clues as to the resources which Bellenden had at his disposal.


Between the editio princeps of 1469 and Bellenden's translation of 1533, no fewer than fifty-five editions of Livy had appeared in print across Europe. During this period, multiple vernacular translations were also produced. (20) Unusually for a classical text published during this period, a printed commentary did not yet exist for Livy. (21) Nicholas Trevet (d. after 1334) wrote a commentary on the first and third decades, though this was never printed. (22) Petrarch had annotated and edited his copy of Livy, yet it is not clear how far his readings were disseminated. (23) Andrea Bussi, bishop of Aleria and editor of the editio princeps, mentions Petrarch favourably in the dedicatory epistle as Livy's foremost 'praelector' ('lecturer' or 'expounder') in recent years. As he explains, however, he has heard of Petrarch's teaching only in passing ('quod fando accepi'). (24) Machiavelli's Discorsi, a series of topics inspired by his reading of the first decade, were printed in 1531 at Firenze. (25) Though it is not impossible that these reached Scotland in the first half of the sixteenth century, Bellenden has left no indication that he was familiar with them. (26) The first substantial commentaries on Livy, prepared by Beatus Rhenanus (1485-1547) and Sigismundus Gelenius (c. 1498-1554), did not appear until 1535, when they were printed alongside the Basel edition of the history. (27) These were Annotationes and were concerned less with matters of style and content and more with the problems of textual transmission. Therefore, unlike Gavin Douglas who could turn, as Priscilla Bawcutt has shown, to the commentaries of Servius (active fourth century AD), Cristoforo Landino (1424-1504), and Ascensius, there was no such guide available to Bellenden. (28) What we do find in these early editions, however, are the attempts of Livy's first editors in print to restore the text to what they see as a classical standard. The medieval manuscripts extant, with the exception of the Codex Veronensis, descend from what is known as 'the Nicomachean Recension', the efforts of the Nicomachi to edit Livy in the fifth century AD. Consistently when the early print editions diverge from the consensus of the [N] manuscripts, these changes resurface in Bellenden's translation. (29) In his 1491 Venice edition of Livy, the historian and humanist Marcantonio Coccio Sabellicus (1436-1506) introduced a series of textual emendations which he defended in the Breuissimae in 'Livium Annotations prefacing his version of the text. (30) In one such instance, Sabellicus tackles the Verginia episode, found in the third book of the history. According to the manuscript tradition, it is Verginia's 'avus' ('grandfather') who appears at the scene to defend her. Thus Pierre Bersuire in his fourteenth-century translation refers to 'P. Numitori/tf qui estoit ayeul de la dicte pucelle'. (31) Sabellicus, however, by collating Livy with the Roman Antiquities of Dionysius Halicarnassus, offers 'avunculus' ('uncle') instead, an alteration which Bellenden reproduces in his translation: 'uncle to bis Virgine'; 'baith Icelius hir spouss and Numitorius hir uncle.' " Similar examples can be produced.' This suggests that it was primarily a print edition produced in the wake of Sabellicus's Annotationes which Bellenden consulted.

The cultural and intellectual context from which Bellenden's translation emerged points to the editions prepared by Jodocus Badius Ascensius, the Flemish printer based in Paris whom Paul White refers to as 'one of the major driving forces of the Renaissance in France'. (34) Between 1510 and 1531, Ascensius edited five editions of the A UC. n He prefaced these with the Epitome of Florus, an index, Sabellicus's Annotationes (Ascensius also reproduced Sabellicus's changes to the text proper), his own Isagoge ('introduction') to the history, consisting of eleven precepts for reading Livy's history, an Explanatio primi proamii ('explanation of the first proem') along with the X'ocabulorum. Eiuianorum Explanatio Ascensiana ('Ascensius's interpretation of Livy's vocabulary'). In the 1513 edition, Ascensius increased these precepts from eleven to twenty and expanded the Explanatio. As he explains at the end of his glossary, 'these are the words which, while I was going through Livy again, because I thought they wouldn't reveal themselves to everyone upon the first reading, I reckoned I should explain in a few words'. (36) Thus we find entries on the martial (e.g. scutum, aries, stipendia facere), religious (flamen, sacrificium lustrale, Elicius Iuppiter) and political (candidati, ambitio, plebiscitum). These words are also marked out in the text proper by an asterisk to alert the reader that a definition is available in the Explanatio. Unlike his commentary editions, however, which came replete with running commentary written by Ascensius himself, Ascensius's editions of Livy are relatively bare (figure 1). The margins include short summaries of the action in the main text for ease of consultation, but nothing to compare to his extremely detailed familiaris interpretatio which appears alongside his edition of Sallust (1504; a further eighteen editions of Sallust were printed with Ascensius's commentary between 1506 and 1590). (37) Here Ascensius places a short passage of the original text to the left of the page, while he devotes the vast majority of space to his own commentary.

It would be difficult to overstate the importance of Ascensius to the development of humanist learning in Scotland. By printing John Mair's (,c. 1467-1550) Historia Maioris Britannia (1521) and Hector Boece's Scotorum Historia (1527), he had helped to nurture an interest in Scottish historiography in the years preceding Bellenden's translations. Ascensius was also responsible for printing Boece's glossary of logic, the Explicatio Quorundam Vocabulorum (1519) along with the Episcoporum Vitae (1522), Boece's biography of Aberdonian bishops. In 1522, Ascensius also printed John Vaus's (c. 1484-f. 1539) Rudimenta Puerorum in Artem Grammaticam, a textbook intended for use at an Aberdeen grammar school. (38) This represents only a small sample of the works printed by Ascensius of Scottish authorship. (39) As detailed above, Gavin Douglas consulted an Ascensius edition of Vergil for his translation of the Aeneid, and, as Harikae has noted, at least one copy of an Ascensius Livy with a specifically Scottish provenance has survived. (40) The previous generation of Scottish intellectuals had thus fostered significant links with this Parisian printer. It is not unreasonable to conjecture that Bellenden may have followed their example.

