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Johann Valentin Andreae's utopian brotherhoods.

Howbeit we know after a time there wil now be a general reformation, both of divine and humane things, according to our desire, and the expectation of others: for it's fitting, that before the rising of the Sun, there should appear and break forth Aurora, or some clearness, or divine light in the sky; and so in the mean time some few, which shall give their names, may joyn together, thereby to increase the number and respect of our Fraternity, and make a happy and wished for beginning of our Philosophical Canons, prescribed to us by our brother R.C. and be partakers with us of our treasures (which never can fail or be wasted) in all humility, and love to be eased of this worlds labor, and not walk so blindly in the knowledge of the wonderful works of God.

- Fama fraternitatis (1614)(1)

The legend of Christian Rosencreutz has obscured the reputation and accomplishments of Johann Valentin Andreae since 1614, when an anonymous collection of pamphlets was published in Kassel that met with extraordinary acclaim and curiosity. Together with the Allgemeine und General Reformation, der gantzen weiten Welt - a translation of the twenty-sixth chapter of Traiano Boccalini's Ragguagli di Parnaso (1612-13) made by Christoph Besold, a prominent professor at Tubingen and friend of Andreae - which called for a second reformation and a new society based on Christian charity, was the Fama Fraternitatis, Dess Loblichen Ordens des Rosenkreutzes, an alle Gelehrte und Haupter Europae geschrieben.(2) The legend of Christian Rosencreutz was known at least by 1610, as the "response" by Adam Haselmeyer, notary public to Archduke Maximillian and self-described devotee of Paracelsus, published with these two tracts attested.(3) The ensuing furor over this mysterious proclamation has enveloped Andreae in controversy ever since, as apologists, scholars, and amateur historians have struggled to understand his motives for helping to draft the so-called Rosicrucian manifestos. This essay attempts to demystify Andreae by examining the manifestos within the context of his other writings and his lifelong efforts to found a Protestant utopian brotherhood.

Since Andreae's death dozens of attempts have been made to settle the question of his part in drafting these manifestos. In essence, two positions have been argued: because most of Andreae's life was spent in service to the Lutheran church, one side vehemently denies any involvement on his part whatsoever, while the other transforms him into either the mystical father of the secret brotherhood or one of the hidden hands behind a political movement. Modern day Rosicrucians have even erected a temple in honor of their "founder" at Calw where Andreae spent nineteen years as pastor. Because Andreae's autobiography was not discovered until the eighteenth century, his early reputation was based on misinformation. As a result we have been offered rather one-sided views of him: when his many orthodox religious writings were neglected, he was created as the arch-Rosicrucian; when the difficulties posed by the Rosicrucian problem were ignored, the middle and later writings revealed him as the forerunner of Philipp Jakob Spener and German pietism. Only in the past few decades have the intricacies of his life been brought to light by such scholars as John Warwick Montgomery, Richard van Dulmen, Martin Brecht, and Roland Edighoffer.(4)

Since most of the scholarly work being done on Andreae has come from the field of church history, literary historians have often dealt with him in a rather cursory way, if at all. Those who encounter Andreae through English literary criticism are at a further disadvantage since he features so prominently in Francis Yates's seriously flawed The Rosicrucian Enlightenment (1972). This book's notoriety stems in large measure from her claim that the Rosicrucian movement was intended to foster a hermetic golden age associated with the court of Frederick V, Elector Palatine of Heidelberg and the Winter King of Bohemia (1619-20), and that the Rosicrucian "enlightenment" was a fundamental cultural phase in the move toward the Scientific Revolution in the later seventeenth century.(5) Her treatment of Andreae is quite restrained, given her tendency to broad speculation, though he is tarred, to be sure, with the broad brush of her zeal. Problems of another sort arise from Montgomery's critical biography, Cross and Crucible (1972), which is driven by an image of Andreae as a pious, orthodox Lutheran theologian whose life was a seamless whole. Like others before him, Montgomery presumed that no other evidence, save Andreae's unfortunate choice of the name Christian Rosencreutz for a persona in the Chymische Hochzeit, linked him to the manifestos. However, Edighoffer and Brecht, working independently, discovered evidence of Andreae's involvement in several of the treatises, most notably Confessio fraternitatis.(6) In a commemorative work for his friend Tobias Hess, Andreae had gathered together thoughts and notes from Hess's manuscripts as Theca gladii spiritus, sententias quasdem breves vereque philosophicas continens (Strasbourg, 1616), which contained enough citations from Andreae's own work, such as De Christiani Cosmoxeni genitura, Judicium (Strasbourg, 1612, dedicated to Hess), to make clear that they had at the very least worked collaboratively.(7) Most importantly, it contains quotations from the Confessio and the Invitatio fraternitatis Christi, which was issued in two parts in 1617 and 1618. Andreae, who alone was responsible for these selections, can thus be clearly linked with two of the three major Rosicrucian tracts, Chymische Hochzeit and Confessio. Despite all the painstaking scholarship asserting the uniformity of the pious Andreae's life, the truth is rather more complicated.(8)

All that can be known of the Rosicrucian "movement" is really the history of the publication of its manifestos, so that whenever possible I will keep to the firm ground of what Jerome McGann calls "the history of the literary work's textualizations and the history of its reception."(9) This essay will try to unravel the riddle created by these bibliographic facts and fit them into a clearer understanding of his life. His writings and his life's commitment to a Societas Christiana provided a potent stimulus to Protestant intellectuals at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the history of which deserves wider currency. The decades before the great war, from 1600 to 1620, produced a spate a writings designed to move the Lutheran church toward a second reformation as it approached its centennial. Andreae's major works appeared in these anxious times. Before we can consider his intellectual circles and his involvement in the Rosicrucian legend and the Protestant utopian movement, however, the first step must be a sketch of his life.(10)

A BRIEF LIFE

Johann Valentin Andreae was born in 1586 at Herrenberg in the duchy of Wurttemberg, where his father Johann Andreae (1554-1601) was a clergyman and working alchemist.(11) His grandfather, the theologian Jakob Andreae (1528-1590), a friend of Luther, had been chancellor of the university at Tubingen and an author of the Formula of Concord (1577). He also established a family coat of arms, a St. Andrew's cross and four roses, quite similar to Luther's own seal. When Johann Andreae died in 1601, his wife Maria (1550-1632) moved her seven children to Tubingen, where she was appointed court apothecary to Herzog Friedrich. An interest in alchemy seemed to run in the family, for Andreae later lamented that his clergyman-brother, a pastor at Birkenfeld, had wasted the better part of his fifty-four years in vain chymical pursuits.(12)

Andreae matriculated in 1602 at Tubingen and received the baccalaureate 13 April 1603 and the master of arts 6 February 1605, studying artes liberales. The books he read during this time, which he listed in his autobiography, shows that he received a broad education in the classics, the natural sciences, and mathematics.(13) He then began to study theology under Michael Schaefer in preparation for ordination; at that time he had been promised a fellowship and been given permission by the theology faculty to preach. Andreae however was not able to complete his studies until 1613-14 because he was overtaken in 1607 by what he later referred to as a "dark storm" (atra tempestas): he was expelled for his participation in posting a scandalous pasquil and became a wandering teacher-scholar for the next several years.(14)

In his autobiography he tells us that during his Italian journey of 1612 he decided to dedicate himself once again to the church despite having been denied an ecclesiastical position just after the scandal. His mother secured an introduction to the new duke, from whom Andreae sought a stipend to study at the Tubinger Stift because, in his words, "I felt that I had in my wanderings diverted from the right method of holy studies and that so much theology had fallen from my distracted memory."(15) The record shows that Andreae in fact had already failed examinations for ordination on 22 December 1612 because his knowledge of the Bible was found insufficient. After more than two years of diligent study at the Tubinger Stift - founded in 1536 as a Protestant seminary and residential college - he nevertheless passed his exams and was appointed deacon at Vaihingen on the Enz.(16) In his autobiography he recorded that when he received this call, he mended his ways and put an end to the errors and vicissitudes of his life in his twenty-eighth year.(17) While his confessions of excess may be partly exaggerated for effect, they nonetheless suggest that his appointment at Vaihingen marked a decisive close to the first phase of his life and propelled him towards his life's work.

Since a relative had been paying the exiled Andreae a gulden per essay, industry with his pen was encouraged. He had already produced a good many works at Tubingen, including, I believe, his contributions to the Rosicrucian tracts. The years at Vaihingen from 1614 to 1620 bore still more fruit from early studies. Some twenty works, most of which can be described as works of orthodox Lutheran piety, were published.(18) In 1620 he was made superintendent (or chief pastor) of another town in Wurttemberg, Calw, where he remained until 1639. Looking back at the fruitfulness of Vaihingen, he would regard his days there as the spring and summer of his life despite the fact that civil discord the burning of Vaihingen in 1617 and 1618 and the offenses attributed to him aged him prematurely and turned his hair gray. Calw too was engulfed by the turmoil and the horrors of the Thirty Years' War, and a fire there in 1634 destroyed his personal library, papers, and art collection, which included paintings by Durer, Holbein, and Cranach given him by the imperial city of Nuremberg.(19)

Andreae's literary output fell in the 163Cs and 1640s, no doubt because he was increasingly occupied by pastoral responsibilities. The suffering of his parishioners was so great that he published Threni Calvenses (1635) to generate aid for them. He also arranged support for the Stift in Tubingen and funds for Herzog Eberhardt III (r. 1633-74), who had been in exile in Strasbourg since the Habsburg occupation following the defeat of the Swedes at Nordlingen in August 1634. As a result of his efforts Andreae began to preach to the court in Stuttgart upon the duke's return in 1638.(20) Having been established in the mid-sixteenth century as a territorial church, the Lutheran church had to administer extensive properties as well as justice and social and educational services. Andreae was charged with reorganizing the decimated church in Wurttemberg in 1638 and was appointed court preacher and church councillor in 1639. He continued to correspond with the learned of the Protestant world and with aristocrats, especially his chief patron Herzog August with whom for a time he exchanged letters weekly. His counsel was sought especially by those working to establish Christian brotherhoods or utopian societies.(21) Named doctor of theology at Tubingen in 1641, he remained at Eberhardt's court until 1650, when he accepted a lighter ecclesiastical appointment as evangelical abbot at Bebenhausen, a former Cistercian cloister converted to a Lutheran school. In February 1654 he was given a titular appointment as abbot of Adelberg, whose cloister had been destroyed in a fire, thus allowing him to retire to Stuttgart, where he died on 27 June 1654.

INTELLECTUAL CIRCLES AT TUBINGEN

Andreae's experiences as part of various intellectual circles at Tubingen in the first decade of the century were instrumental in shaping such utopian schemes of his as the Societas Christiana or Civitas Solis and the Unio Christiana and contributed to the legend of the "secret brotherhood" of Rosicrucians. The atmosphere at Tubingen seems to have encouraged an openness to new ideas, for even Andreae's unquestionably orthodox writings involved an implicit critique of society. The call for a second reformation found an unusually strong reception among his peers, whose dreams of a new age were fueled by apocalyptic-chiliastic ideas and theosophical-hermetic ideas. Equally significant was the way in which they shared in the contemporary criticism of a stagnant Lutheran orthodoxy that needed to reemphasize the relationship between theory and praxis.

