Is Avoiding Meat Prosocial? Field Research on Meat and Vegan Influence on Prosocial Behavior.
Vegetarianism, veganism and omnivorous (meat) eating do not merely pertain to a consumption pattern (diet), they have also been found to entail attitudes, values and ideologies. Meat consumption has been linked to a greater acceptance of social domination and inequalities, or right-wing ideologies, i.e., social dominance orientation and authoritarianism (Allen, Wilson, Ng, & Dunne, 2000; Dhont & Hodson, 2014; Loughnan, Bastian, & Haslam, 2014).Those endorsing a preference for domination over low-status groups, social control and coercion towards deviants and dissidents, tend to display greater belief in human superiority over animals, and greater distrust of non-exploitive ideologies. These attitudes would in turn lead to greater acceptance of animal exploitation and more meat consumption (Dhont & Hodson, 2014). In addition, right-wing ideologies predict lapsing from veganism to meat consumption, and this relationship is mediated by weaker social justice concerns (regarding animal rights, environmental concern, or feeding the poor) and insufficient social support in the endeavor to stop eating meat (Hodson & Earle, 2018).
Another aspect of the association between meat consumption and an ideology of dominance is related to male dominance. Previous research has found an association between meat consumption and maleness (O'Doherty Jensen & Holm, 1999; Rothgerber, 2013; Thomas, 2016). Meat products tend to be associated with strength, power and virility. More specifically, meat would be linked with male power over women (Adams, 1990). As compared to women, men are less likely to be vegetarians, they justify meat consumption more strongly, they deny animal suffering and more often believe animals are hierarchically inferior to humans (Rothgerber, 2013). Men tend to exhibit stronger implicit associations of meat and healthfulness using an Implicit Association Test, 'healthy' being operationalized with terms such as 'virile', 'strong' and 'powerful' (Love & Sulikowski, 2018). Vegans tend to be seen as less masculine than omnivores (Thomas, 2016).
Vegans may feel concerned not only with following a health-related diet, but also with a lifestyle and an ethical and prosocial quest for a better world (Greenebaum, 2012; Rosenfeld & Burrow, 2017). A fMRI study of reactions to human and animal suffering revealed that ethically-motivated vegans and vegetarians had a higher engagement of empathyrelated areas than did omnivores (Filippi et al., 2010).Vegetarians tend to hold more altruistic values than omnivores, i.e., they value social justice, helpfulness, and a sense of belonging (Dietz, Frisch, Kalof, Stern, & Guagnano, 1995). They are also more likely to be working in charitable organizations, local government, or education, and less likely to be working in the private sector (Gale, Deary, Schoon, & Batty, 2007). Thus, high levels of empathy and altruism are observed among vegetarians, as well as emotional well-being (Ruby, 2012). In a rare attempt to compare vegetarians and vegans, Kessler et al. (2016) found that vegans are more universalistic and empathic than vegetarians.
Among this blossoming field of research, it is noteworthy that attitudes, values and ideologies were mostly assessed through self-report questionnaires. None of these studies implied testing participants' reactions in real-life settings. Put another way, it has not been shown that vegans' propensity for universalistic values finds any manifestation in daily life interactions, or that heavy consumers of meat, despite their tendency to endorse a social dominance ideology, would in reality lack empathy and concern for others.
Combined, the prior research appears to imply two different sets of values. Meat consumption would be linked with the idea of power, strength, domination over other groups, and social control. Veganism, and more specifically ethically-motivated veganism, would entail empathy and concern for the welfare of others, i. e., altruistic and universalistic values. These two sets of values seem closely related to Schwarz's (1992, 1994) model of competing values, namely, self-enhancement and self-transcendence. Schwarz (1992, 1994) identified ten basic types of human values, among which tensions may occur insofar as the pursuit of one goal is compatible or conflicting with the pursuit of another goal (for example, seeking personal success versus seeking others' welfare). One bipolar dimension of Schwartz's circumplex model of values contrasts self-enhancement and self-transcendence value types: "This dimension opposes values emphasizing acceptance of others as equals and concern for their welfare (universalism and benevolence) to those emphasizing the pursuit of one's own relative success and dominance over others (power and achievement" (Schwarz, 1994, p. 25). Helpfulness exemplifies the value of benevolence. Protecting the environment, aiming at unity with nature, seeking social justice and a world in peace exemplify the value of universalism. Social power and authority exemplify power. Aiming at personal success through personal competence defines achievement.