But the internal evidence provided by the Bellenden manuscripts also points to Ascensius. Both the glosses that accompany the translation and the translation itself indicate that Bellenden was using an Ascensian edition. In the third book, a holiday is proclaimed at Rome when ''[mon]y vncouth and strange mervellis' suddenly appear in the sky, 'teribill to ?e sicht of man'. " As Livy explains, 'his auertendis terroribus in triduum feriae indictae'. ~ In the earliest, rough copy version, Bellenden reproduces this as: '[To] remove b[ir] terrouris was institut b [begin strikethrough]sacrifice feriall[end strikethrough] [continew]ing thre dayis to gidder.' (43) Here his initial translation of 'feriae' as 'sacrifice feriall' has been scored through and replaced with the Latinate 'feries' in the margin, a reading which is reproduced in the later, Advocates MS: 'to remove jsir terrouris war institute feries continewing thre dayis toggidw'. (44) A gloss in Scots has also been introduced in the margin of the BL MS: 'feries war callit halij days in quhilkis be peple cessit fra mechanik & crafty lawbour'. (45) The phrasing here borrows directly from Ascensius's entry for feriae in the Explanation: 'Ferine sunt cessations ab opere moechanico indictae: vt festiuis & taetis vacemus,' from which Bellenden has derived 'mechanik & crafty lawbour'. (46) So too in the Advocates MS, a gloss on feries in the first book rehearses Ascensius's phrasing. (47)

At another moment in the third book, Bellenden includes a gloss on 'candidate'. (48) Here the main text of the BL manuscript has 'It wes all ways vncertane quheder bis appius suld be nomerit amang b x men or amang b candidatis'. (49) This was subsequently reproduced in the fair copy without alteration. The margin of the BL copy offers the following definition, 'Candidate war callit new litis afore bare election to ony office or dignite. Sic personis war clothit in quhit vesture to signify bare Innocente & clene lif but onv spot of Cry me'. (50) "Ascensius had offered a very similar account in the Explanatio, ' est. candidis vestimentis induti erant magistratuum competitores: vt se innocentes & pura intentione, & nullis suis meritis petere significent'. (51) There is both a visual and etymological resonance between Bellenden's 'to signify bare Innocente & clene lif and Ascensius's 'vt se innocefftes [...] significent'. Once again Bellenden can be seen to be using the Explanatio to unpack the technical nuances of Livy's vocabulary.

Ascensius's Explanatio is also responsible for an apparent slip in Bellenden's translation. At the climax of the first book, Lucretia summons her husband home following her attack. Livy includes a brief dialogue between the two:
quaerentique uiro 'Satin salue?' 'Minime' inquit: 'quid enim salui
est mulieri amissa pudicitia? Vestigia uiri alieni, Collatine, in lecto
sunt tuo. (52)

For which Bellenden gives,
'quhen hir husband had demandit gif all thingis war sauf, scho
anwuerit, "nay; For na thing may be sauf to ane woman quhen hir
chastitie & womanhede Is gane. O collatyne, b>e futesteppis of ane
uthirman ar left in thy bed.' (53)

Though vestigia in its primary sense suggests 'futesteppis', Livy appeals here to a secondary, figurative sense, that is, 'traces', a meaning which Bellenden appears to have missed. The phrase 'satine salve' is an abbreviation of 'satis ne salve', where 'salve' is used adverbially and the absent 'agis' is understood--essentially 'are you well?' For this, Bellenden gives the literal 'gif all thing war sauf'. He may have been unfamiliar with the archaic phrase, found as it is almost exclusively in the comedies of Plautus and Terence. (54) It is likely, however, that he was prompted to this translation by Ascensius's gloss in the Explanatio, in which he refers to this very moment by way of example:
'Salute nomew est. now verbum neque aduerbium cum dicitwr ab
aduentante: satin saluae. id est. satis ne sunt res salute: vnde
respo/zdet Lucretia: minime sup. salute sunt. Quid enim salui est
mulieri / amissa pudicitia?' (55)

Working from Ascensius's definition, Bellenden thus gives 'thingis [...] sauf' for the apparently hidden 'res [...] saluae'. The phrase proved less problematic to Livy's later translators in England. In William Painter's (1540?-1595) version of the same passage, Collatinus asks his wife more idiomatically 'whether all thvnges were well'. (56) So too Philemon Holland (1552-1637) offered a more colloquial turn in his translation of 1600, 'How now my deere (quoth her husband) is all well?' (57) Painter and Holland may well have encountered this moment (and the idiomatic challenges it poses) during the formative years of their education. As Baldwin notes, Livy was a popular choice of reading material in the grammar schools of England. (58) Conversely, the grammar prepared by John Vaus for schoolboys in Aberdeen cites Livy on only one occasion. (59)

Bellenden then was most probably working with a version of Livy printed by Ascensius. It is clear from his translation and from the glosses that accompany it that Bellenden was relying on Ascensius's prefatory material to negotiate the more complex items of Livy's vocabulary. But the Explanatio was far from exhaustive, and Bellenden would have to turn to other, richer sources as he grappled with the Latin original.


