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Integration, Turkish Theatre, and Cultural-Political Interventions in West Berlin: Vasif Ongoren's Kollektiv Theater (1980-82).

Introduction

The mid-1970s and early 1980s witnessed the development of a very active Turkish art scene in West Berlin.' Various cultural institutions were integral to this process, especially the Kunstamt Kreuzberg and Neukolln (Arts Council for the districts of Kreuzberg and Neukolln), the Kunstlerhaus Bethanien (Artists' House Bethanien, a center for arts and social affairs), the Deutsch-Turkische Gesellschaft e.V. (German-Turkish Society), and the Turkischer Akademiker- und Kunstlerverein (Turkish Academics and Artists Association). Frequently collaborating with one another, these organizations sponsored recurring cultural events, such as auslandischer Berliner (foreign Berliner), the Fest auf dem Mariannenplatz (Festival on the Mariannenplatz), and the Turkische Kulturwochen (Turkish Cultural Weeks). Financially supported by the Berlin Senate, these public events showcased a variety of genres and media, including music, visual arts, theatre, and film; participants and organizers alike aimed to promote Turkish culture beyond folklorization, Orientalization, and essentialization.

Particularly prominent among the rosters of participants were Turkish theatre ensembles. A majority of these ensembles, such as the Berlin Oyuncular (Berlin Actors, 1976), the Kreuzberger Turkische Volksbuhne (Kreuzberg Turkish Peoples Theatre, 1978), the Turkisches Arbeitertheater (Turkish Workers' Theatre, 1979) and the Kollektiv Theater (Collective Theatre, 1968) included professional theatre practitioners who had left Turkey for political reasons. (2) In this essay, I will focus on the Kollektiv Theater, an ensemble that was founded by dramatist Vasif Ongoren (3) in Turkey. Re-established in West Berlin after his emigration from Turkey in 1980, the Kollektiv Theater contributed to political debates on integration in West Germany through theatre. Rather than analyze specific productions, I will instead situate Ongoren's ensembles theatre practice with respect to efforts by Turkish artists and intellectuals during the late 1970s and early 1980s, discussing the project both as an early manifestation of Turkish self-presentation in West Germany, and, more specifically, as a key part of the formation of a Turkish public sphere in West Berlin. First, I will examine the founding of--and interactions between--the institutions mentioned above, which were designed to promote cultural events. As I will show, cultural practices, and specifically theatre, were understood as crucial factors within discourses on integration (as opposed to assimilation). The Kollektiv Theater's programming and contributions will be read as a current within broader efforts to represent Turkish culture as multi-layered and as essential to political debates on integration. This essay concludes by asking how we may relate Turkish theatrical activities in the early phase of Turkish migration to theatre practices today, such as the postmigrant theatre movement.

Cultural-Political Interventions and Collaborations

Turkish artists, intellectuals, and academics founded associations in West Berlin throughout the 1970s and 1980s in order to establish institutional settings for the planning of cultural activities, with collaborative efforts presenting a particular priority. Two institutions which I would like to highlight specifically are the Turkischer Akademiker- und Kunstlerverein (Turkish Academics and Artists Association) and the Deutsch-Turkische Gesellschaft (German-Turkish Society), which were crucial for self-advocacy and self-representation through culture as well as for collaborations with local and district authorities charged with sponsoring cultural programming such as the Kunstamt Kreuzberg and Kunstamt Neukolln. Established in 1980, the Deutsch-Turkische Gesellschaft aimed to foster "mutual understanding between the Turkish and German population" while promoting the "integration of the foreign population by maintaining their cultural identity." (4) This entailed efforts to foster the necessary conditions for an understanding of "differing historical, social, political, and cultural conditions, and the awareness of their changeability." (5) Integration, here, was understood as realizing and implementing political and social equality while also increasing the willingness of Germans to actively participate in this process. The Deutsch-Turkische Gesellschaft underlined the bidirectionality of such processes of integration by involving Turks and Germans equally, while foregrounding as a premise the familiarity with changing societal conditions in both countries. In addition to organizing cultural events, its objectives included taking positions on current issues of local and national Auslanderpolitik (foreigner policy), establishing a library, organizing workshops, and supporting related projects. Its co-chairs were Rainer Klebba, a member of parliament for the Social Democratic Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, SPD), and Industrial Union of Metal Workers (IG Metall) official Necati Gurbaca, also a member of the SPD. (6) In addition to writers/dramatists Aras Oren and Vasif Ongoren, composer and musician Tahsin Incirci, translator and poet Gultekin Emre, and painter Hanefi Yeter were all members. (7)

Founded by sculptor Mehmet Aksoy (8) in West Berlin in 1972, the Turkischer Akademiker- und Kunstlerverein likewise foregrounded the advancement of "Annaherung," rapprochement, while at the same time providing an institutional framework that would cultivate an awareness of Turkish academics' rights and legal positions. In fact, the association perceived itself as part of the larger community of academics in Turkey, and aimed to contribute to the realization of an "anti-imperialist and humanitarian" Turkey. (9) In its early years, the association worked with municipal institutions such as the Kunstamt Kreuzberg on projects like the highly successful exhibit "Mehmet kam aus Anatolien" (Mehmet came from Anatolia) in 1975.

This exhibit focused on the visual and textual documentation of both Turkish life (and experiences) in West Germany, ranging from living and working conditions to childcare and leisure activities, as well as Turkish economic and political realities prior to emigration. In this way, the significance of both Turkish and German sociopolitical specificities was made clear, with their interconnection acknowledged as an underlying factor shaping each context. The exhibit also displayed works by Turkish artists residing in West Berlin: the sculptor Mehmet Aksoy, the painter Hanefi Yeter, (10) and the ceramist Mehmet Caglayan. (11) All three came to West Berlin as trained artists and were affiliated with the University of the Arts in West Berlin. The exhibit attracted over 20,000 guests and toured other West German cities such as Bonn, Munich, Frankfurt Main, and Bochum.

