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Iranians in Babylonia.

The ruling classes of the Achaemenid Empire left few texts in Old Iranian languages to record their names and concerns, so the study of Achaemenid Iranians relies on evidence in the languages of the Empire's subjects and adversaries. Greek and Babylonian texts were the richest source of this evidence before Hallock's Persepolis Fortification Tablets was published in 1969, and the Babylonian corpus is still pre-eminent for its wide distribution in time and space, its formal variety that represents a range of functional contexts, and its relatively clear transcriptions of Iranian words and names. Dandamayev names Husing and Eilers among the early scholars who collected and interpreted Iranian evidence from widely scattered Babylonian texts, and Hinz, Mayrhofer, Schmitt, and Zadok among contributors to the wave of restudy that began in the 1970s (p. x). This publication of Dandamayev's 1987 lectures at Columbia University, incorporating earlier surveys and updating them with fresh material and opinion, is the first such compendium to appear in fifteen years. It is an indispensable sable guide to texts and secondary literature that will save students of Achaemenid history and languages the immense effort that Dandamayev has spent during his. long studies.

Part one, "Traditions and Innovations," sketches a background of institutions, devoting one to five pages each to broad historical topics (systems of administration, law, taxes, land tenure, and military organization, and imperial policies toward temples), with special attention to selected Iranian loanwords and associated Babylonian terms. Part three, "Inhabitants of the Iranian Plateau, and Central Asia in Babylonia," sketches a complementary cultural background, summarizing Achaemenid Babylonian allusions to Elam and Elamites and to various Iranian populations, and concluding with remarks on religious and cultural contacts and the status of Iranian minorities.

The heart of the book, about half of its contents, is part two, "Iranian Names." It arranges evidence drawn chiefly from Babylonian legal and administrative texts (but also from Aramaic, Classical, and Biblical sources) under 353 headings, supplying attested spellings, etymologies, bibliography, and brief characterizations of the contexts in which the names appear, usually distinguishing homonymous individuals. Some entries include excursuses on Iranian titles or loanwords. The list includes, in addition to individuals who lived in Babylonia (p. xi), parties and witnesses in Babylonian texts drawn up outside Babylonia, occasional non-Babylonian rulers (Kurash of Parsumash, Bardiya), and a few geographical names. The bibliography and indexes that complement the list constitute about a quarter of the book.

Among the general historical views that affect Dandamayev's presentation of particulars is the understanding that radical administrative changes near the beginning of Darius I's reign led to a concentration of important political, administrative, and military offices in the hands of ethnic Persians (p. 5). A consequence is Dandamayev's interpretive principle that Iranian titles held by individuals with Babylonian names or patronyms label unimportant offices (e.g., pp. 10, 52,); that is, rank and status depended in part on ethnicity and descent.

Dandamayev's principles for inferring ethnicity, descent, and geographical origin from the etymologies of personal names and patronyms arise from general suppositions about immigration and contact. They are first explicitly stated on pp. 171ff. Iranian names in texts from the late sixth and early fifth centuries must belong to born Iranians; when name and patronym are both Iranian, or when several Iranian names appear together, the holders of the names must be of Iranian origin or descent; persons with Babylonian names and Iranian patronyms may be children of mixed marriages, but persons with Iranian names and Semitic patronyms must be of Babylonian or Aramean descent. Some of the entries in part two amplify these principles. names of people with Iranian patronyms or gentilics in the reign of Darius I or earlier are more likely to have Iranian than non-Iranian etymologies (pp. 71 s.v. Gambiia, 123 s.v. Summu; and cf p. 114 s.v. Pirmizdi); Iranian-named fathers of persons with Babylonian names in later texts may have been Babylonians themselves (pp. 28 s.v. Ahseti c, 51 s.v. Bagadata- d, N s.v. Bagaina b); Iranian names without patronyms imply Iranian ethnicity (pp. 39 on Artambar a, 51 s.v. Bagadata- f).

The general absence of gentilics makes it hard to distinguish individual names as belonging to one or another of the Iranian "tribes" (p. 171), but it seems "natural to suppose" that many holders of Iranian names were Persians, and fewer were Medes (p. 158, cf. p. 3 on Gubaru and Ustanu). Nonetheless, Dandamayev observes accurately that Babylonian transcriptions of Iranian words and names usually represent "Median" rather than Old Persian forms where such a distinction can be made at all (p. x), and the simplest likely reason is that Persian speakers were a minority among Achaemenid Iranians. Dandamayev himself sometimes ignores this observation and its consequences. e.g., in identifying Babylonian forms with telltale "Median" - [theta] - or -z- as transcriptions of reconstructed Old Persian forms with - [sigma] - or -d- (ahsadrapannu and umarzanapata, p. 6; pardesu, p. 20); in treating "Median" aspa- vs. Old Persian asa- not as an instance of the general phenomenon, but as evidence that aspastu, "lucerne(?)," came into Babylonian via Assyrian from a "Median," hence pre-Achaemenid, source (p. 17), or in rejecting Hinz's translation of Babylonian ustabari as "Kamelreiter" because Old Persian "camel" was usa-, though Hinz's suggestion presupposes an underlying "Median" *ustra- (p. 60).