In the final years of his life, Niccolo Perotti, humanist and archbishop of Siponto, completed the Cornucopia, a vast, word-by-word commentary on Martial. The work boasted remarkably detailed entries, drawing illustrative quotations from classical and ecclesiastical authors alike on an impressive range of topics, from ancient religious ceremonies to the minutiae of political life at Rome. The Cornucopia was printed posthumously at Venice in 1489 and soon became a popular reference work, used more as a dictionary than a commentary on Martial. Thus the title page of the 1510, Paris edition presents the Cornucopia first and foremost as an Opus Commentariorum Ungues Tatinae ('a work of commentaries on the Latin language'), while Martial is mentioned only halfway down the page.' (60) As Martine Furno notes, thirty-eight editions of the Cornucopia appeared between 1489 and 1536, and some of these had made their way into Scottish hands. (61)

At first glance, the majority of the glosses which appear alongside Beilenden's Livy appear to have been taken from the Cornucopia. Matters are complicated, however, by the fact that Perotti's definitions were rehearsed almost verbatim by Ambrogio Calepino in his Dictionarium, which was first printed in 1502 and thus also predates Bellenden's translation. " Calepino's dictionary, which would ultimately supplant the Cornucopia, thrived as a reference work for almost three centuries. (63) Though borrowing heavily from Perotti's work, Calepino also incorporated new definitions, not least for the Scots, who are glossed as polygamous cannibals. (64) Bellenden's namesake, Sir John Bellenden (d.1576), justice clerk, owned a copy of Calepino, namely the 1540, Lyon edition printed by Sebastian Gryphe. (65) Calepino's first appearance in France was due to none other than Ascensius, who prepared the Dictionarium for publication in 1509 (a further eight editions of Ascensius's version of the Dictionarium were published between 1510 and 1526). (66) This link with the Parisian printer notwithstanding, Bellenden's glosses tend to follow Perotti's phrasing more closely than they do Calepino's, though the difference is admittedly slight. It is not improbable that Bellenden had access to both reference works.

The marginal glosses which accompany the BL and Advocates manuscripts point for the most part to Perotti. In the first book of Livy's history, Numa Pompilius, the second king of Rome (to whom James V was compared on at least one occasion), founds a series of religious rites by way of imposing discipline on the Roman people. (67) Machiavelli praises the political utility of Numa's actions in the Discorsi, remarking that 'it will be evident to anyone who carefully examines Roman history how useful religion was in controlling the armies, in giving courage to the plebeians, in keeping men good, and in shaming the wicked'. (68) To bolster the authority of his innovations, Livy's Numa alleges that he has received divine instruction from the nymph Egeria:
'omnium primum, rem ad multitudinem imperitam et illis saeculis rudem
efficacissimam, deorum metum iniciendum ratus est. Qui cum descendere
ad animos sine aliquo commento miraculi non posset, simulat sibi cum
dea Egeria congressus nocturnos esse; eius se monitu quae acceptissima
dis essent sacra instituere, sacerdotes suos cuique deorum
praeficere'. (69)

For which Bellenden gives in the BL MS:
'he thocht maist profitable to Induce be rude and symple pepill in
bai days to Religion and dredour of goddis. And becaus nowthir Jie
wencratioun of Religioun nor 3it be dredour of goddis myct synk
nor be Imprentit ony ways in be hartis of his pepill but sum New
Inuentioun of vncouth miracle or sic thingis (quhilkis war abone [le
commoun and naturall operatioune of man) he fenjeit at he had
familiare cumpany on be nycht with be goddess egeria, & by hir
avyse he wald Institute certane divyne sacrifice quhilkw suld be
maist acceptable to be goddis, and wald found and limete diuers
preistis to beire sperciall charge and curis of bir sacrifices'. (70)

The margin next to this passage includes the following gloss: 'Egeria nimpha fuit cui pregnantes sacrificare solebant, quia eam putabant facile fetum ex alyo egerere'. (71) Next to the same passage in the Advocates MS, there remains a fragmentary gloss with a similar phrasing: 'egeria nimfpha] ... cui preg[nantes] sacrifica[re]... (72) Both glosses are clearly drawing on the definition offered by Perotti: 'Egeria Nympha cui sacrificare pregnantes solebant: quia eam putabant facile foetum aluo egerere'. (73) This subsequently appeared in Calepino as, 'Egeria: nympha cui sacrificabant praegnantes: quia earn putabant facile factum aluo egerere'. (74) Though the Perotti and Calepino entries are practically identical, the inclusion of the verb solere in the British Library MS points more obviously to Perotti. In the same section of Livy, Numa founds the priestly college of Salii for the worship of Mars: 'Salios item duodecim Marti Gradiuo legit tunicaeque pictae insigne dedit et super tunicam aeneum pectori tegumen caelestiaque arma, quae ancilia appellantur, ferre ac per urbem ire canentes carmina cum tripudiis sollemnique saltatu iussit'. (75) For which the BL manuscript gives:
'Attore, he dedicat xij priestis namit salis to be honoure of mars
gradius, and gaif to bame abulementis paintit in manere of cote
armouris, commanding Jiame to bere abone bare cote armouris certane
targis of brass namit ancilia, bat is to saye be hevynlie armour. and
als commandit bat bir priestis sail pab throw pe stretis of be tovne
singand melodius sangis with solempne dansing and leping'. (76)

Here Bellenden has introduced the chivalric 'cote armouris', that is, coats of arms. Douglas, translating Virgil's 'arma uiri [...] exuuiasque omnis' had also harnessed the phrase, 'Hys cote armour, and other clethyng all' (IV.9.49). (77) Bellenden inverts the order of Livy's internal gloss on the decorative armour carried by the Salii--'caelestiaque arma, quae ancilia appellantur' - with 'ancilia, Jsat is to saye be hevynlie armour'. The margin of the BL manuscript provides a more detailed definition, which slips seamlessly from Scots into Latin: 'ancile vas ane round targe bat fell out of Jse air in Jse towne of rome in [se tyme of numa pompilius; & quia in eo pendebat so[rs] Romani imperii ideo undecem facta sunt ancilia (ne illud subtraheretur in quo fatum urbis fuit)'. (78) At the foot of the same page, there features another gloss on the same, though this has been partially cut off: 'Ancile scutum erat breue quod regnante nvma pompilio cum pestilens esset annus e celo cecidisse fertur, ideo sic appellatum quia ex utroque latere erat [recisum]'. (79) It is the latter of these two glosses which resurfaces in the margin of the fair copy, Advocates MS. (80) All three annotations draw very closely from Perotti's entry for ancile:
Scutum breue fuit quod regnante Numa Pompilio: cum pestilens annus
esset e caelo cecidisse fertur: ideo appellatum quia ex vtroque latere
erat recisum & summum: infimumque eius latus medio pateret [.] Ea
tempore vna simul vox audita est: omnium potentissimam fore ciuitatem:
quamdiu in ea mansisset. Itaque facta sunt eiusdem generis plura:
quibus admisceretur ne internosci caeleste posset. (81)

From this we can see that the second of the BL glosses, which was subsequently reproduced in the fair copy, follows Perotti's phrasing precisely, though with a slightly different word order. Calepino offers a similar definition, but describes the shield as 'non rotundum' ('not round'), a detail which is contradicted by Bellenden's 'ane round targe'. (82) Once again then the glosses point most obviously to Perotti.