Ultimately, the exhibit achieved high visibility throughout West Germany, attracting extensive press coverage that drew attention to the presence of Turks in West Germany--not as objects of political discourse, but rather as subjects capable of intervening in, and indeed shaping, broader debates on cultural, political, and social affairs in both Turkish and Turkish-German contexts. Underscoring the exhibit's goal of reaching both Turkish and German audiences was the bilingualism of the exhibit catalogue, whose foreword was written by three of the participating artists (Aksoy, Yeter, and Caglayan) and highlighted the significance of art--and its relationship to labor processes--within the exhibit:
The Turkish worker is here. Not as automaton, who daily rushes to work
and produces, but as the human he or she is: a human, who lives in the
production relations and contradictions of this society. The
responsibility of the artist and his real task begins with seeing these
contradictions and making them visible in his art. (12)


The exhibit, and the responsibility of artists within it, thus serves to uncover conditions in society that dehumanize workers, and reintroduce Turkish workers as humans. The combination of Turkish art with German sociopolitical analysis therefore actively strives to contribute to the integration--through mutual rapprochement, not assimilation--of the Turkish worker.

The promotion of Turkish culture remained a central focus, which we see in the 1977 Nazim Hikmet festival, (13) organized by the Turkischer Akademiker- und Kunsflerverein in honor of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the poet's birthday. It consisted of a variety of events and performances, including dramatist and actor Genco Erkal and musicians Ruhi Su and Sumeyra, as well as the Hanns Eisler Choir and the Turkish Workers' Choir. The events of the festival drew sustained coverage in major newspapers from both East and West, with publications like the Tagesspiegel, Frankfurter Rundschau, Berliner Morgenpost, Die Welt, Der Abend, and Die Wahrheit reporting on the various festival components. Published in the same year, the catalogue for this festival included the first German translations of texts by Hikmet, in efforts to promote his work in West Germany.

This Hikmet festival was another collaboration between the Turkischer Akademiker- und Kunstlerverein and the Kunstamt Kreuzberg. The Kunstamt Kreuzberg, a public district authority that was active in municipal work, devoted one fourth of its program to "engagement with the cultures of foreigners living in the district." (14) As a part of these efforts, it organized an annual Fest fur Deutsche und Auslander auf dem Mariannenplatz (Celebration for Germans and Foreigners on the Mariannenplatz), and a variety of collaborative projects such as the abovementioned "Mehmet kam aus Anatolien" exhibit (1975) and the Hikmet festival (1977), as well as the "morgens Deutschland abends Turkei" (Mornings Germany, Evenings Turkey) exhibit (1981). The Kunstamt made a further significant contribution by providing workspaces, performance spaces, and exhibit spaces for cultural activities, while at the same time continuously urging the Berlin Senate, the city's governing body, to financially support such activities and the institutionalization of various cultural efforts in the district. It was not until 1981 that the Senate allocated a budget for Auslanderkulturarbeit (foreigners' cultural work) which could be used by districts, with Kreuzberg receiving 65,000 German Marks. These funds went mainly into supporting theatre ensembles and folklore events.

In his 1983 working report "Arbeitsbericht," on "Auslandertheater" (foreigners' theatre) in West Germany and West Berlin, which was based on a study of over fifty ensembles over a two-year period, Manfred Brauneck observed a "fundamental contradiction between the conceptualization of culture by the senate and districts" in West Berlin. (15) The districts, he elaborates, charged the senate with promoting a "representation-oriented, central cultural policy." (16) In the final discussion of the workshop, participants criticized minoritizing ascriptions and restrictions (especially to issues relating only to migration), and demanded that the city's priorities for such cultural work shift away from "exotic and folklore culture." (17) This was particularly evident in the funding distribution, which the districts vehemently criticized as mainly supporting events considered "politically harmless," at which exotic folklore culture was permitted to represent "Auslanderkultur" (foreigners' culture). (18)

The two institutions mentioned above, as well as the Kunstamt Kreuzberg, repeatedly emphasized the need to move beyond exoticizing folkloristic presentations of Turkish culture. (19) In a letter to the Senator for Cultural Affairs, the Kunstamt underlined the necessity of "continuous decentralized and target-group oriented cultural work," which would emphasize "public documentation" and "cultural-self-representation." (20) The need for "institutionalized longevity" instead of a practice of one-time project dependent funding was also pointed out by Aras Oren. (21) A regular participant in a variety of cultural events, Oren was also an important public figure in his role as editor for the first regular Turkish-language radio programming in Germany. This programming was broadcast on SFB (Radio Free Berlin) and centered on Turkish life in West Berlin; and while commentators provided integration support, they also promoted the importance of the preservation of Turkish cultural identity.

In the same year of Brauneck's report, Dorothea Fohrbeck published a documentary volume entitled Turkische Kulturarbeit in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Turkish Cultural Work in the FRG, 1983). This volume collects materials relating to planned events, initiatives, and concepts for collaborative action--between artists, artists' associations, and municipal institutions. A common theme linking the materials is the desire to counter juxtapositions of Turkish with German culture as diametrically opposed homogenous static entities. (22) Reflecting on Turkish immigration to West Germany, Fohrbeck emphasizes the emergence of a new "cultural pattern" (23) which neither rests on complete assimilation nor musealization of the "home" culture. Vital to our understanding of Turkish cultural activity, she argues, is "demonstrative self-representation"--particularly in the face of the discursive construction of Turks as Other, essentially different, socially peripheral--and thus non-integrable within German society. (24) In her introduction, Fohrbeck summarizes the demands formulated by various foreigner cultural associations and institutions, taking the satisfaction of these demands as necessary for the establishment of a continuous platform: first, the need for "spatial and personnel infrastructures"; second, the need to be given a "say in the formulation of the conceptualization of culture"; and third, an "increase of municipal funds." (25) The lack of continuous funding support and of permanent work and performance spaces made the work of theatre practitioners increasingly difficult. In the case of Vasif Ongoren, this lack of support ultimately precipitated his move to the Netherlands in 1982.

Turkish Political Theatre: Vasif Ongoren in Turkey and West Germany

Ongoren was the leading Turkish dramatist in the implementation and adaptation of Brechtian dramaturgical practices in the Turkish context. (26) His career in theatre began in 1959, when he joined the Genclik Tiyatrosu (Youth Theatre) ensemble of which he was a member until 1962. As one of its members, he participated in the student theatre festival in Erlangen, West Germany in the early 1960s, strengthening his interest in Brecht and resulting in his move to West Berlin to study Brechtian theatre. Between 1962 and 1966, he regularly attended stage rehearsals in East Berlin at the Berliner Ensemble and conducted research in its archive, while simultaneously enrolled in the Free University's theatre department in West Berlin. (27) He returned to Turkey in 1966 for his mandatory military service and in 1969, together with Mustafa Alabora, Halil Ergun, and Erdogan Akduman, he co-founded Ankara Birligi Sahnesi, which advocated epic theatre.