The university faculty naturally played a large role in shaping the form of Andreae's thought. Prominent among them was his professor of Latin and Greek, Martin Crusius (1526-1607), a noted philologist who had also tried to reconcile the Greek orthodox church with the Protestants in a spirit of evangelical ecumenicism. Since Crusius had translated a series of Jakob Andreae's sermons, it was natural for the young student to gravitate toward him.(22) Most of the theologians Andreae encountered were orthodox Lutherans: Johann Georg Sigwart (1554-1618), Matthias Hafenreffer (1561-1619), Andreas Osiander, chancellor of the university (1562-1617), and Michael Schaefer (1573-1608).(23) In addition, Andreae developed an interest in mathematics and astronomy under Michael Mastlin (1550-1631) - who had been Kepler's teacher - keen enough to have published Collectaneorum mathematicorum decades XI (Tubingen, 1614), a kind of textbook that illustrated the branches of mathematics. In the long view of Andreae's intellectual development, his professors may have contributed the most, though other intellectual currents filled his sails at Tubingen as well.

Unquestionably, the chiliast and Paracelsian Tobias Hess from Nuremberg (1568-1614), who probably befriended Andreae in 1608, made a decisive contribution in this regard.(24) Though he had studied law, Hess turned to medicine and attempted a synthesis of Paracelsus and the apocalyptic-chiliasm of Simon Studion (1543-1604) with Lutheranism. Science and theology, in the Hess circle, were thus amalgamated: iatrochemistry, alchemy, natural science, occultism, and apocalyptic speculations were wedded to Christian piety and desire for reform. These identical interests, it should be noted, were expressed in the Rosicrucian writings. Because Hess was a jurist practicing medicine without official sanction (Paracelsian medicine was not taught at the university), the medical faculty complained about him. These records provide us with an important contemporary view: "Hess is no doctor, but rather an alchemist, a disciple of that impious Paracelsus."(25) Hess had enough respectability however to be a party to functions also attended by the highly respected Crusius, who recorded several times in his diary that Hess had made known his views on the imminent fall of the papacy (though Crusius recognized their origins in his former student Studion). Hess gained further notoriety in 1606 when his views ("sonderbahre opinion de tertio quodam saeculo") were censured, and he was ordered not to spread them through secret writings.(26)

Hess was evidently the conduit for the chiliasm of Studion. Indeed Crusius's diary reveals that not only was Hess in contact with Studion, but Hess himself lent Studion various works on prophecy.(27) Studion's life's work was a two-thousand page manuscript entitled "Naometria" (Wurttembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart, MS Cod. theol. et philos. 4 [degrees] 23). Based on prophecies from Ezekiel, Daniel, and Revelation, it predicted the crucifixion of the last pope in 1612, the imminent destruction of the world, the beginning of Christ's millennial kingdom in 1620, and the proclamation of the New Jerusalem (or Heliopolis or Civitas Solis). Studion's subtitle promised knowledge of the clavis or secret "key" of David, which the author of Revelation had also received and which could open and measure the temple and altar of God - hence the title, [Greek Text Omitted] being Greek for temple. It presented an inner and outer temple, symbolically Scripture and nature, the two books of revelation. Studion also gave mystical and prophetic significance to the rose and cross.(28) More will be said about the relationship of the Rosicrucian writings to the "Naometria" below; suffice it to say that whoever wrote the Fama and Confessio was familiar with Studion's work.

Other esoteric writers with whom Hess was familiar included Julius Sperber and Aegidius Gutmann.(29) Sperber (d. 1615) wrote Der geheime Tractatus von den dreyen Seculis and Mysterium magnum, a theosophy of divine revelation, and in 1615 Echo der von Gott hocherleuchteten Fraternitet dess loblichen Ordens R.C., an answer to Fama. Likening himself to another Ezra, the Swabian theosophist-Paracelsist Gutmann (1490-1584) wrote about the expected end of the Roman church in Offenbarung gottlicher Majestat (written in 1575, published in 1619) and hoped for a return to Adamic wisdom where Scripture and the book of nature were one. The influence of Paracelsus was central to the Hess circle as the Huser edition (Strasbourg, 1602-05) helped create a Paracelsian revival at the beginning of the seventeenth century. A further conduit for Paracelsianism came through Benedict Figulus, a Franconian alchemist who appeared in Tubingen in Andreae's circle in 1606-08 and who published numerous hermetic-alchemical writings at this time, especially Rosarium novum Olympicum et benedictum (1608). Figulus popularized Paracelsian ideas of macrocosm and microcosm and was respectable enough that Crusius supported his studies with a stipend.(30) Figulus believed that the microcosm bore two sets of influences (magnets), one from the elements and the other from the stars; magicians and kabbalists could tap a third, through the image of God and in the soul, that would reveal an esoteric wisdom.(31) Andreae's later jibes at enthusiasts and mystics who spoke such esoteric tongues as the "Fessana" or "Damcarica lingua" the Fez and Damcar of the Fama confirms specifically Sperber, Valentin Weigel, Gutmann, Sebastian Franck, Guillaume Postel, and Studion as sources for the Rosicrucian fable.(32)

How influential then was such a figure as Hess for Andreae in his youth? Andreae himself provides ample evidence about his friendship with Hess that, when taken together, is quite decisive. De Christiani Cosmoxeni genitura (1612) was dedicated to Hess, who would have recognized views similar to his own in that work's emphasis on the correspondence between the Book of Nature with its microcosmic-macrocosmic relationships to the Book of the Word. Hess was the model for Andreae's Herculis christiani luctae XXIV (1615), even though, according to van Dulmen, Andreae did not dare to praise him openly.(33) In his memorial for Hess, Andreae stated that like Galen and Paracelsus, Hess only gazed on the divine characters stamped in the great Book of the Creatures that had been placed there for humankind to read.(34) Andreae also defended Hess's esotericism as in no way compromising the fundamentals of his faith and offered a short sketch of his personality in Mythologiae christianae. The citations from Andreae's De Christiani Cosmoxeni, Confessio, and Invitatio fraternitatis Christi (which was not published until the following year) in his tribute to Hess, Theca gladii spiritus, indicate how closely they worked together. His lasting devotion to Hess is clear later from his autobiography where he spoke loftily of Hess as an "incomparable man with every kind of knowledge and fervant piety," a Hercules Christianus with whom he wanted to establish an "intimate bond of love and a society."(35)

Next to Hess the second figure was Christoph Besold (1577-1638), one of the luminaries of the university.(36) His personal library, stocked with hermetic books as well as mystical-spiritual literature, was quite extensive, around 3870 volumes. Since it exists as part of the university library at Salzburg, we can still appreciate its catholicity, especially in unorthodox writings.(37) Besold was similar to Kepler in his deeply religious, irenic personality; he longed for a church that was equally pietistic. According to Besold's biographers, the turning point in his break with orthodox Lutheranism came after hearing Arndt's True Christianity, which led to a major change in his fundamental beliefs.(38) Eventually, he turned to Rome late in his life, a decision that particularly distressed Andreae.(39) While Andreae was a divinity student, he was attracted to Besold's learning, affability, and goodness, and dedicated his Herculis christiani luctae XXIV to him and listed him as a member of the Societas Christiana of 1618-19. Besold doubtlessly introduced Boccalini's Lucianic satire (Venice, 1612) to Tubingen, for he translated selections of it in his Signa Temporum (1614), which discussed the contemporary political scene and attacked the Jesuits as a sect whose mysteries and kabbalah needed to be disclosed.(40) Three years later his translation of the whole work appeared as Relation ausz Parnasso. oder Politische und Moralische discurs, wie dieselbe von allerley welthandeln darinnen ergehen (Tubingen, 1617). A comparison of the twenty-sixth chapter of this later work with the Allgemeine und General Reformation reveals clearly that Besold provided the translation for the edirio princeps of the manifestos.

One other major influence must be mentioned in this sketch of Andreae's intellectual background, namely, the stimulus provided by Arndt (1555-1621). Arndt focused on the work of Christ in the heart of the believer, and with his notion of practical Christianity he is now seen as a precursor to German pietism. True Christianity was compiled from various mystical and devotional writers, some of whom were considered heterodox or even heretical in their own right: the Umbrian mystic Angela of Foligno, the Theologia Germanica, Thomas a Kempis, Paracelsus, Raimond Sebond, Johann Tauler, and Valentin Weigel.(41) This devotional work had a powerful effect on those who believed a second reformation was needed in order to renew the inner life. Andreae's preparation of an anthology, Christianismus genuinus. . . . Johannis Arndt (1615), and the second edition he brought out in 1644 is one indication of the lasting impression this work made on him and many in his circle.

When Andreae returned to Tubingen to resume his studies in the years 1612-14, he took up residence in the Stift where he began an orthodox theological program of Jerome, Augustine, Luther, Erasmus, and Hyperius.(42) Here he came under the influence of Hafenreffer, a pillar of Lutheran orthodoxy.(43) At this time Andreae was compiling a "summa" of Hafenreffer for popular use, Doctrinae christianae summa: ex Hafenrefferi Locis communibus contracta (1614, 1644). It would be mistaken, however, to assume that his fellowship caused him to sever all links with his past.(44) His was a gradual turning, fostered, I shall argue, by his reaction against what the "secret brotherhood" of the Rosicrucians had become in the public eye. Before we can pursue that story, however, a prior question must be answered: what had Andreae and his associates done to further their goals?

ANDREAE'S PROTESTANT BROTHERHOODS AND THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS

We now know that from about 1613 Andreae and his circle were actively trying to found a utopian brotherhood to renew the inner life of the Lutheran church and to reform society in some general way. Until the past few decades, our knowledge of Andreae's utopian efforts came from the furtive sketches in the disputed Rosicrucian manifestos, his celebrated utopia Christianopolis (1619), and references in his letters to an actual Societas Christiana or Civitas Solis. Presumed missing were his two known utopian tracts, Chris-tianae societatis imago, published anonymously in Strasbourg in 1619 (Tubingen, 1620), and Christiani amoris dextera porrecta (Tubingen, 1620; Strasbourg, 1621). G.H. Turnbull subsequently discovered manuscript copies among the papers of Samuel Hartlib and found that Hartlib had had them translated by John Hall and published in 1647 at Cambridge as A Modell of a Christian Society and The Right Hand of Christian Love Offered.(45) Copies of the 1620 editions are now known to exist in Wolfenbuttel.(46) These plans appear to have circulated widely. In addition to the German supporters Andreae counted among the members, Joachim Morsius sent copies to twelve prominent men in 1629. Hartlib had received his own copy from Jan Amos Comenius, who planned to enlist several other supporters from his Bohemian circle. Hartlib himself disseminated the idea widely among his London circle. Not only do we now have the blueprint for this practical society, but its very existence sheds light on the utopian movement and Andreae's life-long efforts to implement it in the republic of letters.