But Perotti's influence does not end with the transcription of particular definitions. As with Ascensius's Explanatio, the Cornucopia helped to shape the translation itself. In the first book, Livy refers briefly to the origin of Quirites, used in classical Latin as a synonym of Romani. According to Livy, it is as a mark of respect to the newly amalgamated Sabines that a Roman tribe is named Quirites after the Curii, a Sabine tribe: 'ut Sabinis tamen aliquid daretur, Quirites a Curibus appellati'.sBellenden, however, appeals to another etymology, 'jit be romanis, to mak baim sum part different fra be sabvnis, namit baim self quiritis, bat is to say, beraris of dartis'. (84) Bellenden derives Quirites not from Curii, as Livy does, but from the Sabine 'curis', meaning 'spear'. Perotti had associated Quirites with Curis in his commentary where he explains that 'Romulus Quirinus est dictus: quod hastam ferre solitus erat. A quo Romani quirites nuncupati'. (85) It is by Perotti and not Livy that the connection between Quirites and 'curis' is made.

By comparing the rough and fair copies of the translation, it also becomes apparent that Bellenden corrected his translation with recourse to Perotti." (86) Ryoko Llarikae has examined the progressive stages of Bellenden's translation, comparing Bellenden's various translations of the phrase 'peruenere ad tertium lapidem Gabina uia' ('they came to the third milestone on the Gabine Way'). (87) In his first attempt, as preserved in the rough copy, Bellenden misses the secondary sense of lapis, lapidem, that is 'milestone', and translates the phrase as a place name: 'The ennimess [...] come to ane place namyt be thrid stane in the gabyne [w]ay'. (88) This has been scored through, however, and Bellenden gives a gloss in the margin: 'thrid stane bat Is to say within iij myle to rome'. (89) When we come to the later, Advocates manuscript, we find that the correction has been preserved and the enemy 'come to the third stane in be gabyne way'. (90) This much has been demonstrated by Harikae. The gap between Bellenden's initial slip and subsequent correction can be filled by the Cornucopia. Here Perotti remarks of the phrase 'quartus lapis' that 'lapidibus enim apud veteres miliaria signabantur. quos: nuncque qunbusdam in locis aspicimus. vnde lapis aliquando pro miliari accipitur: vt cum dicimus ad terium lapidem, ad quartum lapidem'. (91) Calepino carried this same definition into his Dictionarium. (92) Here the first example given by Perotti - 'ad tertium lapidem' - matches Livy's phrasing exactly. Bellenden appears to have corrected his translation at a later stage with these dictionaries open before him. This might suggest that Bellenden gained access to the Perotti and Calepino only after the initial stages of his translation were complete. In this regard, it is telling that the lapis correction has also been made to the fair copy, Advocates MS, one of very few alterations to be made to this fair copy. (93)

Bellenden often preferred Perotti's phrasing to Calepino's, but Calepino's Dictionarium can nonetheless be shown to have left its mark on the Livy translation, albeit indirectly. This is because Ascensius relied on Calepino for some of the definitions which featured in his Explanatio. These definitions, lifted from Calepino, ultimately resurfaced in Bellenden's translation. Take, for instance, Bellenden's gloss on 'Verbena'. In the first book, Tullus Hostilius, third king of Rome, makes preparations for a treaty with the Albans. It is of special interest because, as Bellenden translates it, 'of ony vthir mare anciant band of confederacioun is na memorie'. (94) In the main text of Bellenden's translation, one of the ambassador priests tells his king, 'Deliver to me' (said the feciall) 'the herbe Namit verbane', rendering Livy's 'sagmina', inquit, 'te, rex, posco'. (95) It is not immediately clear why Bellenden has chosen to translate Livy's 'sagmina' (that is, the bundle of grass carried by the feciales representing their diplomatic immunity) as 'verbane', a Scotticised version of verbena (a branch used for religious and medicinal purposes).96 The gloss which appears beside this passage in the BL MS, however, is illuminating: 'Verbene was ane herbe fiat grew nocht bot in allowit places. It grew within be capitol, & with be samyn war crovnit be fecialis or faders patronatis quhen bai zid in ony solewne message'. (97) The phrasing here borrows from Ascensius's detailed entry for 'Sagmina' in the Explanatio, wherein he treats the words sagmen and verbena as interchangeable. The entire entry is actually lifted from two distinct definitions for sagmen and verbena in Calepino's Dictionarium. (98) It is Ascensius's paraphrase of Servius (as mediated through Calepino) that most obviously corresponds with Bellenden's gloss above: 'Seruius autem Verbena inquit proprie est herba sacra suupta de loco sacro capitolij qua coronabantur feciales & paterpatratus foedara facturi vel bella indicturi'. (99) It is possible that Bellenden took his gloss from Ascensius, Calepino or even directly from Servius, whose commentary on the Aeneid accompanied early editions of Vergil's epic, including those produced by Ascensius. However, the equation in the main text of Bellenden's translation of 'Verbene' with the Latin sagmina points persuasively to Ascensius's conflation of the two terms in the Explanatio.