In two separate manifestos, the ensemble announced its goal of participating in the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal cultural-political struggle through the formation of a national revolutionary theatre that foregrounded the necessity of constituting the proletariat as its class basis and of culture as its weapon. (28) Theatre, they argued, was a force for social change, with the (Brechtian) epic mode representing the only progressive theatre method that harnessed theatre's potential to raise class consciousness by showing audiences a critical representation of the world and of the possibilities for its transformation. (29)

According to Ongoren, turning a bourgeois stage into a revolutionary stage required forming an organic whole with the organized working class and the not-yet-organized working masses. (30) For theatre, this meant the representation of society as changeable and the depiction of humans as capable of changing their circumstances. Such a theatre thus foregrounds that what is misconstrued as human nature is in fact a function of class status, and stages the dramatic conflict as the result of societal conflicts. (31) For the Birlik Sahnesi, Brecht's epic system foregrounded the materialist dialectic in the form of Verfremdung, which "replaces illusion with criticism, purification with consciousness-raising," thus moving beyond the individual effects of catharsis, and into a new realm of potential political and collective action. (32)

The 1970s in Turkey were characterized by social disorder, political instability, and terror. The Turkish military intervened in 1971, holding Justice Party leader and prime minister Suleyman Demirel and his regime responsible for economic and social unrest. (33) This time the military did not dissolve the government and parties as it had in 1960, but curtailed democratic basic rights and fundamental freedoms. Democratic and socialist organizations and oppositional newspapers, magazines, and publishing houses were banned. The repression of any group that was suspected and identified as leftist, especially the Turkish Workers' Party (Turkiye Isci Partisi) and its union, and the oppression of political opposition to the military regime in general, constituted the backdrop for all legal amendments. The leftist intelligentsia became a principal target, with journalists, trade unionists, radical writers, and artists being harassed, arrested, tortured, tried, and imprisoned--including Ongoren. (34)

Ongoren's ensembles efforts were interrupted in 1972, when he and his colleagues were arrested at the theatre premises and charged with founding a secret underground movement; the theatre was then subsequently shut down under the penal code's Article 141. Two years after his release from prison following a general amnesty in 1974, Ongoren reopened his theatre together with Meral Taygun, (35) this time in Istanbul. Both in Ankara and in Istanbul, the Birlik Sahnesi foregrounded the collaborative work and cooperation inherent in its name, "Birlik" (meaning solidarity). In the face of growing oppression and persecution of the left, Ongoren left Turkey for West Berlin in 1980, where he re-established the Birlik Sahnesi as Kollektiv Theater (which he directed until his move to the Netherlands in 1982). (36)

Thus when Ongoren founded the Kollektiv Theater in West Berlin, this represented his third attempt to establish and run an ensemble with such a distinct social and political activist agenda. In the following, I will engage with continuities and transformations in the ensemble's orientation and self-understanding as it moved from Turkish to West German society. A central question in this discussion is how its political revolutionary orientation was modified to communicate Turkish political realities through theatre in the West German context. The first two plays the ensemble staged in West Berlin provide some preliminary answers, with one focusing on Turkish social and political history in the first half of the twentieth century and the other on the rise of fascism in Turkey.

The Kollektiv Theater's first performance in West Berlin took place in October 1980, when the ensemble staged a production of Nazim Hikmet's Memleketimden Insan Manzaralari (Human Landscapes from My Country) in the Kunstlerhaus Bethanien. The production and staging of this play in West Berlin is noteworthy in its efforts to reach both Turkish and German speaking audiences. It featured a German performance starring Peggy Lukac from the Theatermanufaktur and a Turkish performance with Meral Taygun. The following year, the German version received a three-week engagement at the Freie Volksbuhne in West Berlin and was also performed at the Stuttgarter Kammertheater. Hikmet's Human Landscapes was the last play Ongoren had staged in Istanbul during the 1979-80 season (when the theatre was bombed during dress rehearsals); he then emigrated to West Berlin.

A striking aspect of all the Kollektiv Theater's performances in West Berlin was the implementation of a German and a Turkish-language production, as in the case of the Hikmet adaptation. In the bilingual performance brochure for its premiere, the Kollektiv Theater provided a series of quotes by Hikmet that contextualize this "gigantic epos" for the audience:
Based on the statements of various people from different classes, who
appear in this work, I would like to provide the reader with a picture
of the social situation in Turkey. Of course, not as static, but in
their dialectical process. (37)


The performances were lauded as a "great audience success" by the local press and drew the attention of various newspapers, like the Berliner Morgenpost, Der Abend, Die Wahrheit, and Der Tagesspiegel. (38) By choosing to stage a Hikmet production, Ongoren was in line with current efforts and cultural-political practices in West Berlin (and West Germany) to promote the poet's work, while also continuing his own political theatre work in the West German context. As is foregrounded in the brief quote from the program brochure, Hikmet considered art to be in the service of class struggle and therefore emphasized socioeconomic realities and sociohistorical tendencies in his work. He referred to himself as "an ordinary proletarian poet with a Marxist-Leninist conscience," (39) for whom art "should serve people and call them for a better future. That it should be the translation of peoples suffering, their anger, hope, joy and longing." (40) Hikmet, like Brecht, thus highlighted the ability of literature not merely to represent but also to change and to incite change. (41)

Hikmet had begun writing Memleketimden Insan Manzaralari in Bursa Prison in 1941, and continued working on it while in exile after his release in 1950. However, it was not published until 1966, three years after his death. In this work, Hikmet narrates a broad variety of Turkish lives--those of workers, peasants, and state officials--in lyrical and epic form through short biographical vignettes. In the foreword to the English edition, translators Randy Biasing and Mutlu Konuk frame its political message as showing how "human beings have the power to make and change human life." (42) They further conceptualize it as "a poetic history of the present, which might be of use for the future." (43) By emphasizing its focus on the changeability of society by humans, and the work's possible future relevance, Biasing and Konuk underline the universal appeal of Hikmet s work--and, one may add, its adaptability to various contexts, including West Germany.

For Ongoren, then, staging Hikmet was a means to not only provide insights into Turkish society, history, and class relations, but also to familiarize the audience with Hikmet's work. Furthermore, Ongoren's adaptation created a new dialectical relationship within this cultural exchange as his adaptation added another layer of interaction to the relationship between the work and its audience, further signaling the changing nature of art as well as of reality.