Most of what we previously knew derived from Andreae's 27 June 1642 letter to Herzog August, reporting on his past attempts to found this utopian brotherhood for the spiritual and educational improvement of society. Since he specifically mentioned the Rosicrucians in this letter, we need to examine this key document carefully. According to Andreae,

It has been twenty-three or four years [i.e., 1618 or 1619], since with the help and stimulus of Wilhelm Wense, Knight of Luneburg, a most choice friend, I formed this Image of a Certain Christian Society, which, I had intended, we could place in opposition to the unworthy mockery of the fiction of the Rosicrucian Fraternity. Afterwards this was printed in 1620, not that it might give laws to others, but that it might supply material for the wise and careful reader. You alone were already then intended as leader and head of this in our minds, for which Wense had believed that he could be the negotiator, since there is no one else in the German world, to whom this Christian matter and the province of letters could be committed more surely and with greater dignity. But soon came those times [Thirty Years' War], which declared war on religion and literature, as well as honest friendship and society; and moreover with the blazing fire in Germany, they turned into ashes all this labor, and even for example this little book [the Imago]. A few [twenty-four were listed with their city of origin], to whom the Christiani amoris dextra porrecta reached, were dispersed amidst torments and exile.(47)

Two matters are crucial here. First, the Imago was written to counter the furor caused by the publication of the Rosicrucian tracts, which he characterized both as ludibrium - a toy or jest, an object of derision or mockery - and as fictitia or fiction. He thus made his attitude towards the furor quite clear. Those who would make Andreae the mystical founder of the "secret brotherhood" must somehow construe these words so that they mean something else.(48) Second, the letter raises intriguing problems about dating. The dates for the composition of the Imago in 1618-19 seem reliable: just before the start of the war and just after the publication of the Fama (1614) and Confessio (1615). The society itself, however, must have been in existence several years earlier, since Tobias Hess died on 24 November 1614 but is listed as a supporter.(49) Many on that list - among them Hess, Besold, and Adami - have long been considered the most likely authors.(50) If it can be demonstrated that the group involved in the Civitas Solis included those who composed the manifestos, then we can look at the Rosicrucian fable as the first phase of Andreae's continuing utopian enterprise. The other two accounts of the founding of this society also support the notion that Andreae was active in the Christian utopian society by 1613-14, when he first met Wense, that was later articulated as the Imago.

The second document is Andreae's funeral tribute to Wense, who shared both his enthusiasm for mathematics and Arndt's own practical Christianity. Here Andreae gave a fuller description of the genesis of this society that had been ultimately inspired by Arndt, whom Andreae here declared his patron and father in Christ:

To accomplish this end Wense worked to bring together in a kind of society a certain number of men, who could and would work for the betterment of the age. Dispersed throughout Germany, they would still meet with each other in an exchange of ideas in the bonds of friendship and advise ways to remedy the corruption in science and in the Christian life. For at a time when a certain fabulous fraternity had befuddled inquisitive minds, he believed that the right moment had arisen to reply (as I mentioned in my Christianopolis, 15), "If these reforms seem proper, why do we not try them ourselves? Let us not wait for them to do it' - meaning that there was nothing to hinder us from learning these things from the Gospels and making the attempt from the praiseworthy examples of devoted Christians, if we really wished to imitate the life of Christ and improve our daily lives." From these considerations were born the two Invitationes ad fraternitatem Christi, as well as two small books, the Christianae Societatis imago and the Christiani areotis dextera porrecta. These came from my hand, though he agreed with their thrust. We named the society Civitas Solis with the mutual intention of uniting a certain number of orthodox Lutherans, of excellent judgment and character (but without discrimination as to family or fortune, though all Germans), under a kind of rule and head. We had decided upon Augustus of Luneburg, that phoenix of princes and the personification of our whole plan. Together they could apply themselves earnestly to the cultivation of true religion, the improvement dissolute morals, and the restoration of a literary culture with mutual encouragement. The wealthy should contribute the material means, the less well-to-do their labors, and so the individual members would draw the fruits of Christian love, honorable pleasure, and mutual help. To this plan others had already agreed: in Tubingen Wilhelm Schickhardt, in Strasbourg Matthias Bernegger, in Linz Johann Kepler, in Altdorf Daniel Schwenter, and at other places still others in consequence of my and Christoph Besold's agitations. But then storm of the German calamity fell upon us, and disturbed all of these, in my opinion not at all unpraiseworthy, endeavors, and frustrated my whole Christianopolis.(51)

First of all, this statement is remarkable for the explicit support it concedes to the reforms announced in the Fama and Confessio. Furthermore it is predicated on a distinction between the "fabulous fraternity" gaining ground in Germany and the Fama, which, after all, he had helped draft. We learn also that Wense and Andreae intended that theirs would be a learned society (named after Campanella's utopia), dedicated to analyzing and remedying the corrupt conditions both in literature and in Christian life.(52) Since its members were not gathered together in a single body, their fellowship would be largely epistolary. Still this account does not resolve the problems with the dating, since the Invitatio was already published in 1617, i.e., before the dates offered in the letter to Herzog August, and the furor over the "deceitful fraternity" began in 1614. That Wense had met Campanella during his travels in Italy in 1614-16 might suggest a later date, but Adami had introduced Campanella's work to Tubingen in 1613, and an enthusiastic response could account for the name of their society. A third document, a letter to Comenius accompanying a manuscript copy of the Imago, is even more ambiguous about dating.(53)

This evidence is not conclusive. However, dating this utopian brotherhood so ambiguously and listing Hess as a member - whom he had eulogized as Utopiensis Princeps - seem to indicate that Andreae was involved in it long before 1619.(54) Or more likely, he thought of the brotherhood's efforts as ongoing and so was careless about the dating, since most of those listed were long-time members of the Besold-Hess circles. The efforts towards the utopian brotherhood described in the letter to Herzog August or the funeral tribute were not different in kind from the efforts made in the days when the Fama was drafted. As we shall see, Andreae never repudiated the ideals of the manifestos; he merely repudiated at a time when the so-called "secret brotherhood" of the Rosicrucians had become the butt of many jokes the use to which these ideals had been put. The projected Civitas Solis or Societas Christiana, in other words, emerged quite likely from the common interests of his Tubingen circle in 1613-14 and was then given more formal status later through his two 1619 tracts. Those who were newly interested in participating were added to a list of those who had long supported the idea of such a learned society or who indeed had studied, worked, and written together.

Now that we have the Imago, we can see that it is a blueprint drafted to hold such a group together in exile after the Thirty Years' War began. The Imago described a Lutheran society (which Hartlib and Hall changed to "Protestant" in their 1647 translation) of dedicated Christians who have abjured the world.(55) Their head is a German prince, under whom twelve privy councillors serve. Each of the three chief areas religion, virtue, and learning - has its own president or professor, who would preside over inquiries. The other privy councillors are combined into various triumvirates or "triga" chosen so that "men vers'd in diverse faculties and studies meet together." Presumably the divine, censor, philosopher, politician, historian, economist, physician, mathematician, and philologist would join forces to suit the needs of a particular problem.(56) All members are German, and all leading scientific works are to be translated into German so "that a doore may be opened to search out Gods works, which the Grammarians have damm'd up."(57) Also significant is the reassurance that members need not live communally: "Neither is there any reason, that because of the communion of Society, it were lawfull for us to cast of[f] the care of houses and families, and leave our condition of life, sith most things are done by letters, sealed with faithfullnesse and silence, unlesse the businesse be such as requires the concerning of many."(58)

What Andreae therefore described in the Imago was a mechanism whereby the wise and powerful could exchange ideas to solve problems. Learned societies were flourishing elsewhere, as is well known. The only vaguely esoteric aspects were the repeated statements that each of the members was to be entrusted with the "secrets" of the society [intima Collegii]. That even an orthodox Lutheran society should shroud itself in mystery was not unusual in an elitist culture that protected its authority by mystifying the source of its power i.e., its knowledge. The accompanying pamphlet, The Right Hand of Christian Love Offered, sketched out the general principles of Christian fellowship, thus emphasizing the benign, orthodox nature of the Civitas Solis.(59)

The funeral tribute to Wense quoted above also makes clear that the Christianopolis was part of Andreae's efforts on behalf of a Protestant brotherhood. Just how the myth of Christianopolis served the more practical Civitas Solis is difficult to judge since his utopia was a "literary" work published for a wider audience. Written in Latin (only translated into German in the eighteenth century [1741, 1754] and English in the twentieth [1916]), Reipublicae Christianopolitanae descriptio garnered praise from learned readers such as Robert Burton, who placed it straight away with the "witty fictions" of More, Bacon, and Campanella.(60) Like Utopia it is framed as a traveler's tale and conforms to already conventional generic codes. The city of Christianopolis is given impossible geographical coordinates with the "Academic Sea" ("in the Antarctic zone, 10 [degrees] of the south pole, 20 [degrees] of the equinoctial circle, and about 12 [degrees] under the point of the bull") to render it a utopia or nowhere-land.(61) The narrator is a pilgrim who, "suffering much in patience from tyranny, sophistry, and hypocrisy," embarks in a ship named Phantasy and is shipwrecked on the triangular island of Caphar Salama. That Andreae chose the Arabic rather than the Hebrew name for the "village of peace" reminds us of the Arabic contributions to the esoteric education of Frater Christian Rosencreutz in the Fama.(62) After undergoing a threefold examination of his character, the pilgrim is taken to "the innermost shrine of the city which you would rightly call the center of activity of the state." At the heart of Christianopolis stands a circular temple enclosed by a square collegium. Here the institutions of religion, justice, and education are housed; here their creed is displayed on two tablets. Though certain quotidian matters are noted, most of the work focuses on the spiritual and intellectual life of the inhabitants, particularly their educational system. Their school is divided into eight departments or stages grammar, logic, arithmetic, music, astronomy, natural science, ethics, and theology; to the classical trivium and quadrivium Andreae has added theology and greatly emphasized science. Indeed, the pursuit of science coupled with worship seems to be the main occupation at Christianopolis where scientific instruments and laboratories are widely available and scientific research is officially enshrined in the collegium at the heart of Christianopolis. Andreae's educational system is reminiscent of the emblematic method inscribed on the walls of Campanella's City of the Sun, which in turn influenced Comenius, whose Orbis sensualium pictus was fully given to this approach. Nevertheless Andreae's emphasis on utopian education and the on-going scientific inquiry are the most original aspects of his work.

Andreae also hints that an exalted form of illumination is possible for a select few endowed with a greater degree of virtue and intellect. Since the pilgrim is merely an observer, he can only point furtively to the secrets hidden from him, which may be a form of esoteric wisdom. For example, during the course in logic at school many are involved in the study of metaphysics; beyond this lies a more rarified subject.

This same hall serves also for the study of something still higher, and this is theosophy, a science which does not recognize any human invention or research, but which owes its whole existence to God. Where nature ends, this begins; and, taught by the highest divinity, it preserves its sacred mysteries religiously. Few men, even among the most faithful, may embrace theosophy, for it is only God who can work benefits, with His light or with the cross. God reveals Himself in a moment; He keeps Himself long within His shrines; He is always the best, though rarely seen; yet His infinite works have been revealed and in them every true Christian may rejoice.(63)

Similarly, after geometry in the mathematics course the study of "mystic numbers" is reserved for those who are older and can "rise even higher."(64) With the "key of David" the mysteries of the sacred proportions with which God has ordered the world can be known. (Studion's "Naometria" had also referred to the clavis or "key" of David with which the temple and altar of God can be opened and measured.) In the city of Christianopolis, then, a select few an elite brotherhood possess a secret wisdom and oversee the further exploration of nature's secrets through scientific experimentation. Andreae was certainly curious about God's secrets and interested in esoteric matters; however, his Christianopolis was far removed from the "invisible" brotherhoods being bruited about Europe at the time.