Like other compendia, Dandamayev's represents the recent status of a changing corpus. It invites marginal comments, additions and reconsiderations.

Characterizations of some texts can be clarified:(1)

Pp. 9, 83, 102, and 220: in Achaemenid Babylonian (and probably in earlier Neo-Babylonian and in Neo-Assyrian) the logogram LU.IGI+DUB represents Babylonian masennu (not abarakku). The translation "chief steward of the royal "household" offered for masennu, p. 38 s.v. Artambar (cf. abarakku, p. 83 s.v. Hurunnatu), is without support in Achaemenid Babylonian texts.

Pp. 15 and 220: the translation "sword bearers" presumes a reading of the logogram LU.GIR.LAL as nas patri (not tabihu [sic]).

P. 19: for "persons who suffered from leprosy" (presumably reacting LU.SAHAR.SUB.BA), read prebend holder(s)" (LU.GIS.SUB.BA) in UET 4 57:5, 10, and 12 (cf. UET 4 60:3).

P. 27 s.v. Ahiamanus: BE 10 P is a receipt for rent paid to subordinates of the satrap Gubaru for canals (not for a field of the satrap G.); BE 10 85 and PBS 2/1 103 and 201 refer to different properties (not to the same property passed from father to son).

P. 29 s.v. Appiesu and 235a: delete Bit Uqupi; read E u-qu GIS.APIN in Jakob-Rost and Freydank, p. 11, no. 1 obv. (!)4 (collated); cf. uqu (GIS).APIN Dar. 533 and 20.

P. 43 s.v. Artarios: Stolper 1987, pp. 399f., attributes a career of thirty years or more not to Artarios (Babylonian Artareme) but to Belsunu (Greek Belesys).

P. 45 s.v. Arturu[...]: in K.[sic] 8133, A. is the patronym of Parnuma, as indicated on p. 110; Batraparsa is the name of another witness, as indicated on p. 66.

P. 53 s.v. Bagadata- 1, end. BE 10 129 refers to a bailiff (paqdu) of an ustarbaru, not vice-versa.

P. 53 s.v. Baga-baja a: OECT 10 192:3 refers not to a "royal tax (bilat Sarri)," but to property with the juridical status of crown grant (nidintu sarri)," managed by B., who figures as the recipient (not issuer) of dates (sic) paid as assessed rent (imittu).

Pp. 55, 59, 220, and passim. read sa res sarri (not res sarri, LU.SAG = sa-re-sa Igituh short version 232).

P. 55 s.v. Bagamihi a: in BE 9, 50, the barley and dates are not supplies for royal soldiers, but rations for B., paid along with other components of a rental, including the provision of twenty-five kings men" (i.e., corvee workers) and rations for B.; see G. van Driel, "The Murasus in Context," JESHO 32 (1989): 227, n. 13.

P. 57 s.v. Bagamiri d. BE 9 48 is a fictive lease with a nominal term of sixty years, representing a long-term loan (Cardascia 1951, p. 142) or a defacto sale, L. Bregstein observes (personal communication) that it is the only text in the Murasu archive to include the clause ina asabi [sup. PN], otherwise specific to texts involving the alienation of real property, and the only text in the archive with a fingermail-mark that was made with a tool rather than with an actual fingernail, also a characteristic of earlier Neo-Babylonian real-estate sales and alienations in similar format.

P. 58 s.v. Bagapana a: Camb. 316 deals with a "detachment (kisir) of B." (not rent on land); see van Driel, JESHO 32: 205.

Pp. 58f s.v. Bagapana b: if Ba-ga-a-pa- is a rendering of Bagapana with -n- reduced to a nasalized vowel, Greek Bagapaios could be considered here as Bagapanu e, rather than as a separate heading, but Dandamayev's rendering Bagapana in the same paragraph seems to imply an underlying scribal lapse, Ba-ga-pa-<na>-. Read "This Bagapana apparently was not identical with Megapanos": the Babylonian text that mentions B. as governor is from regnal. year 19 of Darius I, 503 B.C.; Xerxes' invasion of Greece was about twenty years later, and Herodotus 7.62 says that M. was governor only after that.

P. 59 s.v. Bagapana d: Quintus Curtius 5.1.20 and 44 gives the name as Bagophanes, also listed p. 65 s.v., with a different etymological proposal (*Baga-farna?).

Pp. 60f. s.v. Bagasaru a: Dar. 296 does not record rent paid in barley, wheat, and cress-seed (sic), but a series of statements about barley, etc., received by the two individuals and their joint and several obligations to repay it. Dar. 527 does not record a payment of rent, but an obligation to pay rent. Dar. 527:4 as Ba-ak-ka-su-ru-u. In Dar. 534 and 542, read Nabu-gabbi-ile (again, p. 229).

P. 65 s.v. Barena: the translation "immigrants" pre-supposes a reading maqtu, cf. p. 96 s.v. Madbannu.

P. 66 s.v. Barziya and 210: delete the reference to BE 10 100. In Leichty and Grayson nos. (=BM) 67412 and 67516, now published by S. Graziani, Testi ... datati al regno di Bardiya, Annali dell'Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, suppl. 67 (1991): nos. 11 and 35, the name is spelled Barziya, as usual, but in BM 64780 x Graziani No. 21, it is spelled Bar-di-[ia].