In a 1981 issue of the Berlin based cultural journal Omnibus, Ongoren commented on the situation of "foreign" intellectuals in West Germany:
Turks have other difficulties here than [those they have] at home, the
intellectuals as well. There is no superstructure here for foreigners.
In this society, there is only one superstructure and that is the
German superstructure. It is very difficult to start a dialogue in this
superstructure. That is why Turks live in a ghetto. (44)


Ongoren draws attention to the difficulties faced by Turkish residents in West German society, resulting from a lack of institutional frameworks. The solution for Ongoren lay in theatre: "If there were a real Turkish-German theater, then one would be able to convey to the German population what Turkish culture really is." (45) This foregrounds Ongorens perspective of the twofold purpose of theatrical activity, capable both of giving insight into Turkish culture and history and of enabling dialogue between Turks and Germans. This approach not only remains true to his dialectical materialist convictions but can also be seen as the first step toward realizing his future plans for systematic public relations work, communal involvement, and collaborative projects with local artists. (46)

Ongoren's political engagement through theatre continued in West Germany through the adaptation of plays (47) previously performed in Turkey to the German context, promoting bilingualism and integration efforts. In this setting, integration was no longer a top-down policy matter of abstract decision-making, but rather involved those affected by policy, and included culture, here theatre, as a crucial component. This process of adaptation creates, through the interaction of art and reality, a doubly articulated dialectical relationship: on the one hand, the original Turkish plays are adapted to the German context, while on the other they contradict and reshape prevailing notions of the role of Turkish immigrants in West Germany. In this way, the purpose of the performances--to achieve real change in German society--involves their articulation of alternative views of German circumstances and of new, collective political possibilities for changing it.

One of the primary goals of the Kollektiv Theater in West Berlin was the "mediation of Turkish culture to Germans." (48) This was linked to a more general understanding of the role and function of theatre in society, which in Taygun's words was "to show relations between people... [and] to show the differences of people from different classes." (49) The specificities of German sociopolitical reality and cultural practices, and the role of the Turkish worker and resident within them, was a central concern for the ensemble. As Ongoren pointed out, "Everybody here is focused on foreigner problems, as if on a miracle. Therefore, one does not think normally in the cultural sector. To present that which is mutually interesting ... is important." (50) The perception of theatre as a collaborative effort, central from its inception, remained significant in West Berlin. Indeed, it was in divided Berlin during the early 1960s that the idea of founding a collective theatre materialized, possibly inspired by the ensemble praxis of the Berliner Ensemble, where Ongoren regularly attended stage rehearsals and interacted with Manfred Wekwerth, Hans Bunge, and Werner Hecht.

After the reconstitution of the ensemble in West Berlin, the German-language performance of Hikmet's Human Landscapes represents one instance of collaboration with local theatre professionals. It featured Peggy Lukac of the Theatermanufaktur, an ensemble that understood itself as political popular theatre and staged historical-documentary material. Ongoren thus continued the dialectical development of his theatre aesthetics, adapted to changing social, political, and historical realities, a process mirroring his proposed grassroots approach to integration.

In addition to maintaining this collaborative aspect, the importance of the "Kulturintegration" or cultural integration cited in the ensembles full title--"Kollektiv-Theater Gesellschaft fur Turkisch-Deutsche Kulturintegration mbH" (Collective Theater Limited Company for Turkish-German Cultural Integration)--became increasingly evident. This title highlights Ongoren's theatrical efforts and their assigned significance in integration beyond assimilation but based on exchange. (51) Here theatre is established as an important medium in the process of integration, which provides West Berlin residents, Turkish and German alike, with valuable insights into political and societal structures in Turkey. (52) Integration, as understood by the ensemble, is only possible "if the level of information of all parties involved--German as well as Turkish--on the other country's culture, and its tradition, is improved." (53) Contributing to this process, Ongoren perceived his second play Zengin Mutfagi (54) (The Kitchen of the Rich) as a specific example of the cultural efforts emphasizing exchange in the context of policies that restricted rights for foreigners and of German public discourses' emphasis on limiting immigration. Written by Ongoren, The Kitchen of the Rich had premiered in 1977 in Istanbul and was staged by the Birlik Sahnesi. (55) In an interview in the same year, he presented its aim and focus as follows: "In my last play, talking about how social changes forced to change an individual's fate, I tried to represent reality." (56)

After the play's West Berlin premiere in October 1981, it was performed during the Kulturwochen auslandischer Berliner in December, supported by the districts of Kreuzberg and Neukolln, the Kunstamter, and the senate administration for cultural affairs. One reviewer portrayed this play as describing "historical situations, political developments, the kitchen is a meeting point for a handful of people, it is a place of encounter. Visitors of the kitchen experience the transformation of Turkey... into a police state after 1971." (57) Addressing the rise of fascism in Turkey, (58) the play provided insights into the recent developments in Turkey to both a German audience, and a Turkish audience that had left the country earlier and "lost contact with Turkey." (59) Moreover, Ongoren framed the German production of The Kitchen of the Rich as contributing to integration, which for him was only possible, as indicated above, through an improvement of the state of information--cultural, political, historical--of all involved. It is through such initiatives as this play, as Ongoren affirms, that Germans can learn about Turkish political and societal structures. At the same time, as cultural pedagogue and the ensembles manager Christel Hartmann points out, one aim was "to give rise to associations other than folk dance, Doner Kebab, Turkish market and garlic." (60) In a 1981 position paper, Stellungnahme Auslander zur Auslanderpolitik, the Initiativkreis Gleichberechtigung 'Integration' (Initiative Group Equality Integration, IGI), (61) similarly criticized the reduction of "versatile Turkish culture ... to folklore" urging for culture to be perceived as "medium of mutual influence" and thus "chance of success" for integration policy. (62) Thus the IGI argued for cultural exchange to be acknowledged as central element of integration policy, which necessitates a "Forderungspolitik" (support policy), not recognized in the West German government's contradictory strategies regarding foreigner policy in the 1970s. (63) Historian Ulrich Herbert summarizes this phase of Auslanderpolitik as twofold: on the one hand, the limitation of the number of foreigners, the encouragement of return, the sustenance of a strong connection to home countries, and the rejection of a process toward immigration; and on the other hand, the implementation of measures for the integration of those already living in Germany. (64) The IGI in turn conceived of integration as "political and legal equality" and as a "reciprocal process, a rapprochement and acceptance of cultural diversity" (65)--views we have seen promoted and practiced by Ongoren and his ensemble.