As interesting as the utopia itself is its preface in which Andreae contextualizes his own work within the Rosicrucian furor. He places his ideas for social reform (if the utopian impulse can be so construed) within the setting of Luther and the current efforts to enhance piety by Arndt (to whom the book is dedicated). His task is made all the more difficult since the impostors holding power in church and society find truth and uprightness intolerable and seek to suppress it; this very phenomenon is evinced as soon as the Rosicrucian fraternity had promised "the greatest and most unusual things, even those things which men generally want . . . . What a confusion among men followed the report of this thing, what a conflict among the learned, what an unrest and commotion of impostors and swindlers, it is entirely needless to say."(65) In this historical context, Andreae then said, in lines quoted above, that Wense retorted, "If these reforms seem proper, why do we not try them ourselves?" Two points must be emphasized here. On the one hand, Andreae maintains a critical distance from the Rosicrucians in the preface by confessing that the fraternity is "in my opinion a joke [ludibrium], but according to theologians a serious matter"; indeed, though he doubts its existence, he calls it "hazy, omniscient only in the eyes of its own boastfulness, with a sewn shield for an emblem and marred with many foolish ceremonies."(66) On the other hand, he clearly lauds its goals and intends that his utopia capitalize on them. In fact, his mentioning the secret brotherhood in the preface confirms that his ideas are coincident with the Rosicrucian fable.

Andreae wrote these utopian works at Vaihingen; when he was transferred to Calw in 1620, his utopian impulses found a different outlet in a community-oriented, mutual aid society. In 1621 with the support of merchants and the Clothing and Dyers (or Farber) Guild, Andreae founded the Calwet Farberstift (that lasted until 1979) to help the needy, educate the young, and subvent churches.(67) Nor did Andreae forget the ideal forms of a Protestant brotherhood. While visiting friends at Nuremberg in 1628, the Unio Christiana was established at the insistence of Johannes Saubert, who had been among the supporters of the previous society. A twenty-four-page tract, Verae unionis in Christo Jesu specimen, recorded this society's aspirations, which were projected along the same lines as Andreae's Civitas Solis. This brotherhood "never saw the light," he told Herzog August, and for a time his aspirations for corporate union took place mystically in the body of Christ.(68) The idea was never quite put to rest. Andreae pursued his plans for a Christian brotherhood redivivus through the duke of Braunschweig-Luneburg, who had figured in Andreae's plans since Wense had first suggested him as the patron of the Civitas Solis. Andreae and the duke began to correspond in the 1640s, and though the upheaval in Germany thwarted their plans, Andreae gained an extremely suportive patron.

Herzog August (1579-1666) was educated in Rostock, Tubingen, and Strasbourg. As the fourth son in his family, he probably did not hope to rule; in his fifty-fifth year, however, he succeeded to the duchy as a result of some unexpected deaths. Most of his life was given over to the leisurely pursuit of his scholarly interests. His library, for which he compiled the catalogue himself, was vast and provided the nucleus for the collection bearing his name in Wolfenbuttel. He maintained a steady correspondence with theologians and scholars throughout Europe. Even while trying as duke to heal the wounds caused by the war, he still worked on a German Gospel Harmony, for help on which he turned to Andreae as a gifted writer in German and a theologian.(69) Had the war not come so dramatically to Wurttemberg, they might have established connections sooner, for in 1629 Andreae had sent the duke - by way of Joachim Morsius - copies of his utopian tracts and in 1635 a wedding poem. In 1640 Andreae wrote to his friend Philipp Heinhofer that he was anxious to help the duke in anyway he could; with Heinhofer's encouragement, Andreae wrote Herzog August on 24 December 1640, thus initiating a correspondence that would become weekly after 1643, and much of it was eventually published. In addition to aid for the duke's projects, Andreae also provided literary curiosa for his library. The duke's financial support soon followed; in his autobiography Andreae reported receiving 400 thaler annually after 1642.(70)

On 27 June 1642 Andreae reported on his utopian activities (partially quoted above) and presented copies of his tracts. He wrote the duke:

Now I understand that this union convenes to the extent that we are in the body of Christ, so that nothing more united or constant can be said to exist, and to this union humbly I invite you, howsoever eminent and excellent by birth or class, to want or not want the same in Christ as this union, not out of rashness or immodesty but out such Christian trust, which in this prelude of eternity makes us equal partners entrusted to Christ: at a future time in a like place, when the dangers of the earth are left behind, we ought to be in the blessed mansions out of such Christian trust that in this prelude makes us.(71)

Andreae also indicated that the duke had always been intended as the head of this societas Christiana (that he had actually succeeded to the duchy had perhaps renewed Andreae's enthusiasm). Herzog August responded on 26 July 1642 that he appreciated the books, noting that he had received the Imago previously. Moreover he agreed that his readers should have recognized that the tracts were opposed to the scripta fratrum roseae crucis.(72) Still concerned about misunderstandings surrounding his past associations, Andreae replied on 17 August 1642 that he was relieved that the duke had separated his ideas from the vanitatum Rosecrucianarum et fanaticorum.(73) In a further letter of 9 October 1642 Andreae asked again for support for his long-sought, beneficial, and worthy Christianae societatis sive Unionis. The duke finally responded to the possibility of a learned society on 1 November 1642: when the waves of the sea that had been agitated by Mars had been calmed somewhat, he wrote, the proposed Christian union must be striven for all the more zealously.(74) By the time the winds of war finally ceased, though, Andreae was nearing retirement.(75)

As we have thus seen, Andreae was not just dedicated intellectually to the utopian ideal; from nearly the beginning till the end of his life, he sought fellowship with those committed to bettering society in some way.

THE FUROR OVER THE ROSICRUCIAN BROTHERHOOD

All discussion of Andreae's involvement with what has come to be known as the Rosicrucian furor has been withheld until it could be contextualized in the story of his lifelong involvement with Protestant utopianism. We especially need to try to look at these manifestos not from the perspective of the public furor that followed their publication and the subsequent centuries of partisan scholarship, but rather from the perspective of Andreae's lifelong commitment to learned brotherhoods. We can avoid the scholarly quagmire that surrounds his "involvement" in the so-called Rosicrucian brotherhood by foregrounding four important bibliographic details. First, in his "Breviarium vitae Andreanae," a biographical and bibliographical record in the form of a yearly diary, Andreae ascertained his authorship of the Chymische Hochzeit and fixed its date of composition at 1605.(76) Second, Andreae included axioms from the Confessio in the Theca gladii spiritus (1616), thus linking himself to this second manifesto. Third, Christoph Besold, one of the leaders of his circle, translated the Boccalini chapter published with the Fama. Lastly, a reception study from Andreae's own work in the aftermath of the furor - most importantly the revisions to his dialogue on the Fraternitas from the 1617 to the 1618 editions of the Menippus - reveals that his admiration for their aims was being replaced by repugnance at the public response to the call he had helped draft. The first two bibliographical certainties render the debates over Andreae's involvement moot and apologists who wish to preserve his pious memory unbesmirched by Rosicrucianism defenseless; the textual variations in the last bibliographic detail help prove that Andreae's involvement was not limited to a share in writing the Fama in his youth. Since we now are much more aware of how frequent composite authorship was in such friendship circles, we need not fret over Andreae's precise contributions.(77) Kienast, Arnold, Edighoffer, Brecht, and van Dulmen all certainly accept composite authorship as a high probability.(78)

Anecdotal evidence from the time does as well. Melchior Breler, writing to warn others about the clamoring of these disguised brothers, claimed that the Fama was written by "three men of the first rank" who were cleverly using the rumor of their possessing the philosopher's stone to entice others to reveal what they knew.(79) In 1700 Gottfrid Arnold made the first notable attempt to attribute authorship to Andreae through his claim that among the papers of M. Christoph Hirschens, minister of Eisleben and a close friend of Arndt, was a report that Arndt had revealed a secret to him that had been revealed first by Andreae: the Fama had been brought out by thirty men in Wurttemberg. Since no one ever saw this paper, this story has never been credited.(80) When the article on the Rosencreutzer appeared in Zedler's Lexicon in 1742, "the well-known Lutheran divine" Andreae was discussed as a possible founder.(81) Perhaps the most intriguing peripheral evidence is Besold's marginal comment in his own copy of the Fama, now at the library of the University of Salzburg: "Auctorem suspicor J.V.A. Et est et Andreanos avitum insigne, crux et rosae [figure supplied] qualis certe crux depingitur in der Chymischen Hochzeit."(82) Since the Chymische Hochzeit had not yet been published, Besold's memory of this work suggests its significance to their circle.

In the judgment of Andreae's most acute readers, then, he was squarely in the middle of the Rosicrucian furor from a relatively early time (i.e., 1605). Scholarly evidence also shows that Andreae should not be misconstrued as the guiding spirit of the Rosicrucians, even if the name and impresa of Christian Rosencreutz were of his coinage. As Crusius's diary shows, Hess was steeped in Studion's chiliasm and the prophecy for 1604 long before Andreae came to Tubingen; surely Andreae gleaned this key part of the schema through Hess.(83) That others contributed significantly to the Rosicrucian fable does not preclude Andreae's having a primary role in "authoring" the documents during their composition, when he was a literarily polished but still junior member of this circle. We should also note that the lion's share of his nearly one hundred works were popularizations of the ideas of others; he was not an original thinker and had only a few truly creative offerings - most notably, Chymische Hochzeit and Christianopolis - though he was ever busy with his pen.

Our main interest here is how the world view of the manifestos coincides with Andreae's other utopian interests. What is known of the furor caused by the publication of the manifestos has been told elsewhere.(84) We can only conjecture about the response of the learned readers to whom these manifestos were directed, alle Gelehrte und Haupter Europae. Andreae spent the rest of his life explaining that it had all been a ludibrium. Surely others at the time recognized that the Fama was a fiction and the "secret" brotherhood did not exist. The two core ideas - the idea of world reformation and the brotherhood of the learned - were certainly rooted in contemporary Lutheranism. At a time when the reformed churches in general were threatened, even its millenarianism would have struck a responsive chord.

Too often critics treat the Chymische Hochzeit: Christiani Rosenkreutz. Anno 1459 as if it were written after the manifestos and in response to them.(85) Nothing about the published version of 1616, however, suggests that it had been revised from the 1605 manuscript, especially as the published text ends in midsentence with an indication that two quarto leaves are missing.(86) We should then properly consider it before the two manifestos. Andreae composed it during the interval between his undergraduate and theological studies when he was nineteen. His treatment of the well-known motif of the chemical wedding bears the imprint of his wide reading, the major sources of which were available in Besold's library: Paracelsus, Agrippa, Khunrath, Figulus, and the Theatrum Chemicum, which gathered many ancient texts conveniently together and had just been published by Zetzner in 1602. Assigning sources is less fruitful than pursuing the connection with Christian Rosencreutz (spelled with a k only in the title), presumably Andreae's own creation since the name, a symbol of the central idea of his Christian philosophy, does not appear anywhere before 1605. The rose-cross came from his family's coat of arms, which derived from Luther's. Andreae's originality was in uniting the age-old symbols of the rose, the cross, and the wedding as a symbol of the union of the Lutheran reformation and Christian hermetism. Given the alchemical interests of his parents and the open atmosphere in Tubingen, it is not surprising that he was inclined towards alchemy long before he met Besold or Hess.