P. 67 s.v. Dadaparna, and p. 219: in DB $6 Babylonian hu-ma-ri-iz-mu (line 6) corresponds to Old Persian u-v-a-r-z-mi-i-y = Uvarazmi, "Choremia" (i 16, similarly with initial uva- and stem-vowel -i in assorted other Old Persian passages); the Aramaic transcription does not occur in the Aramaic fragment of DB.

P. 71 s.v. Girparna: the translation of TMH 2/3 204 in Cardascia 1951, p. 168, is to be corrected after W. von Soden, review of Cardascia 1951, BiOr 11 (1954): AD, s.v. bu u mng. 6. A member of the Murasu firm addresses Iskutikku called servant of G.," and his coadjutor, concerning fields and buildings held by us as a pledge (bit maskanini, i.e., as a result of foreclosure on a hypothec), which have (now) been re-assigned to G. on a written order from Arbareme," continuing, "in the future I will be accountable for whatever damage has been done in that field and building."

Pp. 77 and 218: the place name in BE 8 80 URI sa mHa-an-di-di = Alu b Handidi, where U. is a personal name, probably West Semitic @see R. Zadok, On West Semites in Babylonia during the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods (Jerusalem: Wanaarta, 1977], 39, 57 and 103); on the unclear contents of this text, see also van Driel, JESHO 32: 205f.

P. 86 s.v. Induka. the date of K.(sic) 8133 is not preserved.

P. 87 s.v. Ispaudu: read Ispaludu; the same individual reappears in Jakob-Rost and Freydank, p. 14 no. 4 lower edge.

Pp. 92 and 15: the institution of an "estate of the Crown Prince" was a holdover from the New Babylonian kingdom, as were some of its personnel and some of its business connections; see G. van Driel, "The Rise of the House of Egibi: Nabu-ahhe-iddina," JEOL 29 (1985-86): 58f. Documents mentioning the estate are not evidence of Cambyses' whereabouts, the identity of the proprietor of the estate as one or another prince begs the question. the holdings went with the office, not with the individual.

Pp. 94 s.v. Kupesu, 79 s.v. Gubaru d, and 42: PBS 2/1 100, Joannes 1987 (sic), no. 88 and EEMA 110 are parts of a single text, written in Susa in 417 B.C.; K. is entitled LU da-ta-ba-ri sa ina I[GI Gubari(?)]; see M. Stolper, "The Murasu Texts from Susa," RA N (1992): 75.

P. 98 s.v. Mardunija a. Evetts, Appendix, no. 4:2 does not refer directly to property of M., but to his major domo ([LU.GAL] E), who recurs in BM 64532:2 (Babylon, 478 B.C.), entitled LU.GAL E Mar-du-u-ni-ia (forthcoming in Aula Orientalis 10).

P. 99 s.v. Masdiesu. delete the entryl read [sup.m]Pa(!)-de-e-su, an Egyptian name formed with -esu = Isis (collated; cf. EKBK no. 20:13 and perhaps TMH 2/3 147:23 and upper edge and texts cited by R. Zadok, "On Some Egyptians in First-Millennium Mesopotamia," Gottinger Miszellen 26 [1977]:65).

P. 99 s.v. Masduku: is this Iranian, not the common Neo-Babylonian name Marduku with -sd- from -rd-(like Neo-Babylonian -st < -rt-)? Cf. NNB 110f. s.vv. Mas-tuk-(ku) and Mas-tuk-a-ta/tu. P. 99 s.v. Mazdaisna: VAT 15610 r. 4 has [...]-ri-ma-na- DUMU sa [sup.m]Ma-az-da-iz-na-, La par-ra-as-ta-mu KUR Par-su (collated). Eilers 1953, p. 23 = P. (sic) 57 cites the name but refers to Eilers 1936, P. 170, n. 1, where the text is identified; see also IBKU, p. 23 n. 2, for the reference to par(r)astamu. Add [...]-ri-ma-na-, p. 145.

P. 100 s.v. Mi-da: is this Iranian? Cf. Mi-da-, son of Pi-zu-du- TMH 2/3 142:4 and 8, both names thought to be Anatolian (Eilers 1940, pp. 223f.), Mi-da-ah(?) BM 30136:2 and 5, and especially Mi-da-called "the Phrygian" (Sapardaja) Istanbul Ni. 520:3, from the Murasu archive.

P. 104 s.v. Nabugu: YOS 7, 192 refers to "a written authorization from N. and its (the donkey's) harness (KUS tillusu)." But in texts cited on pp. 159f., considering the association with Cimmerian bows and allows, tillu is presumably "quivers," not "straps"; p. 220, alphabetize s.v. tillu, not s.v. masak.

P. 105 s.v. Nariaspi: read Enlil-sum-ukin (not -iddin). EEMA 107:7-14 has"... mar bane of Nippur in whose presence Enlil-sum-iddin, son Of Murasu, said to Enlil-sum-ukin, son of Apla as follows: You are holding assets of N., son of Kartam, that are in Nippur.' Then Enlil-sum-ukin said as follows. Those assets are indeed in my possession. For ... sons of N. ...' Enlil-sum-iddin released those assets to Enlil-sum-ukin."