Previous research has found passersby' behavior to vary across specific urban places. Gueguen (2012) showed that young female passersby were more compliant with a courtship request when near a flower shop, as compared to a control condition. Lamy, Fischer-Lokou, and Gueguen (2015) found passersby to be more helpful to a confederate when near a hospital or a flower shop, as compared to an ordinary street. Lamy, Gueguen, Fischer-Lokou, and Guegan (2016) found passersby to be less helpful when walking near a luxury store, as compared to an ordinary street with no shops. Lamy et al. (2016) reasoned that luxury stores may act as environmental reminders of materialistic, i. e., self-enhancement values, which in turn would deactivate competing, self-transcendence values such as helpfulness.
The four studies presented below were intended to test whether participants' rate of prosocial behavior is associated with environmental cues such as a butcher or a vegan shop. A butcher shop can be thought of as a situational reminder of meat (i.e., a place where values related to meat are made salient, such as strength and social domination). Similarly, a vegan shop would make more salient values associated with vegan diet, such as universalism and concern for others. Values associated with vegan diet seem consistent with the idea of prosocial behavior, for meat it is the opposite.
H1: We hypothesized that prosocial behavior would decrease among customers of a butcher shop, as compared to a control condition.
H2: In addition, we hypothesized that prosocial behavior would increase among customers of a vegan shop, as compared to a control condition.
Participants. The participants were 144 pedestrians (73 women and 71 men) who appeared to be between 25 and 55 years of age. Among these participants, 48 were walking alone in Paris in an ordinary street with no shops (rue du Chateau d'eau); 48 were clients coming out of a vegan shop ("A vegan world", rue Notre-Dame de Nazareth); 48 were clients coming out of a butcher shop (rue du Faubourg du Temple). The experiment took place within a range of approximately 1 km.
Procedure. Three 19 to 20 year-old female undergraduate students were used as confederates in this study. They volunteered to participate in a study of reactions to the terrorist attacks that took place in Paris on November 13, 2015. After these attacks, a three-month state of emergency was declared in France. The experiment took place during this state of emergency, approximately five weeks after the attacks. The state of emergency involved the banning of public demonstrations. In this study, we investigated passersby' propensity to disobey this ban for the sake of solidarity with the victims of the terrorist attacks. The confederates were blind to the hypothesis but they were aware that people following an omnivore or a vegan diet may belong to different social groups, and therefore, they may have had different reactions to the request.
The experiment began when the confederate asked a passerby who was walking alone in the street if s/he would be interested in attending a gathering to pay homage to the victims of the terrorist attacks in Paris. The gathering was also announced on a flyer the participant could read or take. This flyer mentioned the fact that the gathering would not be supervised by the police. Thus the participant was aware that it was unauthorized, and, further, that they would not get police protection. If the participant wished to attend the gathering, the confederate asked for her/his phone number and email address. Once the participant had given her/his email address, the confederate told him s/he would be notified as soon as the date has been set. Each confederate asked 48 passersby if they would attend the gathering: 16 were mere passersby in an ordinary street with no shops, 16 were clients coming out of a vegan shop and 16 were clients coming out of a butcher's shop. Once she had finished with one participant, the confederate was instructed to approach the first person aged 25 to 55 she encountered until she accumulated 16 participants at each type of location. So the confederates were counterbalanced across the three types of locations - vegan shop, butcher shop, or neutral location. They were also instructed to approach as many men as women.
The three dependent variables in this study were the number of participants who agreed to take the flyer, the number of participants who read the flyer, and the number of participants who agreed to give their phone number and email. For each of these variables a chi-square test of independence was performed to compare the data of the three confederates. No significant difference was found for the number of participants who agreed to take the flyer, [chi square] (2, N = 144) = 2.12, p =.34, for the number of participants who read the flyer, [chi square] (2, N = 144) = 2.21, p =.33, and for the number of participants who agreed to give their phone number and email, [chi square] (2, N = 144) = 1.17, p =.55. With no statistical difference among the three confederates, their data were collapsed. The results of Study 1 are presented in Table 1.