Ezechiel Foxcroft gave his translation the appropriate title of The Hermetick Romance (London, 1690), for Andreae's work was very much in the mode of the literary romance with all its attendant marvels. The controlling narrative, whose outline can only be sketched here, is a pilgrimage to a royal wedding, which is also an allegory for alchemical and spiritual regeneration.(87) After evening prayers on Maundy Thursday, the narrator, Christian Rosencreutz, is greeted by a lady, identified in a marginal note as Praeconissa, the conveyor of the proclamation of the Gospel, who announces a royal wedding. When he awakes, he dresses in a white linen coat, girds himself with a red ribbon crossways, sticks four roses in his hat, and sets out. The narrative of the first three days concerns his pilgrimage and trials; once he is admitted to the castle as a "Brother of the Red-Rosie Cross," he witnesses a royal death, resurrection, and "wedding" in the last four days.(88) Those who prove themselves worthy guests are are permitted to watch an esoteric spectacle enacting the alchemical death, rebirth, and marriage of the great work. The culminating event is concocting a solution in a laboratory made from six royal corpses; in a golden globe a snow white egg is produced that hatches into a blue bird that is beheaded and cremated. From these ashes a homunculus and homunucula are fashioned, which are brought to life as the new king and queen. At the exoteric wedding feast, the Brotherhood is clothed in yellow habits with golden fleeces, declared Knights of the Golden Stone, and given new articles or leges. They also bear a white ensign with a red cross just as Rosencreutz was arrayed when he ventured forth. Having been invested, the pilgrim at last reveals his true name, Christian Rosencreutz, as he inscribes it in the book of life.

Late in his life Andreae wrote slightingly about this youthful work, even amazed that it had drawn such attention or was so popular, three or perhaps four editions being issued within twelve months. He wrote, "The Nuptiae Chymicae survives in contrast [to his writings that did not], with its fecund brood of monstrosities: a ludibrium that you may wonder was valued by some and explicated with such subtle ingenuity, and certainly this shows the inanity of the curious."(89) The story of the "invisible" appearance of the brotherhood in Paris in 1623 is well known and can serve as an example of the inanitatem to which Andreae referred. Less familiar are the nearly two hundred responses published in Europe before 1630, most of which appeared before 1620. What most if not all of these early commentators failed to perceive, as have many since, is the wit and humor that shape Andreae's romance. The fable of Christian Rosencreutz is a composite of Chaucerian ernest and game, the risible and grotesque whose purpose was to discredit false, deceitful alchemy while proclaiming the spiritual renewal possible through esoteric alchemy.(90) Its author was just nineteen, and his youth is evident in the loose narrative and the fanciful richness of its detail.

Unlike the Chymische Hochzeit, which is really directed toward the renewal of its hero, the Fama has a much broader program in view by broaching the idea of an elite brotherhood, which would foster a renewal of the inner life and general reform. While its authors promise that a door would be opened to all of Europe, they are especially concerned with "the whole Fatherland of the German Nation."(91) That the manifesto was written in German instead of Latin underscores this point. Undoubtedly the Hess-Besold circles in Tubingen provided one prototype for this brotherhood; the Jesuits, the ultimate secret society, provided another. Andreae's notion of a spiritual elite within his own church was clearly driven by the success of the Jesuits, who, concerned with counteracting moral decay, achieved their goals, it was widely believed, through subterfuge and secret knowledge. While Andreae never avowed his authorship of the Fama as he did for the Chymische Hochzeit, neither did he disavow it or name anyone else. His friends seemed to know his authorship, as Besold's marginal comments, quoted above, reveal. In content, form, and style the Fama is considerably different from his other writings, even from the Chymische Hochzeit; however, when compared to the later Rosicrucian writings of others, its kinship with the riddling, enigmatic, and above all playful method of the Chymische Hochzeit is evident.(92) We do not know just when this collaborative manifesto was written, but can assume with certainty it was before 1610 when it was already circulating in manuscript in the Tyrol, as Haselmeyer stated in his Antwort.(93) Edighoffer has proposed that Andreae, who saw himself as a Christian Hercules capable of rescuing church and state from its moral decline, wrote the Fama just after his expulsion from Tubingen in 1607 as compensation for his disappointments.(94) This seems right. All three Rosicrucian works are tied together through this imaginary hero Christian Rosencreutz, whose name brought to mind the shield of Luther and his own honored grandfather, Jacob Andreae. The creation of the name Christian Rosencreutz must be credited to Andreae; no one has discovered its use prior to 1605.(95) Since Rosencreutz was born in 1378 - as indicated in the Confessio and cryptographically in the Chymische Hochzeit - and his tomb was "discovered" in 1604 after 120 years, he died just about the time of Luther's birth in 1483 or 1484.(96) The year 1604 was fraught with chiliastic significance: "new stars" had appeared in the constellations Serpentarius and Cygnus, mentioned specifically in the Fama, which Kepler had written about in De stella nova in pede Serpentarii (1606); a heavenly portent in the form of a fiery triangle was observed that was thought to appear every 800 years, having heralded Charlemagne and Christ before him; the third age predicted by Joachim of Fiore was expected; and it was the year Studion completed his millenarian prophecy.(97) The Fama was thus situated auspiciously.

Since the purpose of the Fama was to make known the fraternity and call for a declaration of support, it is mainly an originary tale, purportedly based on the autobiography of its founder, the details of which are well known. Since the tomb of Christian Rosencreutz has been discovered, the secret brotherhood can proclaim their fama, and if their invitation is answered discreetly and Christian-like, they will make known their names publicly. The brothers profess their Lutheran orthodoxy and are optimistic about the power of reason as a divine light capable of fathoming the mysteries of nature. They claim to be the heirs of the prisca theologia of Adam, Moses, Solomon: as Jesus is the true image of the Father, so their philosophia is the true image of Christ. What the Fama actually proposed was an idea Andreae would pursue most of his life: a union of Christian scholars who would dedicate themselves to a Christian hermetism for the renewal of the world. This goal differs little from the Imago of 1620, which also alluded to a secret wisdom to be shared with other worthy souls.

The Confessio was published with the Fama in a bilingual (Latin-German) edition by the same publisher the following year (1615). Since both works had the same provenance and referred intertexually to one another, from then on these two were always published together as the essential Rosicrucian manifestos.(98) The Confessio, in my judgment, was written about 1614 to capitalize on the developing phenomenon, for at least two responses had already found their way into print. Most observers have assumed that the two manifestos were written at about the same time because of the intertextual references. No one seems to have seen the Confessio until it was published in 1615. We can safely assume that Haselmeyer had not seen the Confessio before penning his enthusiastic Antwort because he did not mention it anywhere, yet otherwise paid careful attention to the details of the brotherhood; since he mentioned specifically that he awaited the multilingual editions of the Fama, the Confessio would presumably have caught his eye.(99) We also know that Prince August of Anhalt was prepared to publish the two manifestos together in late 1611, but the Confessio could not be found.(100) Thus the references to the forthcoming Confessio in the Fama seem an advertisement for the project that enticed readers with the lure of future revelations. The dating of the Confessio, in which Andreae clearly had a hand, is significant because it provides the best evidence of his participation in utopian projects with Hess as late as 1614.

While it has been suggested that the world views of the two manifestos were different, this difference is more a matter of emphasis.(101) The Confessio was less explicitly Lutheran and more vehemently anti-Roman Catholic; it emphasized the Rosicrucian brotherhood as part of a reformation to prepare for a new age when the pope would finally be overthrown and made more mention of the hermetic secrets to be revealed. From its opening chiliastic note, however, the tone is more insistent: to wit, since the course of Nature has been turned ["den Lauff der Natur umbwendet"] in preparation for the Lord's Sabbath, the secret Book of Nature was more decipherable than ever. The appearance of heavenly portents in the constellations of Serpentarius and Cygnus gave a further breath of urgency to their movement. A few more details about the fraternity emerged: it was to be divided into degrees; its leaders would help the monarchs govern Europe along utopian lines; the Bible was the sum and content of their rule. Whereas false alchemists (those who only claimed to be able to transform metals) were disparaged, every character inscribed in the Book of Nature was also to be learned. The wisdom lost by Adam - the sum of all that God revealed or man discovered - was again being freely made available to the learned of Europe. All those who would learn these secrets were urged to come forward and answer the call. And of course many all over Europe did just that.

Why had the Fama been written by Andreae and his friends? Quite simply, to serve anonymously the cause of reform. Why was it published several years later? To capitalize on the already public response of Haselmayer (1612) and so to accelerate the movement. Both manifestos were from the press of Wilhelm Wessell, an official printer to Moritz, Landgrave of Kassel, whose court was a flourishing center for alchemy and Paracelsian medicine where many notable occultists were living.(102) Publishing Haselmeyer's response was a shrewd move: if made by the authors themselves, the "brotherhood" was linked intellectually to the Paracelsian tradition; if made by the printer, it sanctioned the "brotherhood" and gave them some momentum. The rationale for the publication of these two manifestos is clear, yet less clear is the rationale for the Chymische Hochzeit. It was published in an octavo format in 1616 at Strasbourg by Lazarus Zetzner, at a time when the furor was raging and, moreover, Andreae was struggling to establish himself as an orthodox churchman. Though it appeared anonymously, as did almost all of his earlier works, Andreae was widely known as the author. Since the text begins on the page bearing the signature mark Aii (and the title page is Ai), it is quite clear that no prefatory material could have been intended. If Andreae himself were trying to capitalize on the growing interest in the origins of Christian Rosencreutz, we might expect some commendatory, dedicatory, explanatory, or introductory matter of the sort that decked out early editions of the manifestos. By 1617 Andreae was in fact trying to distance himself from the turmoil through his published satires, not stir it up. We know that Andreae's first work, De Christiani Cosmoxeni was published without his knowledge by his friend Johann Stossel, so there is indeed precedent.(103) Without more evidence, however, the question of whether Andreae had a hand in the publication of the Chymische Hochzeit is unresolvable.

In the aftermath of the publication of the manifestos, Andreae began almost at once to separate himself from the Rosicrucian furor through his writings, especially his satires. A reception history of the Rosicrucian "brotherhood" from Andreae's own work in the aftermath of the furor reveals that his admiration for its aims, which he had helped draft, was being offset by his repugnance to the public response. First of all, Andreae selected twenty-eight sententiae from the Latin text of the Confessio for the Theca that featured some general Christian verities and an endorsement of learning; he downplayed the chiliasm and eschewed all references to the Rosicrucians themselves or their political mission in Europe. Edighoffer regards these selections as a clever attempt to correct or amend the Confessio.(104) Andreae also selected passages from Invitatio fraternitatis Christi, whose very title indicates that he was offering membership in another sort of fraternity, the universal church, which also support the idea that he was marking off his own ground.(105)

Even more telling are the revisions to the dialogue on the secret brotherhood in the Menippus. Whatever his aspirations for this earlier, "Rosicrucian" version of a utopian brotherhood and whatever his part in the publication of the manifestos, Andreae clearly was troubled by the spectacle it had become. By 1617 the idea had provoked sufficient misunderstanding in the public eye that Andreae devoted the twelfth chapter of his satirical Menippus, entitled "Fraternitas," to the brotherhood.(106) In the dialogue two characters discussed whether this phenomenon were just "curiosorum ludibrium." One defended the brothers by suggesting that "perhaps the curious seek not what the brothers seem to urge - concord and imitation of Christ - but seek miracles in nature and ease in their lives." The other responded, "Wearied of the world I really wished with all my spirit to go over to them, with no thought for profit." Now that they have come under suspicion as magicians and charlatans, he has simply given up hope.(107) This dialogue reveals that the Rosicrucian "brothers" were already identified in the public eye as vulgar alchemists or gold seekers, whereas both manifestos inveighed against this kind of alchemy, a point Haselmeyer also emphasized.(108) In the following year Andreae brought out a second edition of the Menippus (1618). The textual revisions to this chapter reflect that his disapproval of the so-called brotherhood had intensified in just one year.(109) Some of the changes are subtle, such as the response to the opening sally, concerning how one felt about that fraternity everyone was talking about. The first edition has Minus quam ante magnifice while the second leaves out "than before," a revision that makes the character's position more static. More telling is the replacement of the sympathetic defense of their aims by "A.," quoted above, with the more judgmental "certainly the curious deserved it, for they preferred some artificial and unusual way to the simple way of Christ."(110) These changes emphasize clearly that Andreae's views were not simply or always negative, as a naive reading of the satires might indicate, but that he was changing his attitude - no doubt in reaction to mounting public opinion.