P. 109 s.v. Numagazu and 121 s.v. Satabaksu. VAS 3 159:3 has S. and N., the superintendent (rab biti) of [...] (N. is not the superintendent of S., and S. is not the holder of a manor").

P. 114 s.v. Piridatu. move this entry to p. 88, s.v. Ispiridata. VAS 15609:3 has m[sup.m](!)Is-pi-ri-da-a-ta (collated), presumably for Iranian *Spihradata < Spiuradata, but if so it is an extraordinarily early instance of Iranian Or > hr (see Hinz, ASN, p. 166 s.v. *mihrabandaka, and cf. Dandamayev, pp. @O s.v. Arbamibri, perhaps from *Arb/va-MiOra-, and 55 s.v. Bagamihi, perhaps from *Baga-MiOra.-).

P. 121 s.v. Satabarzana a, and 171. in view of the name Arbamibri, Jakot-Rost and Freydank, p. 17, no, 7 rev. 3 is probably to be read Ar-m/ba--[sup.d]Mit-ri (not Armadberi). The seal impression comes from the ring of the servant, A., not of the master, S.

Pp. 121f s.v. Satahm[a.sup.[contains]] a and b: the two subentries refer to a single person. The name is also spelled Sa-ta-hu (PBS 2/1 128 and [Sa-ta]hu-um (NABU 1989/86). PBS 2/1 100+ r. 8 does not name a subordinate of S., but S., himself as a witness.

Pp. 130 s.v. Ubaratta a, and 232: read U-bar-at-ta in Dar. 458:13. Delete Ubaratta b: VAT 15620 has U-mar- za-nu (line 6) = 1 [ ... ]-za-nu (line 4), it does not have LU Hur-zi-ma-a-a (collated).

P. 136 s.v. Ummadatu: Dar. 435 was drafted at Susan, probably near Borsippa, but it deals with property in Suman (= Suanna), in Babylon; see F. Joannes, "Un quartier fantome de Babylone," NABU 1989/78.

P. 141 s.v. Ustanu b. the characterization as "prince" arises from [sup.m.Us-ta-na-.sup.[contains]] LU.DUMU [E] PBS 2/1 105:3, where no other reading is plausible.

P. 142 s.v. Zabraganu: TCL 13 123 is from the Kasr archive, hence from Babylon or nearby. It bears the seal-impression of the scribe Nabu-nadin-ahi, also impressed on other Kasr texts, see Klengel-brandt, "Siege-laborllungen aus dem Babylon der Spatzeit," OrAn 8 (1969): 331, fig. 1; see also R. Zadok, "Zur Geographie Babyloniens wahrend des sargonidischen, chaldaischen, achamenidischen und hellenistischen Zeitalters," WO 16 (1985): 28.

P. 143 s.v. Zamasp[a.sup.[contains]] b. BM 30136 is probably from the Kasr archive, hence from Babylon or nearby.

P. 145 s.v. no. 349; HSM 8405 is not a promissory note in the ordinary sense ([u.sup.[contains]]-iltu), but a record of a deposit to be repaid on demand (paqdu).

P. 145 s.v. no. 350: the description in Eilers 1940, p. 202, n. 4, does not fit the tablet that now bears the number VAT 15626 (collated).

Dates of some texts can be amended.

EKBK 31 (pp. 25, 30, 51, and 107), is dated in year 40 of Artaxerxes I, 425 B.C. EKBK 24 (p. 31) is probably from the reign of Artaxerxes II, 402 B.C. IBKU, pl. II VAT 15607 (p. 37) is from the reign of Darius II. VAT 115610 (p. 99) is from the reign of Artaxerxes II. Michigan Collection 46 (pp. 47, 87) is from year 3 of Artaxerxes II, 402/1 B.C.; it was written at Borsippa but not found there. These five texts are from the Kasr archive from Babylon.

TCL 13 203 (p. 37) is from year 2 of Artaxerxes II, 403 B.C. (cf. p. 34; See J. Oelsner, "Zwischen Xerxes und Alexander. Babylonische Rechtsurkunden und Wirtschaftstexte aus der spaten Achamenidenzeit," WO 8 [1976]: 314, n. 12).

Evetts, Appendix, no. 4 (p. 98) is certainly from Babylon and probably from 479 B.C.

IBKU, pl. Ill, BM 54205 (pp. 52[!], 56, 113, 127) is dated 8/VII/12 [Ar]-tak-[sa-as-su] (collated), probably Artaxerxes I, to judge by the seal impressions, hence 457 B.C. Identification between Bagamiri a and Bagamiri b (p. 56) is excluded.

OECT 10 357 (p. 38) is from the reign of Xerxes or Artaxerxes I, like the other texts in OECT 10 in which Musallim-Be], son of Nidintu, is a principal.

Some references may be added.

Texts published since the book was in preparation include:

BM 54091 = RA 85 55 CLBT, p. 13, A. 124 = OECT 12 pl. 19 HSM 8408 = AMI NF 23 175 Kelsey Museum 89490

= Iraq 54 137 YBC 11607 = AMI NF 23 163f.