Bellenden harnessed multiple resources when translating the first five books of Livy's AUC. He was working from an edition produced by one of France's most prolific printers, Jodocus Badius Ascensius, and made frequent use of Ascensius's Explanatio. Having furnished Douglas with an edition of the Aeneid, Ascensius thus continued to play a significant role in the way Scottish intellectuals accessed and reworked the classics. Bellenden also turned to the proto-dictionaries of Niccolo Perotti and Ambrogio Calepino, through which he negotiated Livy's semantic and lexical obscurities. By uncovering the hermeneutic tools to which Bellenden turned, as well as the ways in which these resources nuanced and altered his translation, the fundamentally experimental nature of the project emerges. Embarking on what is the earliest extant translation of Livy into English, Bellenden exploited the leading, linguistic resources of the day, incorporating as much detail and semantic precision as possible. In his attention to the philological demands of the source text, Bellenden thus demonstrated an intellectual vigour equal to that of his great humanist forbear, Gavin Douglas." (100) What remains to be explored is how these and similar reference works were being used by Bellenden's fellow humanists in sixteenth-century Scotland. Though Ascensius's role in shaping Douglas's Eneados has long been established, it is not unreasonable to assume that Douglas, like Bellenden, may also have consulted similar, philological works. It would be fruitful also to explore the role these dictionaries played in the literary debates which sprang up in the wake of the Reformation both north and south of the border, when finding the correct translation of a sacred or patristic text was a matter of spiritual salvation. A collection of fixed, authoritative definitions may well have been an attractive prospect to polemicists on either side of the religious divide. There is a need then for further study of how these philological tools contributed more widely to literary and religious cultures in the early modern period. What is clear, however, is that they enabled John Bellenden to complete a pioneering work of translation more than a decade before Livy's first appearance from a London press.

University of East A nglia


(1) Nicola Royan, 'Bellenden, John (c. 1495-1545x8)', Oxford Dictionary of National biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2006,, accessed 2 Sept 2014. For the dating of Bellenden's translation, see Craigie, 'introduction', in John Bellenden, Lily's History of Rome, 2 vols (Edinburgh and London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1901-1903) I, pp. vii-viii.

(2) In the 'proloug' addressed to James, Bellenden explains that he has undertaken the translation 'as ze commandit me'. The accounts of the Lord High Treasurer record a total of three payments made to Bellenden for the Livy translation. Bellenden, (1901-1903) I. p. 2; pp. vii-viii; p. 4.

(3) The presentation copy of Bellenden's Boece states that the history was 'translatit [...] at the desyre of the richt excellent, nobill, and michty prince, lames be Fyft'. Hector Boece, The Chronicles of Scotland, trans. John Bellenden (Edinburgh and London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1938) I.13. For Boece's reworking of Livy's history for the Scotorum Historia, see John-Mark Philo, 'Shakespeare's Macbeth and Livy's Legendary Rome', Review of English Studies, 67 (2016) pp. 250-74.

(4) Henry Summerson has recently referred to the Boece translation in a chapter on the sources of Holinshed's Chronicles: 'Sources: 1577', The Oxford Handbook of Holinshed's Chronicles, Paulina Kewes, lan W. Archer and Felicity Heal (eds) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), pp. 61-76 (75). Harikae has also discussed the Boece translation in her chapter 'Kingship and Imperial Ideas in the Chronicles of Scotland", Fresche Fontanis: Studies in the Culture of Medieval and Tarty Modern Scotland, (eds) Janet Hadley Williams and Derrick McClure (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013), pp. 217-29. Cf. Sally Mapstone, 'Shakespeare and Scottish Kingship: A Case History', The Rose and the Thistle, ed. Sally Mapstone and Juliette Wood (London: Tuckwell Press, 1998), pp. 158-93.

(5) John Macqueen, Humanism in Renaissance Scotland (Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press: 1990), pp. 10-31.

(6) Cornelia Jumpertz-Schwab, The Development of the Scots lexicon and Syntax in the Sixteenth Century under the Influence of Translation from Latin (Frankfurt: Peter Lang for Scottish Studies International, 1998).

(7) John C. Leeds, Renaissance Syntax and Subjectivity: Ideological Contents of Latin and the Vernacular in Scottish Prose Chronicles (Surrey: Ashgate, 2010), pp. 59-64.

(8) Ryoko Harikae named Ascensius in relation to the Livy translation in 'John Bellenden's Chronicles of Scotland', Unpublished D. Phil. Thesis (LTniversity of Oxford, 2010), p. 214.

(9) "intactum pelagus atque inexpertum." Andrea Bussi (editor of the editio princeps, 1417-1475). Livy, T. Liuii ab Urbe condita (Rome: K. Sweinheim and A. Pannartz, Rome, 1469), fol. 1.

(10) Victoria Moul, Jonson, Horace and the Classical Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010); Edward Paleit, War, Liberty, and Caesar: responses to Lucan's helium Ciuile, ca. 158O-165O (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013); David Wilson-Okamura, Virgil in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

(11) Philo, 'Shakespeare's Macbeth'; John-Mark Philo, 'Tudor Humanists, London Printers, and the Status of Women: The Struggle over Livy in the Querelle des Femmes', Renaissance Quarterly, 69.1 (2016), pp. 40-79.

(12) Harikae (2010) p. 211.

(13) John Bellenden, The Chronicles of Scotland, 2 vols, ed. Edith C. Batho and H. Winifred Husbands (Edinburgh and London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1938-1941) II. p. 148.

(14) 'Fyve buikes ar heir by Ballentyne translated / restis jet ane hundredth threttie fyve behind, / Quhilkes, if the samvn war als weill compleated, / wald be ane volume of ane monstrous bind. // Ilk man perfytes not quhat they ons intend, / so fraill and brittle ar our wretched dayes. / Let sume man then begine (.\ubax he doeth end, / giue him j">e first, tak [)ame |ie second praise, / No no! to Titus Liuius giue all, / That peirles prince for feitis historicall'. Bellenden (1901-03) II. p. 234, f.n. 1.