A 3 (urban place) x 3 (participant age category) x 2 (participant gender) log-linear analysis was performed, with the frequency of participants who read the flyer as the dependent variable. The main effect of the urban place was statistically significant, [chi square] (2, N = 144) = 17.44, p <.001, [phi] =.35. The main effect of age was statistically significant, [chi square] (2, N = 144) = 7.51, p =.02, [phi] =.23. The main effect of gender was not statistically significant, [chi square] (1, N = 144) =.37, p =.54, and no interaction effect was found. Additional analyses revealed a significant difference between the vegan shop and butcher shop condition, [chi square] (1, N = 96) = 19.04, p <.001, [phi] =.44, between the butcher shop and control condition, [chi square] (1, N = 96) = 6.0, p =.01, [phi] =.25, and between the vegan store and control condition, [chi square] (1, N = 96) = 4.17, p =.04, [phi] =.21. Additional comparisons also revealed that participants aged 45-55 were significantly less likely to read the flyer than those aged 35-44 (45.6 vs 68.6%), [chi square] (1, N = 108) = 5.80, p =.01, 0 =.23, and those aged 25-34 (45.6 vs 72.2%), [chi square] (1, N = 93) = 6.34, p =.01, 0 =.10.
Further, a 3 (urban place) x 3 (participant age category) x 2 (participant gender) log-linear analysis was performed, with the frequency of participants who agreed to take the flyer as the dependent variable. The main effect of the urban place was statistically significant, [chi square] (2, N = 144) = 11.53, p <.01, [phi] =.28. The main effect of age, [chi square] (1, N = 144) = 3.01, p =.22, and gender, [chi square] (1, N = 144) =.0, p =.99, was not statistically significant, and no interaction effect was found. Further analysis reported a significant difference between the vegan shop and butcher shop condition, [chi square] (1, N = 96) = 8.40, p <.01, [phi] =.29, between the butcher shop and control condition, [chi square] (1, N = 96) = 10.84, p =.001, [phi] =.33, but not between the vegan shop and control condition, [chi square] (1, N = 96) =.17, p =.68.
Another 3 (urban place) x 3 (participant age category) x 2 (participant gender) log-linear analysis was performed with the frequency of participants who gave their phone number and email as the dependent variable. A significant main effect of the urban place was observed, [chi square] (2, N = 144) = 9.80, p <.01, [phi] =.26, such that, overall, significantly more participants agreed to give their phone number and email in the vegan shop (41.6%) and control (41.6%) conditions than in the butcher shop (14.6%) condition, [chi square] (1, N = 96) = 8.71, p <.01, [phi] =.30. A significant main effect of age was observed, [chi square] (2, N = 144) = 7.19, p <.05, [phi] =.22. Additional analysis revealed that participants aged 45-55 were significantly less likely to give their phone number and email than those aged 35-44 (19.3 vs 41.2%), [chi square] (1, N = 108) = 6.18, p =.01, [phi] =.24, and those aged 25-34 (19.3 vs 41.6%), [chi square] (1, N = 93) = 5.48, p =.02, [phi] =.24. No other main effect or interaction effect was found.
Study 1 has shown participants' reactions to be different, depending on whether they came out of a butcher or a vegan shop, or that they were mere passersby in a street with no shops. The dependent variables implied low (reading a flyer; taking a flyer) to moderate (attending a gathering) personal involvement in solidarity with the victims of terrorist attacks in Paris. In study 2 we decided to test a similar paradigm with a high-demand request.
Participants. The participants were 180 pedestrians (96 women & 84 men) who appeared to be between 18 and 55 years of age. Among these participants, 60 were clients coming out of a vegan shop in Paris ("A vegan world", rue Notre-Dame de Nazareth); 60 were walking alone in an ordinary street with no shops in the same area; 60 were clients coming out of a butcher shop in a southern suburb of Paris (Thiais).