The text cited passim as "Kelsey Museum 8133" is K. 8133 (Bezold Cat. II 898), part of the Kuyunjik collection of the British Museum, though originally R. 112, from the collection of Claudius Rich. An edition appears in the following "Brief Communication," q.v.

P. 4: the governor Tattannu is probably not connected with the Tattannu archive; see Stolper, "Tobits in Reverse: More Babylonians at Ecbatana," AMI NF 23 (1990): 168, n. 11.

P. 5: Achaemenid use of mum[a.sup.[contains]]iru as a title of the provincial governor is implicit in mum[a.sup.[contains]]-irutu in Sachs-Hunger Diaries I no. -366 A ii 8, referring to the reign of Artaxerxes II.

P. 7: the Elamite reflex of Iranian *ga[i.[theta]]apati- is frequent in Persepolis Fortification texts: Hallock, OIP 92 711 s.v. kasabattis.

Pp. 7 and 134: cf. F. Joannes, "Pouvoirs locaux et organisations du territoire en Babylonie achemenide," Transeuphratene 3 (1990): 179, suggesting appaditu = "controleur." The Nabu-nadin-abi entitled uppadeti in BV 116:7 and edge also appears with the same title, again listed among judges (entitled DI.KUD) as witnesses in JAOS Ill 33 n. 41 Rm. 681:21 and upper edge (Babylon, Darius I, year 32) and n. 42 BM 33933:21 and lower edge (Babylon, Darius I, year 33). On BOR 4 132, see R. van der Spek, "The Babylonian Temple during the Macedonian and Parthian Domination," BiOr 42 (1985): 549f., correcting Unger, Landsberger, and McEwan 1981, p. 18. The text gives Itti-Marduk-balatu three titles: (1) rab bani muhhi ali, that is, a member of a group of temple personnel of uncertain functions {rations for numbers of individuals with the same title, and for their wives, are entered in late Achaemenid and early Macedonian administrative lists; see TEBR, pp. 332ff., with complete references and parallel contexts; for the doubtful sense of (sa) muhhi ali-scarcely "in charge of the city"-see van der Spek 1986, pp. 80f., and F. Joannes, "Le titre de sa res ali (lusag uru-a)," NABU 1988/10, on a similar title, again indicating a member of a collectivity of temple personnel, might sa SAG URU and sa UGU URU be interchangeable graphic variants?); (2) uppudetu of the temples (cf. perhaps PN sa ana muhhi banu sa bitat ilani in the nearly contemporary text, R. J. van der Spek, "Nippur, Sippar and Larsa in the Hellenistic Period," in Nippur at the Centennial, ed. Maria deJ. Ellis (Philadelphia: University Museum, 1992), 250:5, and (3) astrologer (lit. Enuma-Anu-Enlil scribe), again one of a group whose status and remuneration were regulated by the temple. In the absence of even a convincing etymology, any translation is a guess. Contexts do not make "city-governor" cogent.

Pp. 8 and 149ff.: add [ ... ]-x-ri the "Elamite judge" [DI.KUD elamu) JAOS 111 33 n. 41 Rm. 681:20.

P. 11. kalamarri (karamarri, karri ammaru) also appears in BE 9 55 and Dar. 551; see Stolper 1977 pp. 259ff., and EEMA, pp. 28ff.

P. 16: aspastu also occurs in Graziani, Testi . . . datati al regno di Bardiya no. 14:3; see M. Jursa, "Neues zur Zeit des Bardia," NABU 1993/19, with literature, and "aspastu," NABU 1993/40 . Despite the CAD, VAS 5 55:2 probably has bit as-pa-<as>-tum, "Iucernet(?) field," as in Entrepreneurs and Empire no. 19:6 and Ni. 528:6 (unpublished Murasu), and so characterizes the field in question not with two different juridical labels but with one description by use and one by legal status. The context calls for bit a. to be understood as a singular (like bit ritti, to which it is in apposition) as Dandamayev translates it, and not as a feminine plural, as Dandamayev analyzes it (like the plural phrases bit qasatu, "bow lands," or mar sipirata, "messengers").

P. 17: Achaemenid "fiefs" are documented in most cities of Babylonia; see TEBR, pp. 8f.

P. 29 s.v. Amisir[i.sup.[contains]]: see Zadok 1989/90, p. 274.

P. 31 s.v. A[r.sup.[contains]]ennu: add Ar-ri-en-nu, proprietor of a royal landgrant (nidinti sarri) VAT, 156199:5 (Kasr archive, chive, year 9 of Darius II).

P. 32 s.v. Ariapinu(!). see Stolper, "Late Achaemenid Texts from Dilbat," Iraq 54 (1992): 139, for etymology, literature, and an Aramaic spelling of the same name.

P. 37 s.v. Artahsar, end: add LU am-mar-a-ka-lu (= hamarakara) van der Spek, Nippur at the Centennial, 250f.: 3 and 29 (Nippur, Seleucid Era 158 = 154 B.C.).