Conclusion and Outlook

Public-political debates on integration have recurred in Germany on a regular basis since the recruitment of guest workers in the post-war period. In 2010, for example, Thilo Sarrazin's best-selling book Deutschland schafft sich ab (Germany Abolishes Itself) represented merely another iteration of an exclusionary discourse on individuals of Turkish background living in Germany: a discourse in which Turkish-Germans are marked as foreign agents within the German body politic, and deemed either unwilling to integrate, or perhaps incapable of doing so. (66) It triggered a revived integration debate in which chancellor Merkel and other politicians again took recourse to German Leitkultur as the guiding principle of integration, which has been defined as rooted in the Judeo-Christian tradition. Art and culture have always played a significant role in challenging and intervening into German public-political discourse on integration (still based on the principles of cultural assimilation) and immigration.

A recent example is the Gorki Theater's third Herbstsalon event series, which took place in November 2017. In the aftermath of the 2017 German elections, as a result of which Germany saw a far-right party, the AfD (Alternative for Germany) enter parliament for the first time since 1945, the Herbstsalon used its title to call for their audience to "Desintegriert euch" (Dis-integrate yourselves). This call was tantamount to an artistic rejection of the notion of a so-called German Leitkultur and to an interrogation of "generalizing requests to integrate," against which the Gorki Theater instead promoted "radical diversity." (67) The youth theatre collective Theater X facilitated a series of discussion workshops to address the election results and has been examining questions of migration, borders, and belonging in their performances, which, like the Gorki's Herbstsalon events, were positioned against dominant discourses of "German folk" and Leitkultur. Earlier examples include the 2006 "Beyond Belonging--Migration (2) " festival curated by Shermin Langhoff, which aimed at creating a space at the intersection of art and politics for the "engagement with positions and perspectives of migration." (68) In 2009, the second iteration of the festival, "Beyond Belonging--Translokal" took place in the Ballhaus Naunynstra[beta]e, a venue and company that promulgates postmigrant theatre. Postmigrant theatre, a term coined by Shermin Langhoff, stands "for the successful promotion and institutionalization of cultural diversity and global cosmopolitanisation." (69) During its ten years of existence, the aesthetic has focused on "cultural education," emphasized "diversity beyond origins," promoted "extended participation," and celebrated "transculturality" (70) With regard to this label, Langhoff further insists on thinking "aesthetics and politics" together, foregrounding her understanding of it as a "space for a politics of views, of perception." (71)

(West) German policies regarding integration have changed over time, and according to Kira Kosnick, it was not until the late 1990s "that the attention shifted toward a different kind of integration--not just in terms of labor markets and social services, but also symbolically in terms of how Germany could be imagined as a multicultural and multiethnic society." (72) It is not my intention to equate sociopolitical realities and historic specificities of the 1970s and early 1980s with the present. Nor do I perceive the developments in Turkish-German theatre from earlier manifestations, such as Ongorens ensemble to today's postmigrant theatre movement, as direct continuations of tradition within a linear teleology or singular genealogy. (73) Nevertheless, past theatrical practices can be linked with those of the present, and points of conceptual connection found between them, when we commit to an understanding of theatre as "co-determining discourse" (74) on integration, to quote Shermin Langhoff. Ongorens theatrical efforts might therefore be seen as a key precursor to today's political interventions by postmigrant theatre, with both forms sharing an emphasis on the intersection of aesthetics and politics, and situating art firmly within public-political discourse. A variety of Turkish theatre ensembles, including Ongorens, anticipated the theatrical practices mentioned above through their shared insistence on the intersection of politics and aesthetics, their emphasis on the role of minoritized subjects in the cultural sector, and their exploration of theatre's connections to the public sphere within which it is located. In the early stages of Turkish migration to West Germany, Turkish artists, musicians, and theatre practitioners, including Ongoren, foregrounded the significance of Turkish culture in their efforts to actively shape processes of integration. This process of integration was conceived of not as a unidirectional adaptation to a supposedly pre-existing German majority culture but rather as a bidirectional process of exchange between Germans and Turks that necessitated a familiarity with each country's societal, political, historical, and cultural characteristics and specificities. Within this broader flow of ideas, theatre was constituted as a space to participate in and actively shape public-political discourse that involved both Turkish and German residents of West Berlin.

ELA GEZEN

University of Massachusetts Amherst

NOTES

(1) Needing manual labor power, West Germany concluded multiple labor recruitment agreements--with Italy, Spain, Greece, Portugal, Tunisia, Morocco, and former Yugoslavia--between 1955 and 1968. The bilateral labor recruitment contract between Germany and Turkey was signed in 1961. The recruitment of foreign labor was regulated by what was called the rotary system, which mandated a temporary status for the foreign labor force. Treaties between West Germany and these countries of emigration laid out the conditions and basic terms of labor migration. In addition to West German cities like Stuttgart and Cologne, West Berlin became one of the main destinations for Turkish migrants, with 66,521 Turks living there in early 1973. Waves of immigration in the late 1970s and early 1980s included political refugees fleeing Turkey amounting to 57,913 applications for political asylum in 1980. Nermin Abadan-Unat, Turks in Europe: From Guest Worker to Transnational Citizen, trans. Caterine Campion (New York: Berghahn Books, 2011), 20.

(2) For an overview of Turkish-German theatre, see Erol Boran's unpublished doctoral dissertation, "Eine Geschichte des turkisch-deutschen Theaters und Kabaretts" (PhD diss., Ohio State University, 2004), 75-200. While he focuses on ensembles in West Berlin, the Kollektiv Theater is not discussed in great detail.

(3) Vasif Ongoren (1938-84) was an important playwright and theatre director who promoted Brechtian epic theatre in the creation of a Turkish political theatre aesthetic. His conceptualization of theatre, and its significance with regard to societal change (in Turkey and West Germany) will be discussed later in this essay.

(4) "Satzung der Deutsch-Turkischen Gesellschaft e.V., Berlin," Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Museum Archive; "gegenseitige[s] Verstandnis zwischen deutscher und turkischer Bevolkerung"; "Integration der auslandischen Bevolkerung unter Wahrung ihrer kulturellen Identitat." Translations are all mine unless noted otherwise.

(5) "Satzung der Deutsch-Turkischen"; "unterschiedlichen historischen, sozialen, politischen und kulturellen Bedingungen und das Bewu[beta]tsein uber deren Veranderbarkeit."