Procedure. Two female and one male undergraduate student aged 19-20 were used as confederates in this study. They volunteered to participate in a study of reactions to refugees. The three confederates were always together and each of them alternately asked a passerby or a customer if s/he would agree to talk to them. In the affirmative, the confederate asked if s/he was aware of the situation of refugees crossing the Mediterranean Sea on makeshift boats, causing thousands of deaths. The confederates then provided information on the number of refugees losing their lives while attempting to cross the Mediterranean, and their countries of origin. The participant was also shown a picture of a ship carrying migrants. Once the participant had received this information, s/he was asked if s/he would accept to host a refugee, even for a short period. Once the participants had given an answer, the confederates thanked them and waited to approach in a similar manner the next passerby aged 18-55 in the same area. As compared to Study 1, the present request can be thought of as a highly-demanding one. Hosting a refugee, even for one night, implies that the participant (a) will face a culture shock, (b) might have great difficulty communicating with someone who might be unable to speak French, (c) might feel responsible for this person, (d) has no assurance regarding the duration of the hosting. Agreeing to host a refugee, though different from actually hosting a refugee, may nevertheless be considered as a first step in a prosocial behavior, and not only as a mere intent. Among those who would declare to host a refugee, some of them would certainly renounce later, whereas some others would actually host a refugee. In contrast, none of those who initially declare that they would refuse to host a refugee would actually host a refugee. Results
The dependent variables in this study were the number of participants who agreed to talk with the confederates, and the number of participants who declared they would accept a commitment to host a refugee for at least one night. The results are shown in Table 2.
A 3 (urban place) x 3 (participant age category) x 2 (participant gender) log-linear analysis was performed, with the frequency of participants who agreed to talk with the group of confederates as the dependent variable. The main effect of the urban place was statistically significant, [chi square] (2, N = 180) = 17.19, p <.001, [phi] =.31. The main effect of gender was marginally significant, [chi square] (1, N = 180) = 3.24, p =.07, with a greater frequency of women (79.1%) than men (66.6%) who agreed to talk to the confederates. The main effect of age was not significant, [chi square] (2, N = 180) = 1.90, p =.38, and no interaction effect was found. Further analyses revealed that the vegan shop and butcher shop condition were statistically different, [chi square] (1, N = 120) = 17.8, p <.001, [phi] =.38, the control and butcher shop condition were statistically different, [chi square] (1, N = 120) = 8.33, p <.01, [chi square] =.26, but the vegan shop and control condition were not statistically different, [chi square] (1, N = 120) = 2.16, p =.14.
An additional 3 (urban place) x 3 (participant age category) x 2 (participant gender) log-linear analysis was performed, with the frequency of participants who agreed to host a refugee as the dependent variable. The main effect of the urban place was marginally significant, [chi square] (2, N = 180) = 5.32, p=.07. The main effect of age, [chi square] (2, N = 180) = .55, p =.75, and the main effect of gender, [chi square] (1, N = 180) = 2.51, p = .11, were not significant, and no interaction effect was found. Further analyses revealed that the frequency of participants who agreed to host a refugee was significantly different in the vegan and butcher shop condition, [chi square] (1, N = 120) = 6.11, p=.01, 0 =.22. There were no statistical differences between the vegan shop and control condition, [chi square] (1, N = 120) = 2.23, p =.13, and the butcher shop and control condition, [chi square] (1, N = 120) = 1.04, p =.30.
In Study 1 the experimental conditions were distributed across a limited area in Paris, all three sites being approximately ten minutes from each other on foot. In Study 2 the butcher's shop was located in the town of Thiais, seven kilometers southeast of Paris, i.e., approximately nine kilometers from the two other experimental conditions. Thus regarding Study 2, and to a lesser degree Study 1, we cannot rule out the possibility that participants in the three experimental conditions did not belong to the same population. People living or working in different places might belong to different social groups and differ along characteristics such as income, education and political affiliation. To overcome this possible confounding effect, in Study 3 we decided to compare customers coming out of a butcher's or a vegan shop located in the same street in Paris, rue Notre-dame de Nazareth.
Participants. The participants were 142 pedestrians (77 women and 65 men) who appeared to be between 18 and 55 years of age. Among these participants, 71 were clients coming out of a vegan shop ("A vegan world", rue Notre-Dame de Nazareth) and 71 were clients coming out of a butcher's shop in the same street.