P. 27 s.v. Artahsassu: add the abbreviations Ar LUGAL OECT 10 215:2, Ar-tak LUGAL OECT 10 206:2 and 217:2 and the spellings Ar-ta-as-su OECT 10 191:19 Ar-ta-ka-su OECT 10 189 r. 8, and Ar-ta-ri-ta-as-su RT 19 101:3.

P. 37 s.v. Artaxerxes II: on the fragments of royal inscriptions from Babylon, see F. Vallat, "Le Palais d'Artaxerxes II a Babylone," Northern Akkad Project Reports 2 (1989): 3-6.

P. 37 s.v. Artaxerxes III: texts dated in his reign also include UET 4 1 and 2 (see J. Oelsner, "Zwischen Xerxes und Alexander ...." WO 8 [1976]:314); W 15584, from Uruk (see G. Sarkisian, "New Cuneiform Texts from Uruk of the Seleucid Period in the Staatliche Museum zu Berlin," FuB 16 [1974], and VAT 16476, from Uruk (see Oelsner, WO 8:315, n. 16), and Oelsner 1986 p. 409 n. 571). If TEBR nos. 91 and 103 belong to the reign of Artaxerxes III, then so should VAS 6 293 and OECT 12 pl. xlii B 7 (see TEBR, pp. 331, 333, and 345).

Pp. 38f. s.v. Artambar: cf. Lycian Artumpara; see R. Schmitt, "Medisches und persisches Sprachgut bei Herodot," ZDMG 117 (1967): 129.

Pp. 42f.: to citations of data, add. da-[a]-tu CT 49 102:7, da-a-ta sa(!) LUGAL(!) CT 49 173:11 (record of a pledge), and da-a-tum sa L[UGAL] CT 49 137:29, all Seleucid.

P. 47 s.v. Atebag[a.sup.[contains]]: for etymological proposals, see also Hinz, APN, pp. 50 and 119, and compare A-te[-.sup.[contains]]-EN CT 499 173 lower edge; A-te[-.sup.[contains]][-.sup.d]EN CT 49 111:3 and BM 79100:4; and A-ti[-.sup.[contains]-sup.d]]EN BM 77203 lower edge = Ha(!)-ti[-.sup.[contains]][-.sup.d]EN ibid. 14, (all Seleucid), where EN and [sup.d]EN perhaps represent Iranian Baga, rather than Babylonian Bel, AS DINGIR.MES-da-a-ta perhaps represents Baga- data (see Dandamayev, p. 50).

P. 49 s.v. Attaluls: Siha is etymologically Egyptian, as here, not Babylonian, as on p. 6; for literature and references, see. Streck Asb. 10f. i 106 and 720, and Stolper 1989, p. 288, n. 3.

Pp. 50ff. s.v. Bagadata: add Ba-ga[-.sup.[contains]]UD-da-tu UM 29-13-729:6 and 8 (Nippur, 3/IX/24 Artaxerxes I).

P. 52 s.v. Bagadata I: to the citations of ustarbaru add HSM 8405 (Babylon, ll+/-/7 Artaxerxes), where the title is held by two individuals, both with Babylonian names, and HSM 8414 (2/V/19 Artaxerxes), where it is held by an individual with a name that is probably Iranian. At least two known holders of this status, which Dandamayev considers "rather insigniicant," held properties characterized as "royal land grants" (nidinti sarri: BE 9 102; IBKU, pl. III, see p. 113 s.v. Pattinasu), and others had subordinate "bailiffs," implying that they held comparable estates (BE 10 129 and HSM 8414), and the Bagadata discussed here calls the several plundered settlements "my villages," implying an extensive estate and numerous dependents.

Pp. 56f. s.v. Bagamiri: Ba-ba-mi-ri OECT 10 191:2 is perhaps to be added here.

P. 62 s.v. Bagasaru a: to citations of ganzabaru add usru sa [PN] LU gan-za-bar-ri BM 132290:3, from Babylon, Alexander or later (courtesy Kennedy).

P. 69 s.v. Darius III: to the single text in the list of documents dated in his reign add UET 4 25 (see Oelsner, WO 8 [1976]: 314).

P. 72 s.v. Girpan[a.sup.[contains]]: on Parthian Grypn see also Zadok 1981/1982, p. 138.

P. 72 s.v. Gubar[u.sup.contains]]: add the spelling Gu-bar-ri, BE 8 80:13f. (perhaps influenced by LU.GU. GAL and LU.GU.EN.NA ibid. 1 and 12.

P. 79 s.v. Gubaru d: add VAT 15613 (see Eilers 1940, p. 194 n. 2), from the reign of Artaxerxes (perhaps Artaxerxes II), mentioning two persons called "servant (qallu) of G. (wr. Gu-bar-ra and Gu-ba-ra)" (collated).

P. 80: add Gunija (Gu-ni-ia) a witness in K. 8133:19, probably Iranian *gauna-ya- (cf Hinz, ASN, pp. 98 s.v. *fratagauna-, and 105 s.v. *gaunaka-; Zadok, personal communication).

P. 81 s.v. Hambaru: despite occasional spellings with Personenkeil, the word appears only in the geographical name, not independently as a personal name; the loanword, hanbara, "storehouse," occurs as a common noun in BE 9 19; see Stolper 1977, pp. 252ff.