(6) Within the SPD, Gurbaca was actively engaging against practices of restrictive foreigner policy. He was the cofounder of Initiativkreis Gleichberechtigung "Integration" (Initiative Group Equality Integration, IGI, 1980)--discussed later in this essay--which represented the interests of the Turkish population in West Berlin.

(7) Michael Bohm, "Verein guter Nachbarn," Der Abend, April 30, 1980, and "Satzung der Deutsch-Turkischen Gesellschaft e.V., Berlin," Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Museum Archive.

(8) Mehmet Aksoy (1939-) studied sculpture in Istanbul from 1961 until 1967. He moved to West Berlin in 1971 and became the chair of the Turkish Academics and Artists Association. He returned to Turkey in 1989.

(9) "Satzung des Turkischen Akademiker- und Kunstlervereins," Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Museum Archive; "antumperialistischen und volkerrechtlichen Turkei."

(10) Hanefi Yeter (1947-) studied painting and graphics in Istanbul, from 1967 until 1972, and in Paris. Upon completion of his degree, he came to West Berlin on a fellowship. He graduated in 1976 and continued to work in West Berlin.

(11) Mehmet Caglayan (1943-) studied ceramics in Istanbul from 1963 until 1967 and moved to West Berlin in 1970 after completing his mandatory military service. He enrolled in the Staatliche Hochschule fur Bildende Kunste, graduating with a degree in ceramics.

(12) "Vorwort der Kunstler / Sanatcilarin Onsozu," Mehmet Berlin'de/Mehmet kam aus Anatolien, Kunstamt Kreuzberg and Turkischer Akademiker- und Kunstlerverein (Berlin: Berliner Festspiele GmbH, 1975), n.p.; "Der turkische Arbeiter ist da! Nicht aber als ein Automat, der tagtaglich zum Arbeitsplatz eilt und produziert, sondern als der Mensch, der er ist, der in Produktionsverhaltnissen und Widerspruchen dieser Gesellschaft lebt. Die Verantwortung des Kunstlers und seine eigentliche Aufgabe beginnt damit, diese Widerspruche zu sehen und sie in seiner Kunst sichtbar zu machen."

(13) The Communist poet Nazim Hikmet (1901-63) is considered one of the most influential Turkish literary figures. With the publication of his 835 Satir (835 lines) in 1929, Hikmet introduced free verse to Turkish poetry. He was the first poet to abstain from uniform metric structures, drawing on the everyday for his topics. For him, the poem became a means of verbalizing and publicizing political and social ideals and decrying injustices. Hikmet's oeuvre comprises numerous dramas, novels, and poems. His political commitment to communism led to his imprisonment for fifteen years and expatriation in 1951 as well as a publication ban of his works for over thirty years in Turkey. For further information, see Randy Biasing and Mutlu Konuk, Nazim Hikmet: The Life and Times of Turkey's World Poet (New York: Persea Books, 2013).

(14) Manfred Brauneck, Auslandertheater in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und in West-Berlin. 1. Arbeitsbericht zum Forschungsbericht "Populdre Theaterkultur" (Hamburg: Hamburg University, 1983), 70; "Auseinandersetzung mit den Kulturen der im Bezirk lebenden Auslander." For a discussion of migrant theatre groups in Cologne, see Azadeh Sharifi, Theater fur alle?: Partizipation von Postmigranten am Beispiel der Buhnen der Stadt Koln (Frankfurt Main: Lang, 2011).

(15) Brauneck, Ausldndertheater, 73; "ein grundsatzlicher Gegensatz zwischen der Kultur-Konzeption des Senats und der Bezirke."

(16) Brauneck, 73; "reprasentationsorientierte, zentrale Kulturpolitik."

(17) Brauneck, 211; "Exotik- und Folklorekultur."

(18) Brauneck, 209; "politisch unbedenklich." Sociologist Kira Kosnick examines funding structures that have been marginalizing Turkish cultural activities--including theatre--in addressing the "whiteness" of cultural policy (which "inscribes immigrant and post-migrant cultural production as Other, denoting the primacy of ethno-cultural difference over artistic ambition") and pointing to how the fund for 'citizens of foreign descent' "has become something of a trap, keeping artists out of other funding circuits which offer considerably more money and/or institutional continuity." Migrant Media: Turkish Broadcasting and Multicultural Politics in Berlin (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007), 96-97. Also see Onur Suzan Komurcu Nobrega's analysis of how cultural policies frame labor conditions for postmigrant artists in Berlin and Lizzie Stewart's discussion of the shift toward interculturalism in cultural policy in the context of federal funding for theatre in Germany after 2000. Onur Suzan Komurcu Nobrega, '"We Bark from The Third Row': The Position of the Ballhaus Naunynstra[beta]e in Berlin's Cultural Landscape and the Funding of Cultural Diversity Work," Jahrbuch Turkisch-deutsche Studien 2 (2011): 91-112; Lizzie Stewart, '"The Future Market and the Current Reality': Zaimoglu/Senkel's Schwarze Jungfrauen and Interculturalism in the German Context," in Interculturalism and Performance Now, ed. Charlotte Mclvor and Jason King (Cham, CH: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019).

(19) In addition to the Kunstamt Kreuzberg, the Kunstlerhaus Bethanien provided spaces for artists, ensembles and events, and contributed to the development of an infrastructure by organizing readings, concerts, exhibits, and theatre performances, including those by Vasif Ongoren's Kollektiv Theater.

(20) Archival document, Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Museum Archive; "kontinuierliche dezentrale und zielgruppenoierentierte Kulturarbeit"; "offentlich dokumentieren"; "kulturelle Selbstdarstellung."

(21) Aras Oren, "Auf der Suche nach Synthese und Eigenwert. Turkisches Theaterleben in Berlin oder: Von der Notwendigkeit sozialer und kultureller Gleichberechtigung," Zeitschrift fur Kulturaustausch 31 (1981): 311-14 (313); "institutionalisierte[ ] Bestandigkeit." For a discussion of institutional challenges and inadequate funding policy, also see Boran, "Eine Geschichte," 75-80, 100-101, 185-87, 196-200; and Azadeh Sharifi, "Postmigrantisches Theater: Eine neue Agenda fur die deutschen Buhnen," Theater und Migration: Herausforderungen fur Kulturpolitik und Theaterpraxis, ed. Wolfgang Schneider (Bielefeld: transcript, 2011), 36.