Procedure. Seven female undergraduate students aged 19-20 were used as confederates in this study. They volunteered to participate in a study of prosocial behavior in connection with vegan and omnivore diet. They were aware that the personal choice to follow a vegan or omnivore diet might influence customers' reactions to the request, but were blind to the hypothesis. The confederates always stayed together when approaching the customer. The experiment began when the first person aged 18 to 55 passed by the group after s/he was observed coming out of the vegan shop. One of the confederates said: "Excuse me Madam / Sir, can we get a minute of your time?" In the affirmative, the confederates presented themselves as voluntary members of the (fictitious) association A world free of violence, and said: "We are planning to organize a protest against the different forms of torture across the world. Would you be willing to participate in a protest against torture, if it occurs?" If the participant declared being interested in participating, the confederates told him/her that they would be advised shortly of the date of the protest by email if they asked. They showed the email address s/he could write down: email@example.com. Once the customer had written down the address, the confederates thanked the customer and said goodbye. They then approached the first person aged 18 to 55 coming out of the vegan store. Once they had finished with a series of ten clients coming out of the vegan shop, the confederates carried out another series of ten near the butcher's shop, and continued to alternate between the butcher's shop and the vegan shop all during the experiment.
The number of participants who declared they would be interested in participating in a demonstration against torture and who copied out the contact email was defined as the dependent variable. A chi-square test of independence compared the frequency of participants who displayed interest in the two conditions and revealed a significant difference, [chi square] (1, N = 142) = 5.17, p =.02, [PHI] =.19. Overall, more participants coming out of the vegan shop were interested in participating in the demonstration (45%, 32/71) than participants coming out of a butcher shop (26.7%, 19/71). We found no statistical difference between men and women, [chi square] (1, N = 142) =.22, p =.63.
Studies 1 to 3 showed that clients coming out of a butcher shop were less compliant with a prosocial request than clients coming out of a vegan shop. These clients stayed at least a few minutes inside a shop before their prosocial behavior was solicited. It is possible, however, that a similar effect could be found with mere passersby in the immediate proximity of a shop. Insofar as studies 1 to 3 supported hypothesis H1 (decreased prosocial behavior among customers of a butcher shop, as compared to a control condition) more strongly than H2 (increased prosocial behavior among customers of a vegan shop, as compared to a control condition), in Study 4 we decided to compare the rate of compliance with a prosocial request in the immediate proximity of a butcher's shop, and in a control condition.
Participants. The participants were 100 pedestrians (59 women and 41 men) who appeared to be between 15 and 25 years of age. This age category was chosen so as to be close to the age of those for whom they would be asked for help. Among these participants walking alone, 50 were near a large esplanade surrounding a Catholic church, and 50 were passing by (less than 10 meters) a butcher shop.
Procedure. Five female undergraduate students aged 19-20 were used as confederates in this study. They volunteered to participate in a study of helping behavior. They were aware that people do not always behave the same way according to their immediate environment, and therefore that gathering data from specific urban places would be useful. The proximity of a butcher's shop and a large esplanade near a Catholic church were chosen in the city of Maisons-Alfort, three kilometers southeast of Paris. A Catholic church can be viewed as a reminder of values associated with this religion, such as altruism and selfless love, i.e., self-transcendence values. However, past research (Lamy et al., 2015) has found the proximity of a Catholic church to have no effect on helping behavior. In the present research, passersby were approximately 50 to 150 m from the church, or right in front of the butcher's window. In addition, the experiment took place outside the church's service hours, and during the butcher shop's opening hours. For these reasons we decided to consider the church condition as a control condition.
The confederates introduced themselves as students working on the issue of youths dropping out of education. They asked each passerby who appeared to be aged 15 to 25 they encountered if they would accept an invitation to spend at least one hour a week supporting young people with their schooling. Each confederate asked ten passersby near the butcher shop and ten near the church.