This brief satiric dialogue in the Menippus evidently did not satisfy him - or perhaps his ire increased - for he devoted an entire work with twenty-five witty scenes, Turris Babel, sive Judiciorum de Fraternitate Rosaceae Crucis Chaos (1619), to the Rosicrucians. As was his practice, Andreae had the book published anonymously, though he signed the dedicatory preface to Heinrich Hein with his initials. The biting satire of the title played on the ideal of a movement uniting men of all languages, whereas a Tower of Babel had been the actual result, a veritable chaos among the learned caused by the Fama and Confessio along with the proliferating Rosicrucian tracts. The preface nonetheless reveals how conflicted Andreae was about the furor he had helped create, for he stated that was reluctant to say anything further though he wanted to assure Hein - who would later found a society, Antilia, based on Andreae's own model - and his other friends of his common feelings for them. In the last scene, the character "Fama" admitted that all had read into her what they had dreamed of and that she in fact was a fabula. However, when "Resipiscens" (he-who-is-recovering-his-senses) became convinced that the Rosicrucians did not exist, he gave up his search for them without giving up his idea of a Christian brotherhood, saying, "And so though I indeed give up the society of the fraternity itself, I will have never left the true Christian Brotherhood." The fraternal ideal expressed in the manifestos was thus implicitly valorized. Andreae's final gesture is to have "Resipiscens" make an avowal of faith that culminates with the words of the Rosicrucians themselves: "I will bear the Cross of the Christians, I will preserve the Order of Christianity, I will obey the disciplines of Christianity, I will live and die a Christian, and I say with them, Jesus will be all things to me." The Rosicrucian tessera IESVS MIHI OMNIA was then inscribed on the final page as a colophon to the text.(111)

In this same year Andreae also indicated his sympathy with the brotherhood in the preface to Christianopolis. He later satirized the Rosicrucians as an example of curiositas, the unbridled inquisitiveness that leads to ruin, in De cvriositatis pernicie syntagma. Along with such curiosities of the pseudo-wise as alchemy, magic, and prophesying, Andreae included the Brotherhood of the Rose Cross, though still he differentiated between the few who had noble motives for reform and the throng who were so ludicrous.(112) Finally we should consider the statement in his Vita that "I have always laughed at the fairy-tale of the Rosicrucians and opposed the curious brotherhood."(113) While one reader takes this as a clue about his satiric intention,(114) it seems more likely that he had firmly separated in his mind the innocuous utopian manifestos from the public furor, which in retrospect he believed he had always been against.

Indeed Andreae felt compelled to defend himself for very nearly the rest of his life. Having been instructed to revive the ruined church in a war-devastated Wurttemberg (1638), he first took the step of professing his orthodoxy to earn the trust of others.(115) In 1641 when he was offered the title of doctor of theology, he accepted "to prove with this testimonial my innocence and orthodoxy before all of Christendom."(116) Perhaps we can better appreciate the lingering suspicions against him from a remark made by Herzog August in a letter of 26 July 1642, who said that in his opinion only the ignorant had reckoned the Imago and Dextera porrecta to be Scripta Fratrum Rosae Crucis because they were diametrically opposed to these.(117) Lastly, we have the evidence of Andreae's apologia, his autobiography, especially its fulsome dedicatory letter to Herzog August in which he proclaimed his Lutheran orthodoxy. The defiant tone of this last attempt to vindicate himself before his patron may offer some indication of the frustration this stigma had entailed.

Johann Valentin Andreae's lifelong dream was to found a brotherhood of Christians dedicated to ameliorating society's ills. Like many humanists in early modern Europe, he placed great faith in the potential of the regenerate in Christ to bring about change through the power of human reason and science. Evidence suggests that the two Rosicrucian manifestos, dated uncertainly between 1614 and 1619, emerged from Andreae's Tubingen circle, as did the utopian brotherhood known as the Civitas Solis. The composition of the Confessio, in which both Andreae and Hess, the Utopiensis Princeps, jointly took part - Hesso imputata, plane mea - provides the best evidence of Andreae's continuing involvement with Hess till his death in 1614.(118) Only when the idea of such a learned society became associated in the public eye with vulgar alchemy and sectarian lunacy did Andreae begin to differentiate between his brotherhood and the "false" Rosicrucians through his satires. The difference between the 1617 and 1618 version of the dialogue over the Fraternitas in the Menippus reveals his attitudes in transition. The manifestos themselves, as we have seen, were completely innocuous. So Andreae simply continued his utopian projects with many of the same friends who had a hand in hatching the Rosicrucian fable, later giving more formal status to the Civitas Solis through his 1619 tract. The Rosicrucian "brotherhood" was plainly an earlier phase of his lifelong hopes for a Christian utopia that was appropriated by others and so abandoned. As he told Comenius in September 1628, he felt like an exhausted fighter who could no longer do battle. Even so his utopian writings - the Rosicrucian manifestos (a share for which he must be accorded), the Imago, and the Christianopolis - stirred others to take pen in hand.

TEXAS A&M UNIVERSITY

I wish to acknowledge the generous support of the Alexander yon Humboldt-Stiftung in preparing this essay as well as the generosity of my colleagues at the Institut fur Anglistik, University of Erlangen-Nuremberg (1992-93).

1 Vaughan, 1923, 27.

2 A separate title page gave a different subtitle to the Fama Fraternitatis, describing it as Bruderschafft, des Hochloblichen Ordens des R. C. An die Haupter, Stande und Gelehrten Europae, thus incorporating the key terms of "brotherhood" and "order." For fuller bibliographic details, see Wolfstieg.

3 Haselmeyer's Antwort: An die Lobwurdige Bruderschafft der Theosophen, vom Rosenkreutz N.N. stated that the manuscript circulated in the Tyrol in 1610 (Allgemeine und General Reformation, 130). His response had been published in 1612 and then reprinted in the first edition of the Fama. On Haselmeyer, see Senn and Gilly.

4 See especially Montgomery; van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1]; Brecht, 1977; and Edighoffer, 1981; idem, 1982/87. The chapter by Manuel and Manuel, 289-308, presents a balanced though brief summary of his life. For a brief overview of the scholarship on Andreae himself, see Brecht, 1977, 272-73.

5 Despite the withering review of The Rosicrucian Enlightenment by Vickers, which revealed that Yates's creation of a Rosicrucian movement where none existed was a "triumph of rhetoric" made possible by her manipulation of evidence, positive reviews by Walker and Trevor-Roper tended to sanction her conclusions. The historical inaccuracies of Yates's major sources - Peuckert, 1928; and P. Arnold, 1955 have been revealed by Montgomery, 1973, 1:158-62.

6 See Brecht, 1977, 285-86; Edighoffer, 1981, 225-26; and idem, 1987, 288-300. Montgomery, 1988, defends himself against recent challenges without engaging the new textual arguments of Brecht and Edighoffer.

7 In the preface to the Theca (Andreae, 1616), Andreae explained that these sententiae were taken both from Hess's writings and conversations, but in his autobiography (Andreae, 1849, 46) Andreae stated that "though credited to Hess, they were plainly mine" ("Hesso imputata, plane mea"). All citations from the autobiography will be given to the German edition as well; Seybold's translation - "Hessen beilegte, und die ganz mein ist" (Andreae, 1799, 71) attributes authorship solely to Andreae.

8 The subsequent history of the Rosicrucian brotherhood has been scrutinized by a host of scholars and partisan historians. One example will suffice. Waite, an apostle of occultism, has produced two quite different histories. Waite, 1887, 217-45, argued that Andreae joined a secret society led by Simon Studion (who produced the two tracts), named the Militia Crucifera Evangelica; after Studion's death, Andreae transformed this group into the Rosicrucians. In Waite, 1924, 182-214, he reconsidered the evidence and denied that Andreae was involved.

9 McGann, 10.

10 My argument here certainly benefits from the work of many earlier scholars, notably Buhle, who argued a position close to my own without being able to link Andreae definitively to the manifestos.

11 In his tribute to his mother, "Mariae Andreanae merita materna," published in Andreae, 1633, 47, Andreae wrote that his mother was accustomed to strict discipline while his father had a liberal spirit; his mother was devoted to poverty, "pater interdum in impostores, qui varias artes venditabant, contulit." He also stated "Alebat tum pater inutilem chymicorum, & rei familiari noxiam turbam" (52). The reigning duke of Wurttemberg, Friedrich I (reigned 1593-1608), was not only tolerant of alchemy, but patronized those who claimed knowledge of the art of transmuting metals to gold, though he also sent impostors to the gallows, three times between 1596 and 1601.

12 Andreae, 1849, 120 (idem, 1799, 132).

13 See Hermelink, 2:10. Andreae, 1849, 11-13 (idem, 1799, 17-21). There were four faculties at this time theology, law, medicine, and arts but Andreae did not begin with his theological studies until 1605. See Haller.

14 Andreae, 1849, 13-14 (idem, 1799, 22). Based on their examination of the minutes of the university senate at Tubingen, both Brecht and Edighoffer have concluded that Andreae was involved in posting a scandalous pasquil that alluded to a premarital relationship with a bride-to-be whose wedding was to take place at the home of the ducal chancellor Matthaus Enzlin, who arranged for the investigation and the strong punishments. During the hearings that followed, Andreae admitted complicity in the scandal, but his authorship was never proved; in fact, no one ever claimed authorship and the squib does not survive. All those involved were incarcerated 31 May 1607. See Brecht, 1977, 275-76, citing the minutes of the sessions from 31 May-5 June 1607, in the Universitatsarchiv Tubingen, 2, 8, 52-60. See also Edighoffer, 1981, 1:221-22; and idem, 1982/87, 188-95.

15 Andreae, 1849, 37-38 (idem, 1799, 57-58): "Id erat, quod cum me sensissem divagationibus meis a recta studiorum sacrorum methodo avocatum et pleraque institutionis theologicae memoriae multum distractae excidisse, ne illotis manibus in ecclesiae sacraria irruerem, exoravi."

16 The first editor and translator of his autobiography, Seybold, (Andreae, 1799), xvi-xvii, transcribed the relevant entries from the (no longer extant) Zeugnisbuch of the Stuttgart Consistory: "M. Joh. Val. Andreae, des gewesenen Pralaten zu Konigsbronn seeligen filius, ist den 22. Decembris A. 1612. in einer Predigt gehort, und darauf in Examine angesprochen worden, hat man bey ihme befunden, dass er seine dona, aber noch der Zeit in lectione Biblica nicht wohl versiert, und durch fleissiges studiren ins kunftig wol etwas praestiren, und zum Ministerio gebraucht werden konnte." After two years of study: "den 25. Februarii A. 1614. hatt er widerumb geprediget, und ein seine prob gethun, ist zum Diaconat Vaihingen an der Enz verordnet worden."