(22) Dorothea Fohrbeck, Turkische Kulturarbeit in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: eine Dokumentation (Hagen: Kulturpolitische Gesellschaft, 1983), ix.

(23) Fohrbeck, Turkische Kulturarbeit, xi; "Kulturmuster."

(24) Fohrbeck, xii; "demonstrative[ ] Selbstdarstellung."

(25) Fohrbeck, xiii; "raumliche und personelle Infrastrukturen"; "Mitspracherechte ... bei der Formulierung grundsatzlicher Kulturkonzeptionen"; "Erhohung der stadtischen Mittel."

(26) For a detailed discussion of the Turkish reception and adaptation of Brecht see Ela Gezen, Brecht, Turkish Theater, and Turkish-German Literature: Reception, Adaptation, and Innovation after 1960 (Rochester: Camden House, 2018).

(27) Vasif Ongoren, "Yilin sanatcilan ile soylesi: Vasif Ongoren," interview, Tiyatro 41 (1977): 36-38.

(28) Ankara Birligi, "Cikarken," Ankara Birligi Dergisi 1 (1970): 4.

(29) Ankara Birligi, "Ankara birligi' sahnesi kurulus bilgisi," Ankara Birligi Dergisi 1 (1970): 13.

(30) Ongoren, "Yilin sanatcilan ile soylesi: Vasif Ongoren," 37.

(31) Vasif Ongoren, "Vasif Ongoren'le 'devrimci tiyatro' sorunlari uzerine bir konusma," interview, Militan 6 (1975): 49-54 (50-51).

(32) Vasif Ongoren, "Vasif Ongoren'le Konusma," interview, Tiyatro 1 (1970): 28-29; "illizyon [sic!] yerine ..., aritma yerine ... elestiriyi koyarak."

(33) The center-right Justice Party was founded in February 1961 with Suleyman Demirel becoming its chair in June 1964 and its long-time leader, serving six times as prime minister. It was committed to economic development and religious conservatism, embodying an anti-leftist stance. Historian Ozgur Ulus suggests that one of the reasons for military intervention "was to prevent a seizure of power by a radical leftist clique which included top military officers." The Army and the Radical Left in Turkey (London: I. B. Tauris, 2011), 17.

(34) Ahmad Feroz, The Making of Modern Turkey (London: Routledge, 1993), 148.

(35) Meral Taygun (1944-) is a well-known actress and a director, who was educated at the Yale University Drama School. After a brief period in West Berlin, she moved to the Netherlands where she became Artistic Director of the Acting School of Amsterdam in 1986.

(36) In the Netherlands Ongoren was involved in a theatre course for Turkish migrants initiated by the Turkish Workers Union. See Pieter Verstraete, "Staging Migrant Stories between Turkey and Europe," Istanbul Policy Center at Sabanci University, accessed December 3, 2017, http://ipc.sabanciuniv.edu/en-old/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/Theatre-on-Migration-in-Turkey.pdf.

(37) Kollektiv Theater performance brochure, archival document, Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Museum Archive; "aufgrund der Au[beta]erungen von verschiedenen Menschen aus unterschiedlichen Klassen, die in diesem Werk auftauchen, dem Leser ein Bild der sozialen Situation in der Turkei in einem bestimmten historischen Zeitraum gezeigt wird. Selbstverstandlich nicht statisch, sondern in ihrem dialektischen Proze[beta]."

(38) Martha Christine Korling, "Istanbul fullt Berlin die Bildungslucken. Symposium zum Thema 'Turkische Literatur der Gegenwart,'" Berliner Morgenpost, December 4, 1980; "gro[beta]e[r] Publikumserfolg."

(39) Hikmet quoted in Talat S. Halman, Review of Things I Didn't Know I Loved: Selected Poems by Nazim Hikmet, trans. Randy Biasing and Mutlu Konuk, World Literature Today 52, no. 1 (1978): 173.

(40) Nazim Hikmet, Sanat ve Edebiyat Ustune, ed. Aziz Calislar (Istanbul: Evrensel Basim Yayin, 1996), 88-89; "halki guzel gunlere cagirmalidir. Halkin acisina, ofkesine, umuduna, sevincine, hasretine tercuman olmal[i]dir."

(41) Hikmet, Sanat ve Edebiyat, 19, 57.

(42) Randy Biasing and Mutlu Konuk, introduction to Human Landscapes from My Country: An Epic Novel in Verse, by Nazim Hikmet, trans. Randy Biasing and Mutlu Konuk (New York: Persea Books, 2002), xiii.

(43) Biasing and Konuk, x.

(44) Rolf Hosenfeld, "Brechts Turkische Kinder. Vasif Ongorens 'Kollektiv Theater' in Berlin," Omnibus 5 (1981): 48-51 (50); "Die Turken haben hier ganz andere Schwierigkeiten als zu Hause, auch die Intellektuellen. Hier gibt es uberhaupt keinen Uberbau fur die Auslander. In dieser Gesellschaft gibt es nur einen Uberbau, und das ist ein deutscher Uberbau. In diesem Uberbau einen Dialog zu beginnen ist sehr schwer. Deshalb leben die Turken hier in einem Ghetto."

(45) Ongoren quoted in Fohrbeck, Turkische Kulturarbeit, 44; "Gabe es hier ein richtiges turkisch-deutsches Theater, dann konnte man der deutschen Bevolkerung endlich vermitteln, was turkische Kultur tatsachlich ist."

(46) Fohrbeck, Turkische Kulturarbeit, 52.

(47) Ongoren's adaptation of Hikmet's Human Landscapes and his own Kitchen of the Rich.

(48) Ongoren quoted in Brauneck, Auslandertheater, 103; "Vermittlung der turkischen Kultur an Deutsche."

(49) Taygun quoted in Brauneck, Auslandertheater, 103; "die Beziehungen der Menschen untereinander aufzuzeigen ... die Unterschiede der Menschen verschiedener Klassen zueinander aufzuzeigen."

(50) Ongoren quoted in Yalcin Baykul, Turkisches Theater in Deutschland/Berlin (Berlin: Institut fur Spiel- und Theaterpadagogik, 1995), 17; "Hier ist jeder konzentriert auf Auslanderprobleme, wie auf ein Wunder. Deshalb denkt man im Kulturbereich nicht normal. Geimansam Interessierendes vorzustellen ... ist wichtig."

(51) Cf. Boran, "Eine Geschichte," 113.