(15) On p. 168, an anonymous hand has written 'My hand at Stitchill school'.

(16) An annotation on Rome's population in the third book suggests, by the fact that it is intact and has been made to fit the new, trimmed margin, that the manuscript was first rebound at some point before 1678: '26 august 124224 persone Thomas Wieson 1678'. Adv. MS.18.3.12, p. 231.

(17) Bellenden (1901-3) I. pp. xi-xii.

(18) For Bellenden's imitation of Douglas, see Thomas Rutledge, 'Gavin Douglas and John Bellenden: Poetic Relations and Political Affiliations', luntgage Cleir lllumynate: Scottish Poetry from Harbour to Drummond, i)yy '6)0, ed. Nicola Royan (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2007), pp. 93-113.

(19) John Macqueen, referring to the notes which appear alongside the BL rough copy, states that 'no trace of [them] appears in the more complete versions.' Following Macqueen, Harikae remarks that 'it is hard to know why these glosses are not found in the Advocates MS or in the Bovndlie MS.' John Macqueen, p. 14; Harikae (2010), p. 213.

(20) Pierre Bersuire's (d. 1362) translation of Livy was first printed in i486 at Paris by Antoine Caillaut as l*es Decades. Pedro de la Vega's Las Qtiator^e Decadas de Tito Liuio was printed in 1520 and dedicated to Emperor Charles V (1500-1558). An Italian version of Livy including translations ascribed to Giovanni Boccaccio (1315-1375) was first printed at Rome in 1476, while a German translation was first printed at Mainz in 1505.

(21) As Howard Jones notes, by the end of the fifteenth century, 'there are barely a half dozen major Latin writers whose works have not been printed with commentary'. Howard Jones, Printing the Classical Text (Utrecht: Hes & De Graaf Publishers, 2004), p. 88. The early editions were, however, prefaced with the Epitome, a book-by-book synopsis of the A UC written by Florus.

(22) A. H. McDonald, 'Livius, Titus', Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum, ed. Paul Oskar Kristeller (Washington D.C.: The Catholic LTniversity of America Press, 1971), II.331 -

(23) For Petrarch's annotations on Livy, see Billanovich (1951), pp. 137-208.

(24) Livy (1469), 2r'

(25) Niccolo Machiavelli, Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio (Firenze: Bernardo Giunta, 1531)

(26) For evidence of Machiavelli in Scodand in the second half of the sixteenth century, see Alessandra Petrina, Machiavelli in the British Isles (Surrey: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 32-45.

(27) Livy, T. Livi Patvuini iMtinae Historiae Principis Decades Tres cum dimidia (Basel: Officiana Frobenia, 1535). This edition also included Heinrich Glarean's (1488-1563) Cbronologia, a detailed chronology of the A UC which first appeared in the Basel edition of 15 31.

(28) See Priscilla Bawcutt, Gavin Doug/as: A Critical Study (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1976), pp. 75-76; 97-120.

(29) For an account of Livy's textual transmission, see Robert Ogilvie's 'Praefatio Editoris' which prefaces the Oxford edition of the first pentad. Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, Tomus I (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), pp. vi-xvi.

(30) As Hector Boece explains in the dedication to James V, he appealed to Sabellicus as an authority for the Scotorum Historia. Hector Boece, Scotorum Historia (Paris: Jodocus Badius Ascensius, 1517) aiiiv'

(31) 'P. Numitorius who was the grandfather of the said virgin'. Pierre Bersuire, Le premier volume desgrans decades de Tytus Liuius (Paris: Galliot du Pre, 1530) fol. IvP'

(32) Livy, Historiae Romanae Decades (Venice: Johannes Rubeus Vercellensis, 1491) 28r'; cf. 'avunculumque', 30r'. Bellenden (1901-03) II. p. 5; p. 24.

(33) The following moment is taken from the first book, where the manuscript consensus has: '[Tullus] principes Albanorum in patres ut ea quoque pars rei publicae cresceret legit, Tullios, Seruilios, Quinctios, Geganios, Curiatios, Cleolios' ('Tullus chose Alban princes to be city fathers so that that part of the commonwealth would also increase: the Tulli, Seruilii, Quinctiii, Geganii, Curiatii, Cleolii'). In the Annotationes, Sabellicus argues for 'Iulios' instead of 'Tullios' with an appeal to Dionysius Halicamassus. Accordingly, in the text proper of the 1491 edition, 'tullios' has been replaced by 'Iulios'. Once again, Bellenden includes the emendation: 'Eftir {sis he chasit out J^e princes and maist nobill men of Alba, as Iulianis, Seruilianis, quintianis, geganianis, Curacianis, and chelianis'. Livy (1491) 2r 6V ; Bellenden (1901-03) I. 70.

(34) Paul White, Jodocus Badius Ascensius: Commentary, Commerce and Print in the Renaissance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013) p. 1.

(35) These appeared in 1510, 1513, 1516, 15 30, and 15 31.

(36) 'Haec sunt quae dum Liuium relegerem / quia non omnibus prima lectione se proditura putaui: his paucis explicanda duxi'. Livy (1513) s.p.

(37) This figure is based on data compiled by Philippe Renouard in bibliographic Des Impressions et Des Otuvres de Josse Badius Ascensius (Paris: Em. Paul et Fils et Guillemin, 1908), pp. 227-43.

(38) For details of Vaus, see Sally Mapstone, 'A Newly Discovered Copy of a Work by John Vaus, And Its Manuscript Context', The Apparelling of Truth: Literature and Literary Culture in the Reign of James VI, ed. Kevin J. McGinley and Nicola Royan (Newcastle Upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010), pp. 30-47.