17 Andreae, 1849, 43 (idem, 1799, 67).

18 E.g., a summary of Matthias Hafenreffer's thoughts (1614); an anthology of Arndt's Vier Bucher vom wahren Christentum (1615); the inchoate thoughts of Hess, Theca gladii spiritus (1616); Latin satires of social and intellectual folly in the tradition of Erasmus, Turbo (1616) and Menippus (1617); the companion pieces Peregrini in Patria errores (1618), Civis christianus (1619), and Mythologiae christianae (1619); and his most famous work Christianopolis (1619). Bibliographies of his writings can be found in Montgomery, 1973, 489-509; van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 279-95; and Edighoffer, 1982/87, 2: 761-81.

19 Andreae, 1849, 94-95, 144-45 (idem, 1799, 92). Seybold does not include any of the descriptions of the conflagration that Rheinwald takes from the Threni Calvenses (Strasbourg, 1635).

20 Andreae had already been on diplomatic missions of sorts: in fall 1619 he undertook a secret commission to Austria (his second journey there) to make contact with Protestants who looked to Wurttemberg as their second fatherland. See Andreae, 1849, 82-94 (idem, 1799, 89-90, 366-84).

21 His correspondents included activists such as Jan Amos Comenius, Johann Adolph Tassius, Johann Abraham Pomer, and John Duty, who wrote about English proposals for uniting the Protestant churches. See Andreae, 1849, 126-27 (idem, 1799, 142).

22 Montgomery, 1973, 1:31-32, provides these facts on Crusius.

23 Ibid., 1:30-31. Andreae's affection for Hafenreffer and Schaefer is evident from his later editing abridgements of their works.

24 Hess matriculated at Tubingen on 12 November 1587 and received a doctorate in law in 1592 (Hermelink, 1:656). Van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 48-59, also regards Hess as the most decisive influence in the second phase of his studies (1607-14); Brecht, 1977, 280-88, recognizes his importance, as does Edighoffer, 1982/87, 1:198-202. Van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 58, lists Thomas Lansius, Wilhelm Schickhardt, Johannes Stoffel, Christoph Besold, and, above all, Abraham Holzel as known members of Hess's circle.

25 Universitatsarchiv Tubingen, 20, 3a, 1 (1599); quoted in Brecht, 1977, 281: "Hess sei kein Mediziner, sondern ein alchymista potius, impii illius Paracelsi discipulus."

26 Crusius is an important primary source. The entries (24 November 1597, 9 September 1598, 20 November 1598, 12 November 1601) were all near the beginning of the academic year. For Hess's censure, see Universitatsarchiv Tubingen, 6, 25, Visitationrezess 1606; quoted in Brecht, 1977, 283.

27 See the entry for 20 November 1598, Crusius, 2:135.

28 Frick, 149.

29 See Waite, 1924, 253-57, 72-73; van Dulmen, 1978, 50.

30 See the 23 January 1604 entry in Crusius, 3:668. Peuckert, 1956, 360-61, sees parallels between Figulus and the Fama.

31 See van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 52-53.

32 Andreae, 1619, 137-38.

33 Van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 56.

34 "Tobiae Hessi ... Immortalitas," (1614) in Andreae, [1619.sup.3], 57: "ut... hinc artis Paeoniae methodum, praeceptaque, inde examen, sive tentamen verius, oculis usurparet, manibus palparet, atque adeo divinas literas creaturis hinc inde impressas jucundissima anatomia intueretur."

35 Andreae, 1849, 20, 46 (idem, 1799, 31-32, 70-71): "viro onmigena rerum cognitione et fervida pietate incomparabili," with whom he wanted to establish an "intimum amoris foedus, et societas." Indeed Hess was among the members of the Societas christiana Andreae listed for Herzog August in his letter of 27 June 1642, Wolfenbuttel MS Cod. Guelf. 65.1 Extrav. fol. 17; Kvacala, 1903-04, 1:182-84.

36 Besold was born in Tubingen, where he matriculated on 12 March 1591, receiving the baccalaureate in 1592 and doctorate of laws in 1599; he was made professor of law in 1610 (Hermelink, 1:682). On 1 August 1630, after long deliberation, he converted to Catholicism, declaring so publicly after Nordlingen, whereupon he joined the faculty at Ingolstadt (1636) and was made "kaiserlicher und chur=bayerischer Rat." For details, see Zedler 3:1499-1500; Jocher, 1:1049-50; and Kienast, 21-33.

37 In Andreae, 1849, 12 (idem, 1799, 20), he noted that in addition to the instruction from the mathematician Maestlin, "accessit Christophori Besoldi et incredibilis humanitas et inexhausta beneficentia cum bibiotheca supra privatam sortem instructissima, cujus in me singula merita omnem meam commendationem excedunt." For the library, van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 59-60, reports the following totals: in philosophy-philology, 611 volumes; medicine, 162; history, 555; Spanish, French, and Italian literature, 426; Roman Catholic theology, 431; Protestant theology, 544; Hebraic literature, 103; law, 740; and politics, 304. Works by Cusa, Franck, Alsted, Bodin, Fludd, Paracelsus, Crollius, Sennert, Rulandus, and a substantial collection of Rosicrucian writings show the catholicity of his reading.

38 T. Spittler, 451; cited by van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 61.

39 Andreae, 1849, 155 (idem, 1799, 163), referred to his conversion as "mors Besoldi spiritualis." Van Dulmen, 1978, 55, has a revealing statement from Besold on how the anti-Catholic, apocalyptic atmosphere in 1606 at Tubingen clouded his ability to value Catholicism.

40 Besold, 92-99.

41 For Arndt's sources, see Weber.

42 Andreae, 1849, 42 (idem, 1799, 65).

43 Brecht, 1977, 296 argues: "In Andreaes eigener Entwicklung markiert die Studienberatung durch Hafenreffer die Uberwindung der Rosenkreuzerphase und die Formulierung seines eigentlichen Programms. Zugleich gewann er das Vertrauen, mit seinem Wissen an den rechten Platz zu kommen, wenn auch nicht unangefochten."

44 For example, Besold, Wilhelm Wense, and Abraham Holzel participated in the "Collegium mathematicum" at the Stift, which led to one of Andreae's first published works in 1614. Besold dedicated his Axiomata philosophico-theologica (1616) to Andreae; this collection of aphorisms served as the model for Andreae's Theca.

45 Turnbull, 1954, 407-32 and 1955, 151-85. On Andreae's society-building, see also Kvacala, 1899; and van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1].

46 Herzog August Bibliothek Signatur 1339.7 Theol is a small (6x9 cm) octavo volume with both 1620 Tubingen editions, bound in calf and embossed with the initials A.H.Z.B.V.L. [August, Herzog zu Braunschweig und Luneburg]. Though it was entered in the library catalogue in 1665 as an anonymous entry, it probably was the copy sent by Morsius to the duke, who kept his own library catalogue until his accession.

47 Letter from Andreae to Herzog August, 27 June 1642, Wolfenbuttel MS Cod. Guelf. 65.1 Extrav. fol. 17; Kvacala, 1903-04, 26:182-83. The key phrase is "informem hanc Societatis alicujus Christianae imaginem, machinatus sum, quam fictitiae Fraternitatis Rosecruciae ludibrio indigno opponeremus."

48 See, e.g., Waite, 1924, 187, who argues that "ludibrium" should be translated as "fantasy."

49 Probably no earlier than 1613, since his friendship with Wilhelm Wense began then. Listing Hess could have been a mistake, but the presence of occultists on this list still creates problems. Edighoffer, 1981, 236, also notes this discrepancy; see idem, 1982/87, 198, 392-94.

50 Arnold, 1955, 44-67, 85-116, believes many of them were collaborators with Andreae.

51 Andreae, 1642, 7-9. He referred to a key passage from his preface to Christianopolis (Andreae, 1916), 138.

52 In his 26 March 1645 letter to Herzog August, Andreae also stated that the society was named by Wense at the suggestion of Adami; quoted in van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 247, n. 10.

53 Letter from Andreae to Comenius, 15 September 1629; Kvacala, 1903-04, 26:11. Andreae wrote "Qui post famae vanae ludibrium . . . ante octennium circiter." "About eight years before" cannot mean before the writing of the 1629 letter (i.e., 1621) since the society existed long before then. It could refer to a period eight years after the appearance of the Fama, for which two possibilities exist: 1622, eight years after its publication; or 1615-1616, eight years after it was written and circulated in manuscript.

54 His funeral tribute, "Tobiae Hessi . . . Immortalitas," was published with some others in Andreae, [1619.sup.3], 69.

55 The change from Lutheran to Protestant has ample justification from Andreae himself. When Comenius wrote Andreae seeking admission for himself and three of his fellow Bohemian Brethren to this brotherhood despite being neither German nor Lutheran, Andreae welcomed them all in his 15 September 1629 letter (Kvacala, 1903-04, 26:11-12).

56 Andreae, [1647.sup.1], 24. The third triad mentioned here may be confusing to Hall's modern reader who would not know that "physician" is elsewhere rendered as "naturalist"; this man was supported or aided by an anatomist and surgeon. The "economist" may have been a steward.

57 Ibid., 27.

58 Ibid., 50.

59 It explained the idea of Christian fellowship and the obligation for Christians to join together in the mystical body of the church by grasping the hand extended to all (1 John 5:2-3).

60 Burton, 1:89.

61 Andreae, 1916, 143.

62 Held, in ibid., 30, points out that this is also the village where Judas Maccabaeus conquered Nicanor. The city is further described in the dedication to Johann Arndt as a colony "in that Jerusalem which thou didst build with mighty spirit" (131).

63 Ibid., 217-18.

64 Ibid., 221-22.

65 Ibid., 137.

66 Ibid., 137, 138-39. In the tale itself, when first examined, the pilgrim is asked whether he is one of the "impostors who falsely call themselves the BROTHERS OF THE ROSICRUCIANS" (145). This challenge is couched in such ambiguity that it does not reveal much (since we do not know if they are impostors for falsely claiming to be members of a real brotherhood, or impostors for claiming to be members of a false brotherhood). This same ambiguity is evident in the Latin: "[ex] impostoribus, qui se roseae crucis fratres mentirentur" (Andreae, 1972, 40).

67 See Edighoffer, 1987, 71-73.

68 Letter from Andreae to Herzog August, 27 June 1642, Wolfenbuttel MS Cod. Guelf. 65.1 Extrav. fol. 17; Kvacala, 1903-04, 26:182-83. On this Nuremberg society, see Dickson.

69 For a detailed account of this relationship, see Henke, 260-68, 273-75.

70 Andreae, 1849, 206-07 (idem, 1799, 245-46).

71 Kvacala, 1903-04, 26:183: "Nunc quam in Capite Christo, ita nobiscum convenire intelligo, ut coniunctius nihil, et consonantius, dici queat; cum quicquid Natalibus et Ordine longe eminentiorem, et excellentissmum, ad hanc Unionem sive idem velle et nolle in Christo; submisse invitare non temeritatis, ant inpudentiae, sed Christianae tanturn fiduciae fuit, quae in hoc aeternitatis praeludio, Christi Jesu depositi, nos et aequos participes facit; pari loco olim (depositis terrae discriminibus) in beatis aedibus habendos."