(52) Other ensembles which perceived theatre as a contribution to processes of integration, include the Berlin Oyuncular (see Boran, "Eine Geschichte," 97-101), Kreuzberger Turkische Volksbuhne, and the youth theatre ensemble of the Volkshochschule Tiergarten.

(53) Quoted in Brauneck, Auslandertheater, 104; "wenn der Informationsstand aller Beteiligten--also sowohl der deutschen als auch der turkischen Bevolkerung--uber das jeweils andere Land, seine Kultur, seine Tradition verbessert wird."

(54) Beginning with the June 1970 workers' demonstrations and set during the 1971 military intervention and its aftermath, this epic play reflects on the political polarization during 1970s Turkey and the struggle between labor and capital.

(55) In December 2012, when Ongoren's daughter, Ash Ongoren, was directing the play, the performance was interrupted by three "ulkuculer" (Idealists), a group with evident "doctrinal similarities" to the MHP (Nationalist Action Party, Milliyetci Hareket Partisi). The play was temporarily taken off the program, but reopened in March 2013. Jacob M. Landau, "Alparslan Turkes: A Colonel turned Politician," in Political Leaders and Democracy in Turkey, ed. Metin Heper and Sabri Sayari (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2002), 154.

(56) Vasif Ongoren, interview by Zeynep Oral, Milliyet Sanat Dergisi 224 (March 25, 1977), 3; "son oyunumda sosyal degisimlerin kisinin kaderini nasil degistirmeye zorunlu oldugunu anlatarak, gercegi yansitmaya calistim."

(57) I.K., "Integrationsfaktor Theater. 'Die Kuche der Reichen': Ein turkisches Projekt," Berliner Stimme 41 (1981); "historische Stationen, politische Entwicklungen, die Kuche ist ein Treffpunkt einer Handvoll Leute, sie ist Ort der Begegnung. Die Kuchenbesucher erleben... die Verwandlung der Turkei nach dem Militarputsch 1971 zum Polizeistaat."

(58) In 1975, for the first time, a fascist party, the ultra-nationalistic, anti-communist, and extreme right MHP, founded in 1969, was represented in government. The party's young militants, the Grey Wolves, put the party's neo-fascist ideology into practice, creating a climate of repression, terror, and political violence targeted at leftist groups and Kurdish and Alevi communities. Clashes between the Grey Wolves and leftist groups during the late 1970s resulted in more than 5,000 deaths and over 10,000 wounded. Even martial law, declared in December 1978, could not curb the violence resulting from political and ideological polarization which had been affecting public bureaucracy. Details are far more complex than this abbreviated summary allows. For a detailed discussion, see Feroz, The Making of Modern Turkey, 148-80.

(59) Ongoren quoted in Brauneck, Ausldndertheater, 104; "Kontakt zur Turkei verloren."

(60) Letter from Christel Hartmann dated September 25, 1981, Academy of Arts, Aras-Oren-Archive; "andere Assoziationen entstehen zu lassen, als Volkstanz, Doner Kebab, Turkenmarkt und Knoblauch."

(61) The IGI was made up of workers, works councils, unionists, artists, social workers, journalists, and academics, as well as representatives of various democratic Turkish institutions. The participation of Turkish immigrants as subjects--not objects--in foreigner and integration policy was stated as a main goal.

(62) Initiativkreis Gleichberechtigung Tntegration'(IGI), Stellungnahme der Auslander zur Auslanderpolitik (Berlin; EXpress Edition GmbH, 1981), 30; "vielseitige turkische Kultur auf Folklore reduziert"; "Medium der wechselseitigen Beeinflussung"; "Erfolgschance."

(63) IGI, Stellungnahme, 30-32.

(64) Ulrich Herbert, Geschichte der Ausldnderpoutik in Deutschland. Saisonarbeiter, Zwangsarbeiter, Gastarbeiter, Fluchtlinge (Munich: Beck, 2001), 244.

(65) IGI, Stellungnahme, 9; "rechtliche und politische Gleichstellung der Auslander"; "ein wechselseitiger Proze[beta], eine gegenseitige Annaherung und Akzeptierung der kulturellen Vielfalt."

(66) See Thilo Sarrazin, Deutschland schafft sich ab: Wie wir unser Land aufs Spiel setzen, (Munich: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2010).

(67) Gorki Theater, "Presseinfo, 3. Berliner Herbstsalon vom 11.-26. November," accessed December 1, 2017, http://gorki.de/en/node/3519; "pauschalisierende Aufforderung . . . zur Integration"; "radikale[ ] Diversitat."

(68) Beyond Belonging brochure, accessed December 1, 2017, http://www.archiv.hebbel-am-ufer.de/media/Beyond_Belonging01.pdf; "Auseinandersetzung mit Positionen und Perspektiven von Migration."

(69) Ballhaus Naunynstrasse, "10 Jahre Postmigrantisches Theater," accessed December 1, 2017, http://www.ballhausnaunynstrasse.de/veranstaltung/10_jahre_post-migrantisches_theater_14.11.2016; "fur die erfolgreiche Forderung und Institutionalisierung von kultureller Vielfalt und globaler Kosmopolitisierung."

(70) Bundeszentrale fur politische Bildung, "Die Herkunft spielt keine Rolle--'Postmigrantisches' Theater im Ballhaus Naunynstrafie. Interview mit Shermin Langhoff," March 10, 2011, http://www.bpb.de/gesellschaft/kultur/kulturelle-bildung/60135/interview-mit-shermin-langhoff?p=all; "kulturelle Bildung"; "Diversitat jenseits von Herkunft"; "erweiterte Partizipation"; "Transkulturalitat."

(71 ) "Neues Deutsches Theater," Theater der Zeit 11 (2010): 15-19 (16); "Asthetik und Politik"; "einen Ort fur eine Politik der Blicke, der Wahrnehmung."

(72) Kosnick, Migrant Media, 10.

(73) Elizabeth Stewart argues that earlier manifestations of Turkish-German theatre--such as Ozdamar's plays--and today's postmigrant theatre "stand in a 'broken' relation to one another." Elizabeth Stewart, "Turkish-German Scripts of Postmigration: Mimesis and Mimeticism in the Plays of Emine Sevgi Ozdamar and Feridun Zaimoglu/GunterSenkel," (PhD diss., University of Edinburgh, 2014), 25.

(74) Shermin Langhoff quoted in "Neues deutsches Theater," 19; "Diskurs ... mifbestimmen."
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