(39) For a full record of Ascensius's Scottish prints, see Scottish iMtin Authors in Print up to r/00: A Short-Title List, ed. R. P. H. Green, P. H. Burton and D. J. Ford (Leuven: Leuven LTniversity Press, 2012), pp. 62-63; p. 131; p. 186; pp. 198-99; p. 202; p. 260-61.

(40) John Annand (1516-c. 15 50), canon regular at St. Andrews and principal of St. Leonard's college owned a 1533, Ascenius edition, now held at the University of Glasgow (Sp Coll Ea7-y.i4). Cf. Harikae, 214. Glasgow University Library also holds a 1498 Venice edition prepared by Sabellicus (Sp. Coll. Bn-d.2), which was once in the hands of Walter Ogilvie (c. 1380-1438). Cf. J. Durkan and A. Ross, Early Scottish Libraries (Glasgow: J. S. Burns, 1961), p. 71.

(41) BL MS, fol. 26r Cf. Bellenden (1901-03), II. p. 294.

(42) 'a holiday of three days was announced to drive off this terror'. Livy (3.5.14).

(43) BL MS, fol. i6T' Cf. Bellenden (1901-03) II. p. 294.

(44) Bellenden (1901-03), I. p. 244.

(45) BL MS, fol. 26r Cf. Bellenden (1903), II. p. 294.

(46) Livy (Paris: Jodocus Badius Ascensius, 1513) aaiii'

(47) '[feriae] dicuntur tempora [...jntates in quibus [...]e tractari non |.. ,]e. sunt etiam [cessa]tiones ab omnj [opera m]echanico.' Adv. MS, p. 62.

(48) BL MS, fol. 35v.

(49) Ibid.

(50) BL MS, 351 ' Cf. Bellenden (1901-03) II. p. 310.

(51) 'Candidati, that is, rivals for civic offices who were dressed in white clothing to indicate that they were innocent and of a pure purpose, and not seeking the office for their own rewards'. Livy (151 3) aaiir'

(52) Livy, 1.58.7.

(53) Bellenden (1901-03) 1. p. 125.

(54) Cf. Plautus (Trinummus 1177; Menaechmi 776) and Terence (Eunuch 978).

(55) 'Saluae is a noun. It is neither a verb nor an adverb when 'satin saluae', that is, 'are all things safe enough?' is said by someone who is arriving, to which Lucretia replies below, 'by no means are they safe. What can be safe for a woman once her chastity has been lost?' Livy (1513) s.p., s.v. 'Saluae'.

(56) William Painter, The Palace of Pleasure (London: Henry Denham for Richard Totell and William Jones, 1566) fol. Biir'

(57) Philemon Holland, The Romane Historie (London: Adam Islip, 1600) fol. Eiiir

(58) The schools in Baldwin's study include Westminster, Ruthin, Harrow, Thame, Shrewsbury, Durham, Blackburn, and Sandwich T. W. Baldwin, William Shakspere's Small 1 M/ine and I.esse Creeke, vol. 2 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1944), p. 573.

(59) John Vaus, Rudimenta Puerorum in Artem Grammaticam (Paris: Ascensius, 1522) Jiir'

(60) Niccolo Perotti, Cornucopia (Paris: Bertholdus Rombolt, 1510).

(61) Martine Furno, LA Cornu Copiae de Niccolo Perotti (Geneve: Librarie Droz, 1995) p. 14. John Higgitt records three copies of Perotti with a specifically Scottish provenance in his study of early Scottish libraries. One of these is mentioned in a list (compiled in around 15 51) of books loaned by King's College, Aberdeen, while another belonged to John Grieson, a monk at the Dominican convent at St Andrews. Grieson also owned a copy of Perotti's Grammatices Rudimenta, along with three other works on the Latin language. John Higgitt, Scottish Libraries (London: The British Library, 2006) p. 65; p. 250.

(62) Calepino's borrowings from Perotti did not go unnoticed by his early readers. Thomas Elyot (c. 1490-1546) notes disparagingly in the preface to his Latin-English dictionary that 'Fryre Calepine (but where he is augmented by other) nothyng amended, but rather appaired that which Perotus had studiously gathered'. Thomas Elyot, The Dictionary (London: Thomas Berthelet, 1538) fol. aiiir

(63) As John Considine notes, Calepino's dictionary appeared in no fewer than 211 editions between 1502 and 1779. John Considine, Dictionaries in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. 29.

(64) 'Scoti populi Britannici apud quos nulla coniunx propria est. Hierony. Quid loquar de ceteris natiowibus: cum ipse adolescentulus in Gallia viderim Scotos gentem Britannicam humanis vesci carnibus? Fjt cum per syluas porcorum greges & armentorum pecudumque reperiant: pastorum nates & feminarum papillas solere abscindere: & has solas ciborum delicias arbitrari'. ('The Scots are a British people among whom no one has his own wife. St Jerome: But why should I talk about other nations, when I myself as a young man in France saw the Scots (a British race) feeding on human flesh? And when they stumbled on herds of pigs, cattle and sheep in the forests, they would lop off the shepherds' buttocks and the women's breasts and considered these (and these alone) a delicacy'). Ambrogio Calepino, Dictionarium ex optimis quibusque autboribus (Paris: Jodocus Badius Ascensius, 1509) fol. Qvr'

(65) This copy is now preserved at the University Library at Aberdeen (pi f473 Cal 1). Bellenden has left his signature on both the title and final pages. The signature on the final page includes his position: 'J Bellenden clerirax JusticiariEe'. Calepino's dictionary is also mentioned in a list of books belonging to John Grierson, the same monk who owned an edition of Perotti. The booklist, inscribed on a copy of Aristotle's Opera Omnia, refers to 'Calepinus volumen unum'. It appears on a further two occasions in an inventory of books taken at St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, dated c. 1598. Higgitt, p. 250; p. 289; p. 291.

(66) Renouard, pp. 254-58.