A chi-square test of independence was performed to compare the data of the five confederates, and no statistical difference was found, [chi square] (4, N = 100) = 5.41, p =.24. Therefore their data were collapsed. A 2 (urban place) x 2 (participant gender) log-linear analysis was performed, with the frequency of participants who agreed to participate in a youth school support program as the dependent variable. The main effect of the urban place was statistically significant, [chi square] (1, N = 100) = 4.70, p=.03, 0 =.26, with 64% (32/50) of participants walking nearby the church who accepted the request to provide school support, whereas only 42% (21/50) of those passing by a butcher shop agreed to the request. The main effect of gender was not significant, [chi square] (1, N = 100) =.81, p =.36, and no interaction effect was found.
Four studies were carried out in real-life settings, with four types of prosocial requests as dependent variables. In Study 1 it was found that customers coming out of a vegan shop were more compliant with a prosocial request than customers coming out of a butcher shop. Study 2 confirmed that a similar effect can be found in the context of a high-demanding prosocial request. In Study 3 we discarded a possible confounding effect of physical distance between the two types of stores. Study 3 produced results similar to Studies 1 and 2 when the vegan and the butcher shops were located in the same street. In Study 4 we reported that the effects found in Studies 1 to 3 with clients of vegan or butcher shops can be extended to mere passersby. In Study 4, mere passersby in the immediate proximity of a butcher shop proved less compliant with a prosocial request than passersby in a control condition. Overall, clients coming out of a vegan shop, as compared with clients coming out of a butcher shop, were more concerned with victims of terrorism and victims of torture (Studies 1 and 3), and more willing to provide support to refugees (Study 2). Passersby near a butcher shop were less willing to support young people with their schooling than passersby in a neutral condition (Study 4).
These findings are in line with our initial hypothesis (H1) that situational reminders of meat would be associated with decreased prosocial behavior. Regarding the H2 hypothesis that reminders of vegan diet would be associated with increased prosocial behavior, our results can be viewed as inconclusive. With one exception (Study 1, reading the flyer as dependent variable), we did not find statistically significant differences between the vegan and control conditions. It must be noted, however, that regarding a high-demand request (Study 2), the only significant difference was found between the butcher shop and vegan shop condition. Further research would thus need to refine our understanding of the influence of situational reminders of vegan diet on prosocial requests.
From a theoretical point of view, our findings appear congruent with Schwarz's (1992, 1994) model of competing values. If self-enhancement values are made salient in or around a butcher's shop, these self-oriented values would conflict with the other-oriented values induced by the various prosocial requests that were used in Studies 1 to 4. Psychological tension would follow, and escaping from this situation would be the easiest way to reduce this tension. Thus these participants would have been led to refuse talking about prosocial aims, or to refuse to participate. In addition, as pointed out in our Introduction section, meat consumption is associated with right-wing ideologies (Allen et al., 2000; Dhont & Hodson, 2014; Loughnan et al., 2014).Thus clients coming out of a butcher shop might have behaved more prosocially, had they been requested to comply with an issue that conservative-leaning participants might consider more prosocial than liberal-leaning participants, e.g., helping families of wounded or killed police officers.
Regarding the H2 hypothesis, it remains unclear why participants in the vegan condition hardly differed from those in a control condition. A possible explanation lies in the location of the vegan shop that was part of Studies 1 to 3. This shop is located in a lower middle class area in Paris, close to places where the 2015 terrorist attacks took place, and very close (500m) to the Place de la Republique which then became the gathering place in memory of victims of these attacks. The Place de la Republique is also a famous symbol of left-wing gatherings and protests. Therefore, it can be speculated that the whole area is characterized by values of universalism and concern for the poor and the harmless. This other-oriented situational norm is congruent with the values inherent to vegan diet. Therefore, the vegan shop would add nothing to values that are already prevalent. It seems symptomatic that among the dozen vegan shops in Paris, none of them is located in the wealthiest districts of Paris (6th, 7th, 8th, 16th).They were all opened in lower middle class districts of the center, north, and east of Paris, where the universalistic and benevolent values they entail are likely to correspond to the inhabitants' ideology and values.