P. 81 s.v. Haridapu: perhaps Egyptian, see R. Zadok, "On Some Foreign Population Groups in First-Millennium Babylonia," Tel Aviv 6 (1979): 173.

P. 82 s.v. Harrimaz: perhaps Egyptian: see Zadok, Tel Aviv 6 (1979): 172 and Gottinger Miszelien 26 (1977): 67 , n. 6 on Har-ru-ma-su and "Egyptians in Babylonia and Elam during the Ist Millennium B.C.," Lingua Aegyptia 2 (1992): 141 Ha-ri-u-ma-su.

P. 82 s.v. Hisiarsu: add the spelling Ah-si[-.sup.[contains]]-as-su, BM 74476:14 (= T. G. Pinches, Guide to the Nimroud Central Saloon [London. British Museum, 1886], 120 no. 104, see G. Cameron, "Dadus and Xerxes in Babylonia," AJSL 58 (1941): 320, n. 33; collated).

P. 83: add Hur(!)-se-e-nu parastamu mat Parsu VAT 15610 r. 3 < Iranian *xvarsaina, see Hinz, APN, p. 140.

P. 83: s.v. Hurunnatu: Zadok 1989/90, p. 273, proposes to read Hurunnapar, with an Egyptian etymology. Cf. p. 103 s.v. Munnatu b, where Dandamayev endorses Zadok's Munnapar, with an Egyptian etymology.

P. 89 s.v. lstabuzan[a.sup.[contains]] b: add BE 9 18:12, written with Is-, as in PBS 2/1 116; add Istu-bu-za-na[-.sup.[contains]], lessor of real estate belonging to the queens estate (E MUNUS sa E.GAL), Ni. 129-34 + 12922 (unpublished Murasu).

P. 100 s.v. Mitrabarzana: see Schmitt 1978l, p.424, no. 46, and Zadok 1977, p. 98, the latter citing M. Mayrhofer, "Indogermanische Chronik 21b-IV. Indo-Iranisch," Die Sprache 21 (1975): 225 sub 185, citing R. Degen. "meines Erachtens falscher Lesung."

P. 111: add Pa-ar-sa-gu-u OECT 12 pl. AB 243:2 (= CLBT, p. 28) proprietor of a royal land grant, see Stolper, Iraq 54 (1992); 126.

Pp. 114 s.v. Piriditu, 118 s.v. Rusunpatu c, 145 s.v. no. 349: to citations of parastamu (sa mat Parsu) add [sup.m]U-[ . . . LU pa-ra-as]-ta-mu Kur Par-su VAT 15610:7 and ibid. r. 3f (above to Hursenu and Mazdaizn[a.sup.[contains]). With the qualification "of Persia," parastamu must indicate something grander than is implied by "foreman." Considering the etymological possibilities, might p. be part of the formal protocol of the Achaemenid court, a counterpart of the Iranian usage that lies behind Herodotus' description of Gobryas, Aspathines, and others with access to the king as "foremost (protoi) of the Persians" (3.68,70, 77 etc.; see P. Briant "Herodote et la societie perse," in Herodote et les peuples non-grecs, Entretiens sur I'Antiquite Classique 35 [Geneva: Fondation Hardt, 1990], 74f.)?

P. 119 s.v. Sakita: "an immigrant from Asia Minor" reflects the gentilic Imbukuaja following the name and Eilers 1940, pp. 215ff. (citing collations by Gadd); see also Zadok 1976, p. 66, holding that the gentilic may refer to people from somewhere in western han or Armenia.

P. 120 s.v. Sammu: add OECT 10 285:4; for other occurrences and an Egyptian etymology, see Zadok, Tel Aviv 6 (1979): 173; WO 16 (1985): 174 (noting the Egyptian Aramaic transcription Smw); and Lingua Aegyptia 2 (1992): 142.

P. 125 s.v. Tihupardesi: see Zadok 1976b, p. 215 following Eilers 1953, p. 48, in suggesting that the name is Egyptian.

P. 130: U-bar-na-ak-ka OECT 10 229:2 (in PN LU.GAL(!) E sa U., hence evidently the proprietor of an estate) is probably to be added here.

P. 132 s.v. Ukiria: add U-ke(copy DI)-e-ri[-.sup.[contains][ OECT I10 285:5.

P. 134: It seems unlikely that Um[a.sup.[contains]]piria is a different name from Umabpire (p. 133;) Zadok 1989/90, p. 274, prefers an Egyptian etymology, and conjectures that Upare, (Dandamayev, p. 137) is another spelling of the same name.

P. 134 s.v. Umardatu: add the spellings U-ru-da-a-tu BE 10 50:13 from Dandamayev, p. lB, and Hu-ur-da-a-tu PBS 2/1 103:9 and upper edge.

P. 135 s.v. Uma[r.sup.[contains]]mir[a.sup.[contains]]: VAS 6 128 has sa(!) muhhi datu (as on p. 43, written LU <<ia>> sa etc.) and ap-pa-de-tum (also to be corrected p. 219).