(67) James V had been compared to both Numa and Ancus Marcius, fourth king of Rome, in a poem marking the beginning of his personal rule. Here James is described as 'Ancus pace [...] Religione numa' [an Ancus in peace, a Numa in religion]. Ad Serenissimum Scotorum Regem (Edinburgh: Thomas Davidson, 1535) s.p.

(68) Niccolo Machiavelli, Discourses on Livy, trans. Julia Conaway Bondanella and Peter Bondanella (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008) p. 51.

(69) Livy (l. 19.4-5).

(70) BL MS 4v Cf. Bellenden (1903) II. p. 245.

(71) BL MS 4v Cf. Bellenden (1901-03) II. p. 245.

(72) Advocates MS, p. 37.

(73) 'Egeria was a nymph to whom pregnant women were wont to sacrifice because they thought she delivered the child easily from the womb.' Perotti, fol. CXCV, 4, 54ff.

(74) 'Egeria was a nymph to whom pregnant women would sacrifice because they thought she delivered the child easily from the womb'. Ambrogio Calepino, Dictionarium ex optimis quibusque autboribus studiose collection (Paris: Jodocus Badius Ascensius, 1516) Qvir'

(75) Livy, 1.20.4.

(76) BL MS 5r' Cf. Bellenden (1901-3) II. 246-47.

(77) Vergil, Aeneid, 4.495-6; Gavin Douglas, Virgil's Aeneid Translated into Scottish Verse, ed. David Coldwell, 4 Vols (Pldinburgh and London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1957-1964) IV.ix.49.

(78) 'And because the fortune of the Roman empire hung from it, eleven ancilia were made (lest when it was dragged down, the fate of the city went with it)'. BL MS 5r' Cf. Bellenden (1901-3) II. p. 246.

(79) 'Ancile was a small shield which, when there was a plague year during the reign of Numa, is said to have fallen from the sky, and was so called because it was shortened on each side'. Ibid.

(80) '[anci]le scutum [breu]e erat. quod [regn]ante numa [pompilio cum] pestilens [esset] annus e [celo] cecidisse [fertu]r. sic dictum [quia ex] utroque la[tere] erat recisum. [n]empe vna simul [...] -andita est om[nium]...' Adv. MS, p. 38.

(81) 'It was a small shield which, when there was a plague year during the reign of Numa, is said to have fallen from the sky: it was so called because it was shortened on each side and its top and bottom side was exposed in the middle. At that time a voice was heard simultaneously declaring that it would be the most powerful state of all, so long as the shiled remained in it. And thus several others of the same type were made: with which the heavenly one was mixed lest it could be told apart'. Perotti, fol. XVIII, 2, 57FF.

(82) Calepino, fol. diiir

(83) 'so that something might be conceded to the Sabines, the Quirites were named after the Cures'. Livy (l. 73.15).

(84) Bellenden (1901-5) I. p. 36.

(85) 'Romulus was called Quirinus because he had been wont to carry a spear, from which the Romans were called Ouirites'. Perotti, CLX11I1, 3, 28HF. Ovid had also associated Quirites with curis in the Fasti when discussing the etymology of Romulus's cult title Quirinus-. 'sive quod hasta curis priscis est dicta Sabinis / (bellicus a telo venit in astra deus), I sive suum regi nomen posuere Quirites, / seu quia Romanis iunxerat ille Cures' ('Whether because spear was called 'curis' by the ancient Sabines (by that weapon the warlike god came among the stars), or because the Quirites gave their name to their king, or because he had joined Cures with the Romans'). Ovid, Fasti (II. 477-80).

(86) The glosses undergo the same process of revision as the main text. Thus, for example, a note on 'Cures' was initially included in the rough copy: 'Cures was ane castell or ciete in be land of sabynis quhar Numa duelt afor his election to be empyre of romanis.' This has however been scored through (perhaps because it was thought superfluous) and is thus not reproduced in the Adv. MS. BL MS 12v.

(87) Livy (3.6.7).

(88) BL MS 26v. Cf. Bellenden (1901-5) II. p. 295.

(89) Ibid.

(90) Bellenden (1901-3) I. p. 250.

(91) 'Among the ancients, miles were marked out with stones, which we see nowadays in certain places, whence 'stone' is sometimes taken for 'mile', as when when we say 'at the third stone', 'at the fourth stone". Perotti, CXCII11, 3, z5ff.

(92) 'Et qum apud veteres lapidibus miliaria signabantw: ponitur quandoque lapis pro miliario. Vnde legimus. Ad tertiuw: ad quartum lapidem'. Calepino, fol. RiP

(93) This is found in the second book of the Advocates MS, where Bellenden translates the phrase 'ad secundum lapidem Gabina via': 'Valerius laid tytus hermyneus with ane buschement of men hid in [re gabell rew beside [begin strikethrough]ane atane callit[ebd strikethrough]] be secund', where 'ane stane callit' has been scored through and 'stane' inserted in the margin to give 'be secund stane'. Adv. MS, p. 135.

(94) Bellenden (1901-3) 1. 54. Cf. Livy, 1.24.4.

(95) Livy, 1.24.4.

(96) Cf. OLD s.v. 'sagmen'; 'verbena'.

(97) BL MS 7r' Cf. Bellenden (1901-3) ll. p. 251.

(98) Calepino, s.v. 'Sagmina', fol. Pvv; s.v. 'Verbena', fol. Ziir

(99) 'Servius says that Verbena strictly speaking is the sacred grass taken from a sacred place on the capitol with which the feciales and paterpatratus were crowned when they were going to make treaties or declare war'. Livy (1513) s.p., Explanatio, s.v. 'sagmina'. Cf. Servius, Commentary on the Aeneid, 12.120.

(100) Rutledge has argued persuasively that Bellenden very consciously 'situate[d] himself as Douglas's literary successor' (Rutledge, p. 94).
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