One of the main limitations of this research is the absence of measurement of values among participants. We can only speculate that clients coming out of a butcher shop were primed with self-enhancement values such as strength, power and social domination. Another limitation pertains to the confederates who, despite the fact that they were not informed of the real objective of the research, may have anticipated a better response to the prosocial request from vegans. They may have unconsciously behaved differently, and thus influenced participants' behavior. If that were the case, however, we would have found clients of the vegan shop to respond more favorably to the request than mere passersby. This pattern of response was not found. Therefore it seems unlikely that the confederates anticipated a positive response from vegans to their request. On the other hand, the confederates may have anticipated less concern with a prosocial request from the omnivores. They also may have felt emotional discomfort (e.g., disgust) in the proximity of the butcher shop. However, among the eighteen confederates who participated in this research, only one was vegan and one was vegetarian. Hence, sixteen were used to eating meat and used to seeing meat consumption as a normal fact. For this reason, the possibility that our confederates had negative feelings near the butcher shop or that they anticipated negatively the omnivores' reaction, although plausible, seems unlikely for most of them. In addition, the vegetarian confederate who participated in Study 1 and the vegan confederate who participated in Study 2 had similar results to the other confederates in these studies, which supports the idea that confederates' beliefs about meat and vegan diet had little or no effect on participants' response to the request.
To our knowledge, this is the first time environmental cues related to meat or vegan food have been linked to passersby's behavior. It was found consistently that cues related to meat, as compared to vegan diet, were associated with decreased prosocial behavior. Future research, however, would need to control for the underlying motives that induced decreased prosocial behavior among participants primed with meat. If values associated with meat or vegan food are at stake, it would be interesting to test vegans' reactions to prosocial requests near a butcher shop, and omnivores' reactions to prosocial requests near a vegan shop. In addition, if vegan diet is linked with clear awareness of the reasons why one should become vegan, and motivation to follow this diet, the decrease of prosocial behavior near a butcher shop should be low. In contrast, among omnivores who have simply been raised that way and have not given much thought to it, prosocial behavior near a vegan shop should increase more strongly. Future research would also need to acknowledge and address a possible confounding effect. When visiting a butcher shop, clients are exposed to seeing meat, but they are also exposed to seeing and hearing cutting/slicing meat. These actions, rather than meat itself, may be unpleasant to the client and lead to decreased subsequent prosocial actions.
Adams, C. (1990). The sexual politics of meat: A feminist vegetarian critical theory. NewYork, NY: Continuum.
Allen, M. W., Wilson, M., Ng, S. H., & Dunne, M. (2000).Values and beliefs of vegetarians and omnivores. The Journal of Social Psychology, 140, 405-422.
Bresnahan, M., Zhuang, J., & Zhu, X. (2016). Why is the vegan line in the dining hall always the shortest? Understanding vegan stigma. Stigma and Health, 1, 3-15.
Dhont, K., & Hodson, G. (2014). Why do right-wing adherents engage in more animal exploitation and meat consumption? Personality and Individual Differences, 64, 12-17.
Dietz, T., Frisch, A. S., Kalof, L., Stern, P. C., & Guagnano, G. A. (1995).Values and vegetarianism. An exploratory analysis. Rural Sociology, 60, 533-542.
Filippi, M., Riccitelli, G., Falini, A., Salle, F. D., Vuilleumier, P., Comi, G., et al. (2010). The brain functional networks associated to human and animal suffering differ among omnivores, vegetarians and vegans. PLoS One, 5, e10847.
Gale, C. R., Deary, I. J., Schoon, I., & Batty, G. D. (2007). IQ in childhood and vegetarianism in adulthood. 1970 British cohort study. British Medical Journal, 334, 245-248.
Greenebaum, J. (2012). Veganism, identity and the quest for authenticity. Food, Culture & Society, 15, 129-144.
Gueguen, N. (2012). "Say it...near the flower shop": further evidence of the effect of flowers on mating. The Journal of Social Psychology, 152, 529-532.
Harris Institute. Les pratiques alimentaires d'aujourd'hui et de demain. http ://harris-interactive.fr/wp-content/uploads/sites/6/2017/02/RapportAlimentation-HI-SITE.pdf. Accessed September 13, 2018.
Hodson, G., & Earle, M. (2018). Conservatism predicts lapses from vegetarian/vegan diets to meat consumption (through lower social justice concerns and social support). Appetite, 120, 75-81.