72 Henke, 268: "Auf die schonen ubersandten Tractatlein, deren Durchlesung und Ruminirung totum hominem erfordert, will ich hiernachst antworten. Die anno 20 gedruckt, habe dasmahlen empfangen und durchlesen. Es habens damalen viele Ignoranten unter die scripta fratrum roseae crucis, welche damaln haufig herauskamen, mit gerechnet gehabt, da sie doch vielmehr hatten sehen sollen, dass es denselben ehe entgegengesetzt worden." On the verso of the June letter from Andreae, Herzog August also noted that Heinhofer had also given him copies of two of the tracts.

73 Ibid., 268: "Dass . . . sie die beigefugte ideas societatis ex numero vanitatum Rosecrucianarum et fanaticorum eximieren, habe ich mich ebenmassig mit untert[anigem]. Dank zu erfreuen."

74 Wolfenbuttel MS Cod. Guelf 236 Extrav., I, fol. 26; quoted in van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 155: "Wan die wallen des vom Marte erregten Meeres sich in etwas zum Kalm werden legen; so muss umb so viel eyfriger nach der vorgeschlagenen Christlichen Unionsbefoderung getrachtet werden."

75 With the support of Herzog August, Andreae became a member of the Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft on 6 November 1646 and accepted the name der Murbe, the weak or exhausted one, which he saw as appropriate for his years. He took as his impresa moss hanging on an old tree with the motto, Bleibet dochfrisch or "remains still fresh." See Andreae, 1849, 239-40; idem, 1799, 293-94. For his impresa Andreae gave the following description: "Das Moss auf der Erde unter den baumen in einem walde auf beyden seiten durchsichtig, ein waldgartlein darbey." See Conermann, 563.

76 Kienast, 238-40, published a transcription for the years 1586-1620 from a manuscript in the Archiv der Grossen National-Mutterloge in Berlin that was lost in the Second World War. Another manuscript, Wolfenbuttel MS Cod. Guelf. 67.12. Aug. 8??, also ascribes "Nuptiae Chymicae" to 1605. Andreae noted it in his Vita (Andreae, 1849, 10; idem, 1799, 16).

77 See Ezell.

78 However, Kienast, 132-50, based on a stylistic analysis, does not think Andreae was one of the authors (though he attributes the idea of the Rosicrucian fable to him). P. Arnold, 1955, 44-67 and 85-116, believes Andreae is the founder of Rosicrucianism, even though the manifestos were written compositely. Edighoffer, 1981, 225, suspects that the Fama and Confessio - just as the pasquinade and the Turbo - were collaborative efforts by Andreae, Hess, Holzel, Bidenbach, and Besold. Brecht, 1967, 285-86, points to Andreae and Hess's joint involvement in the Theca and Confessio. Van Dulmen, 1978, 78, concedes that Andreae, Hess, and Holzl jointly authored the Fama; he does not believe Andreae wrote the Confessio (74).

79 Breler, 100-01: "Habet enim illud scriprum [Fama fraternitas] autores tres viros primarios, qui hoc ingenioso commento alios de quibus fama ferebatur, esse ipsos lapidis Philosophici possessores, inescare, & versus falsusve rumor de ipsis jactatus esset, feliciter explorare sunt conati." Frick, 152, identifies the three men as Besold, Hess and Andreae; see Montgomery, 213, for a rebuttal.

80 Henke, 268. See G. Arnold, 2:947.

81 Zedler, 32:902-04.

82 Besold's copy of the Fama was a 1615 Frankfurt edition (Salzburg UB Signatur 20.955 I) that included numerous replies to the Rosicrucians; the marginalia is found at the bottom of 50-51; van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 76. Besold also indicated as much to a certain Johann Friedrich Jung, using the phrase "without doubt."

83 See the entry for 24 November 1597, Crusius, 1:415; Montgomery, 1973, 1:209.

84 Van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 85-92, provides a good overview. He discerns three groups: (1) the enthusiasts, above all the hermetists, who took the Fama verbatim and regarded the society as a reality; (2) the moderate defenders, who saw the actual matter not in the brotherhood but in the announcement of Paracelsian philosophy; and (3) the opponents and detractors, for whom the brotherhood was a "Lucianic" tale (88).

85 Thus Montgomery, 1973, 1:228, says, "Andreae made Rosencreutz the hero of the Hochzeit not simply to satirize the Rosicrucian myth, but primarily to christianize the myth."

86 Andreae, 1973, 124: "Hie manglen ungefehr zwey quart Bletlin, und ist er (Autor huius), da er vermeinet, er muste morgens Thorhuter sein, heim kommen."

87 For detailed studies of this work, see Montgomery, 1973, the second volume of whose book provides textual glosses, commentary and analysis; Edighoffer, 1982/87, 1: 301-39; and Hinze.

88 The English version, The Hermetick Romance: or the Chymical Wedding, trans. Ezechiel Foxcroft (London, 1690), is available in facsimile in Montgomery, 1973, vol. 2 and in Allen. Quotations will be cited from both Montgomery (2:27) and Allen (80). Montgomery, 276-83, describes the complexities of the allegory in which the events of the first three days parallel those of the last four.

89 Andreae, 1849, 10 (idem, 1799, 16): "Superfuerunt e contra Nuptiae Chymicae, cum monstrorum foecundo foetu, ludibrium, quod mireris a nonnullis aestimatum et subtili indagine explicatum, plane futile et quod inanitatem curiosorum prodat."

90 Van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 71.

91 Fama, in Andreae, 1973, 124: "diese Fraternitet wurde in kurtzem nicht so geheim, sondem dem gemeinen Vatterland Teutscher Nation behulflich, nohtwendig und ruhmlich sein."

92 Van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 74.

93 Allgemeine und General Reformation, 130, explained that he responded "Als uns nemblich Anno 1610. erstlich hierin in diss Land Tyroll, ewer Schreiben Fama Fraternitatis R. C. Schrifftlich zukommen . . ."

94 Edighoffer, 1981, 223.

95 Confraternities bore similar names however. The Legende von sant Anna (Strasbourg, 1501), Sig. [H3.sup.v], described a Brudershaft des Rosenkrantzes that was revived at the University of Cologne in 1475. The confraternity also had published Fraternitas Rosaceae Coronae (Cologne, 1498). See Davies, 307-10.

96 See Vaughan, 1923, 43; Montgomery, 1973, 298 (Allen, 115). Luther's birth year was previously given as 1484 or 1483. Edighoffer, 1981, 224, points out that Rosencreutz's birth year of 1378 coincides with the flowering of Swabian cities following their victory over Ulrich of Wurttemberg in the battle of Reutlingen. Montgomery, 169, n. 31, also points out that 1378 marked the outset of the Great Schism.

97 See van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 83-84.

98 The Allgemeine und General Reformation was published again at Frankfurt (1615), Amsterdam? (1615), and Frankfurt (1617) though it appeared at the end rather than the beginning of the volume.

99 I take Haselmeyer's statement that "we find joy springing into our hearts from your editions" ("So befinden wir auss ewern in unseren Hertzen springenden frew-denreichen Editionen," Allgemeine und General Reformation, 130) to be a reference to the manuscripts of the Fama.

100 Letter, August von Anhalt to Karl Widemann, December 1611, Hannover MS IV 341, fol. 542; cited by Carlos Gilly, "Iter Rosicrucianum auf der Suche nach unbekannten Quellen der fruhen Rosenkreuzer," in Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica, 76.

101 See Edighoffer, 1981, 225-26; and van Dulmen, [1978.sup.1], 88.

102 See Moran.

103 Andreae, 1849, 45-46 (idem, 1799, 70).

104 See Edighoffer's analysis of the selections in 1981, 226; and in idem, 1982/87, 288-300; he also includes the selections in an appendix in ibid., 2:xv-xix.

105 In Andreae, 1849, 46 (idem, 1799, 71) he wrote that the Invitatio (1617-18) was expressly "ludibrio illi Rosencruciano oppositam."

106 In Andreae, 1849, 46-47 (idem, 1799, 71-72), he referred to his Menippus as a frank but innocuous satire that used humor and wit for pious ends.

107 Andreae, 1617, 24-25: A: "Forte non id quaerunt, quod illi videntur urgere, Christi consensum & imitationem, sed Naturae miracula vitae subsidia." B: "Ego sane integro animo Mundi pertesus ad illos migrare volui, nullo lucri intuitu." When asked if he has given up hope, B replies: "Propemodum, nam & in Magorum, aut impostorum suspicionem veniunt, magnis proditi & convicti voluminibus." In the later editon, "haereticorum, ut aiunt" was added to this list of suspicions.

108 Haselmeyer in Allgemeine und General Reformation, 138, hailed these worthy German brothers precisely because you "das Goldmachen nur fur ein parergon achtet, und tausendmahl hoher Magnalia habt, darmit ihr auch Gott, und der Natur Liecht (wie Theophrast)." Andreae had already made a jab at false alchemists and magicians in an earlier satire; the fourth act of his Turbo is about an alchemist Beger (a play on Geber, the eighth-century Arab practitioner Dschabir Ibn Haijin, father of European alchemy), who relieves Turbo of his money all the while promising that they are on the verge of major discoveries. Turbo was published in 1616; since it was written in 1610, it could only have been generally directed against the frauds who were setting themselves up as Rosicrucian brothers. See Andreae, 1849, 26-28 (idem, 1799, 41-44); and Powell, 1989, 65-77.

109 Montgomery, 1973, 1:180-83, first noted these revisions.

110 Andreae, 1618, 24-25: "Id nempe debebatur, quibus prae simplici via Christi artificiosa aliqua & insolita arriserat."

111 Andreae, [1619.sup.5], 72. Fama says: "Ehem, Mortales! nihil est, quod Fraternitatem expectetis: fabula peracta est" (69); Resipiscens affirms however, "Itaque ut fraternitatis ipsam societatem quidem mitto, nunquam tamen veram Christianam fraternitatem quae sub Cruce Rosas olet, & a mundi inquinamentis, confusionibus, deliriis, vanitatibusque se quam longissime segregat, dimisero; sed ad eam cum quovis pio, cordato, & sagace ineundam aspiro" (70).

112 Andreae, 1621, 35: "Huic accessit Fraternitatis cuiusdam Rosaceae ludibrium, Curiosorum huius temporis nifallor viscus & offendiculum. Si paucos bonos excipias, quibus tot rerum corruptio doluit, emendationis spes animum fecit, reliqua turba supra quam dici potest Democrito risum civit."

113 Andreae, 1849, 183 (idem, 1799, 206): "Risisse semper Rosae-Crucianam fabulam, et curiositatis fraterculos fuisse insectatum."

114 Van Dulmen, 1978, 93, paraphrases Andreae: "He who believes the Fama verbatim is a fool, a 'curiosus' - insofar as the Fama is purely a jest to mock the curious; but he who recognizes its symbolic references is a true Rosicrucian, a 'Christianus.' In this case the Fama is an amusement to instruct the worldly learned." Similarly, when Andreae called the Chymische Hochzeit or Fama a "ludibrium" or "lusus," van Dulmen, 95-96, believes he was indicating genre (which is akin to Erasmus's Praise of Folly), and his real talents lay in the medium of the playful dream and in satire, both possibilities implicit in ludibrium.

115 Included in Andreae, 1849, 182-83 (idem, 1799, 205-07).

116 Andreae, 1849, 199; idem, 1799, 233: "hoc testimonio innocentiam et orthodoxiam orbi christiano probare."

117 Quoted in Edighoffer, 1987, 72-73.

118 This phrase from Andreae, 1849, 46 (idem, 1799, 71), is especially appropriate here.

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