P. 135 s.v. Umarzanu: add U-mar-za-n[a.sup.[contains]] LU Im-bu-ku(!)-a-a, a witness, Dar. 458:15; see Eilers 19940 (sic), pp. 218f.

P. 139 s.v. Uspamis: to the citation of Zadok 1977, p. 96, n. 53 add ibid. p. 100, n. 88, where the cross-reference to p. 94, n. 30 makes it clear that Zadok's suggestion that the first component of the name is derived from Iranian vista is an effor for a suggestion about the second component ((i.e., -mis < vis- < vista).

P. 144 s.,v. Zimakk[a.sup.[contains]]: Zi-ma-ga-[-.sup.contains]], patronym of Ha-an-da-uk(!)-ku BM 7446:4 (= Piches, Nimroud Central Saloon, 120 no. 104; Sippar, 17/II/I Xerxes; collated) is perhaps to be added here. Handaukku may also be Iranian, a hypocoristic of a name compounded with ham-.

P. 154: to the astute comment on Xenophon's perception of the Assyrian heartland as Median territory, one might compare DB [sections]33, where Darius describes mutilating and displaying one of the captured rebels at Ecbatana, then sending him to Arbela for execution. To the summary of evidence on Babylonians in Ecbatana add AMI NF 23 163f. = YBC 11607 (cited on pp. 48 and 137).

Obstacles to communications between Dandamayev and his editors and publishers arising from political conditions in Russia after 1987 may account for some of the frequent typographical errors and editorial lapses (e.g., errors and inconsistencies in spelling, citation style, cross-references, alphabetization, transliteration and normalization, omission and duplication of entries in indexes).

Length of vowels in names normalized from Babylonian sometimes reflects etymology rather than spelling (e.g., Ba-ga-a-pa-na = Bagapana), sometimes reflects spelling rather than etymology (e.g., Is-pi-i-ta-am-mu < Spitama = Ispitammu), sometimes ignores both etymology and writing (e.g., various spellings of Ugbaru, Gubaru, Gubarru, etc. < Gaubaruva = Gubaru).

A few Babylonian words and names are transcribed erroneously more than once: Bel-bullissu (pp. 9, 28, 68, 224), Bel-iksur (pp. 109, 224), rikis qabli (pp. 16, 18, 220), Tattannu (pp. 44, 128, 161 232).

P. 53 s.v. Baga-haja and passim: different systems of transliteration are used to represent Achaemenid Elamite names, sometimes mixed in the representation of a single name.

P. 187: add to the list of abbreviations, RIA (usually printed as RIA) = Reallexikon der Assyriologie.

P. 194: add to the list of works cited, Eilers, Iranische Beamtennamen in der keilschriftlichen Oberlieferungen (Leipzig, 1940).

P. 196: add Hallock, Persepolis Fortification Tablets (Chicago, 1969); Joannes, "Un quartier fantome de Babylone," N.A.B.U. 1989, no. 3, pp. 54-55; Joannes, Textes economiques de la Babylonie recente (Paris, 1992). Husing, cited on p. 72 with reference to texts that were excavated in 1893 and not published until 1912 must refer to the substantially revised and enlarged edition of 1933.

P. 205: the last entry s.v. Zadok is to be completed: review of Stolper, M. W., Entrepreneurs and Empire, Die Welt des Orients 20-21, 1989/90, pp. 273-76.

Pp. 209ff.: cuneiformists who are annoyed to find texts cited as "Scheil 1921" or "Ungnad 1960" are likely to be enraged by texts cited baldly as "Strassmaier," "Thompson," or "Weidner." Texts omitted from the index of "Passages Cited" include: Cameron, p. 216 (p. 7); Knopf, p. 50 SC 61 (p. 37); Stolper 1976, pp. 192ff. (p. 11); Stolper 1989, pp. 285f. (pp. 84, 107). Under CLBT p. 13, no. A. 124 (sic) add p. 111; under EKBK 31 add p. 107.

P. 218: under "Old Iranian Toponyms" delete Hanifidu. Add (h)virazmu- (better: Uvarazmi) and delete this entry from the list of "Old Iranian Words."

Pp. 220 (f.: under "Other Akkadian Words" add agurru (p. 169, and delete this entry from "Old Iranian Words"); maqtu (pp. 65, 96), purkullu (p. 92), rab sirisi (p. 88). Move bar bayta to "Aramaic." Under "Aramaic" add [sup.[contains]]prsk (sic) (p. 9). Under "Parthian" read gry- for ry-.

Pp. 221ff: Under "People" add Arma-BE-ri (pp. 121, 121). For [sup.[contains]]RNTBW read [sup.[contains]RTBNW. Delete iprasakku, a common noun. Delete "a satrate," after Ispitim[a.sup.[contains]].

Pp. 234ff. Under "Places" delete Beri, a divine name; under Enlil-asabsu(sic)-iqbi, add pp. 100 and 138 (and delete this entry under "People"). Add Naqidini p. 118 (and delete this entry under "People," p. 229 end).

P. 239: no reference to an "indexer" appears on p. xi.
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Author:Stolper, Matthew W.
Publication:The Journal of the American Oriental Society
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Date:Oct 1, 1994
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