Kessler, C. S., Holler, S., Joy, S., Dhruva, A., Michalsen, A., Dobos, G., et al. (2016). Personality profiles, values and empathy: Differences between lactoovo-vegetarians and vegans. Complementary Medicine Research, 23, 95-102.
Lamy, L., Fischer-Lokou, J., & Gueguen, N. (2015). Places for help: Micro-level variation in helping behavior toward a stranger. Psychological Reports, 116, 242-248.
Lamy, L., Gueguen, N., Fischer-Lokou, J., & Guegan, J. (2016). "Wrong place to get help": A field experiment on luxury stores and helping behavior. Social Influence, 11, 130-139.
Loughnan, S., Bastian, B., & Haslan, N. (2014). The psychology of eating animals. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 23, 104-108.
Love, H. J., & Sulikowski, D. (2018). Of meat and men: Sex differences in implicit and explicit attitudes towards meat. Frontiers in Psychology, 9, 559.
Marangon, F., Tempesta, T., Troiano, S., & Vecchiato, D. (2016).Toward a better understanding of market potentials for vegan food. A choice experiment for the analysis of breadsticks preferences. Agriculture and Agricultural Science Procedia, 8, 158-166.
O'Doherty Jensen, K., & Holm, L. (1999). Preferences, quantities and concerns: sociocultural perspectives on the gendered consumption of foods. European Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 53, 351-359.
Rosenfeld, D. L., & Burrow, A. L. (2017). The unified model of vegetarian identity: A conceptual framework for understanding plant-based food choices. Appetite, 112, 78-95.
Rothgerber, H. (2013). Real men don't eat (vegetable) quiche: masculinity and the justification of meat consumption. Psychology of Men and Masculinity, 14, 363-375.
Ruby, M. B. (2012). Vegetarianism: A blossoming field of study. Appetite, 58, 141-150.
Schwartz, S. H. (1992). Universals in the content and structure of values: Theoretical advances and empirical tests in 20 countries, in M. Zanna (Ed.), Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 25. Orlando: Academic Press, 1-65.
Schwarz, S. H. (1994). Are there universal aspects in the structure and contents of human values? Journal of Social Issues, 50, 19-45.
The Vegetarian Resource Group. How many adult vegetarians in the U.S.? (2016). Retrieved from http://www.vrg.org/press/201511press.htm, September 13, 2018.
Thomas, M. A. (2016). Are vegans the same as vegetarians? The effect of diet on perceptions of masculinity. Appetite, 97, 79-86.
Waters, J. (2018). A model of the dynamics of household vegetarian and vegan rates in the U.K. Appetite, 127, 364-372.
Lubomir Lamy (1), Jacques Fischer-Lokou (2), Jerome Guegan (1), and Nicolas Gueguen (2)
(1) Universite Paris Descartes, France
(2) Universite de Bretagne-Sud, France
Author info: Correspondence should be sent to: Dr. Lubomir Lamy, Universite Paris Descartes, IUT de Paris, CS, 143 avenue de Versailles, 75016 Paris, France, or email: firstname.lastname@example.org
TABLE 1 Frequency of participants who complied with the requests Control Butcher shop Vegan shop Reads the flyer 62.5% 37.5% 81.2% (30/48) (18/48) (39/48) Takes the flyer 60.4% 27.1% 56.2% (29/48) (13/48) (27/48) Gives his/her phone 41.6% 14.6% 41.6% number/email (20/48) (7/48) (20/48) TABLE 2 Frequency of Participants Who Complied with the Requests Control Butcher shop Vegan shop Accepts to talk 78.3% (47/60) 53.3% (32/60) 88.3% (53/60) Would host a 18.3% (11/60) 11.6% (7/60) 30% (18/60) refugee
|Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback|
|Author:||Lamy, Lubomir; Fischer-Lokou, Jacques; Guegan, Jerome; Gueguen, Nicolas|
|Publication:||North American Journal of Psychology|
|Date:||Dec 1, 2019|
|Previous Article:||Effects of Dress and Speech Style on Credibility of Co-Witness and Misinformation Acceptance.|
|Next Article:||Too Much on My Mind: Cognitive Load, Working Memory Capacity, and Framing Effects.|