Informal academies and music in Pope Leo X's Rome.
The Renaissance conceived of the academies, according to the Platonic model, as associations held together by a charismatic head, initiator of the academic activity by virtue of a primacy in the cultivation of common interests: Braccioli for the Accademia Valdarnina, Ficino for the Platonic, Pontano for the Pontaniana, Panormita for the Porticus Antoniana. Almost never did they have headquarters that were not the villa, palace, or garden of the promoter, the prince or magistrate of the academy, or one of its most influential members (Pirrotta 1983: 50). (1)
Although the documentation attesting such institutions is often exasperatingly vague and fragmentary--or, alternatively, hyperbolic and therefore epistemologically suspect--there can be little question of their importance in that society. Nor can there be much question of the prominent place accorded to musical performances in their activities.
In the "High-Renaissance" Rome of Pope Leo X, three such sodalities attained particular renown: Angelo Colocci's, (2) Johannes Goritz's, and Jacopo Sadoleto's. The second of these is our particular concern here. What specifically do we know of it? And what can the available documentation tell us about Renaissance academic life generally and particularly about its literary and musical activities?
Known to his fellow academicians as Corycius, Johannes Goritz ([dagger] 1527) would host his compatriots annually on the Feast of St. Anne--to whom he was especially devoted--at a memorable banquet in his garden on the side of the Capitoline Hill, near Trajan's Forum (Bober; Coffin: 233; D'Amico: 108-9; Gnoli 1930; Ijsewijn 1990). There, the air was perfumed with the fragrances of his orange, lemon, and citron trees, and the atmospheric setting evocatively furnished with a casino, a neo-classical portal designed by Battista da San Gallo, anda grotto; it was further exquisitely appointed with fragmentary sculptures, sarcophagi, and antique inscriptions.
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In his Hieroglyphica, Pierio Valeriano, a celebrated contemporary intellectual, expressed the hope that at some future dinner in Goritz's garden, he might enjoy the company of his book's dedicatee, Leo's intimate and apologist Giles of Viterbo, when their fellow attendees might also include Cardinais Pietro Bembo and Jacopo Sadoleto and the renowned Neapolitan poet Jacopo Sannazzaro (Valeriano 1602: 168). (3)
Goritz's compagni composed laudatory verse (on the Feast of St. Anne, they would affix the texts of verses to the trees in his garden and declaim them), some of which was collected in 1524 by one of the members, Blosio Palladio, and published as the Coryciana (Bober: 227 n. 23; Geiger (4); Palladio); the collection offers vivid testimony, extravagantly expressed, to the academy's activities and its members' literary accomplishments and refined humanistic sensibilities. Palladio's own preface celebrates the distinction and learning of the members of Goritz's academy, represented as though located in fifth-century Athens instead of within view of the remains of the imperial fora, and the Muses represented as though removed from Helicon and Parnassus to the Quirinal Hill and Tarpeian rock (Bober: 237). One of Goritz's fellow academicians was Baldassare Castiglione, the renowned author of The Book of the Courtier, who wrote of his host in the Coryciana (Ijsewijn 1997: 192-93 (5)):
He himself is the priest: upright, guileless, far from any blame.... Forever encircled by dear friends, in a forest perfumed with cedars and in the gardens, lifting his gaze to the holy ruins of the Capitoline Hill, he spends happy years amidst the poets.
Another of the contributors to the 1524 collection, Marcus Hieronymous Vida, who had also frequented Goritz's garden, similarly described the institutional setting and program (Ijsewijn 1990: 218): (6)
Near Trajan's Forum and the Tarpeian Rock he is host to both poets and distinguished men, inviting them all to a sumptuous banquet at his table, among the gold-laden orange trees.
Goritz counted the foremost intellectuals of High-Renaissance Rome among his fellow "academicians": Bembo; the renowned poet Filippo Beroaldo the Younger; Castiglione; Colocci; Paolo Giovio; Janus Lascaris (a native of Constantinople, the foremost Hellenist of his age, and an intimate of both Leo and his father Lorenzo "il Magnifico"); Giles of Viterbo; Fausto Evangelista Magdaleno Capodiferro (one of the "festaiuoli" for Roman Carnival celebrations); Sadoleto, who was also Leo's private secretary (von Hofmann II: 124); and many others. Goritz's academy is also known to have included any number of Leo X's musicians: (7) Andrea Marone da Brescia (1475-ca. 1528); Gentile Santesio (or Sandesi) da Subiaco, called "Pindaro" (1463/64-1526); Giovanni Battista Casali (ca. 1473-1525); and Francesco Sperulo ([dagger] 1526?), the first and second of whom were celebrated solo singers, the third and fourth of whom were compensated by Leo for having chanted the Gospel in Greek in the Cappella Sistina (Ubaldini: 114-15). All four are lauded in the Coryciana, in Francesco Arsilli's concluding poem, the "De poetis urbanis" (Tiraboschi). (8)
In 1515, "Battista Casalio, a Lateran canon," was "assigned to chant the Gospel in Greek in His Holiness' chapel" (Frey VIII: 198 n. 76), (9) and in 1518, "Francesco Sperulo"--who was also a member of Paolo Cortese's famous Roman academy (D'Amico: 103)--was "chanting the Gospel in Greek" (Frey VIII: 198 n. 76).10 Sperulo's membership in Cortese's fifteenth-century academy is significant, since it would have afforded him intimate conversance with informal academic uses of music in High-Renaissance Rome, specifically through the agency of direct contact with such celebrated poet-musicians as the renowned Bernardo Accolti (the so-called "Unico Aretino") and the equally-renowned Serafino Aquilano, as well as Jacopo Corsi, all of whom were Cortese's compagni (Cummings 2004: 83, 237 n. 17, 238 nn. 20-21). An innovation such as is documented by these references to the singing of the Gospel in Greek may thus be as much an expression of Leo's humanistic and academic interests, of his support for Greek learning more generally (Cummings 2004: 27, 186, 211 n. 50, 212 nn. 51 and 53): both Casali and Sperulo were being compensated for discharging a responsibility that would have required the kind of linguistic interests and abilities associated with membership in an informal contemporary literary salon such as Goritz's.
Marone (11) and Santesio's virtues as performers were extolled elsewhere as well. One of the interlocutors in Valeriano's dialog De litteratorum infelicitate recalled Marone (Gaisser: 184-7): (12)
I would not want to forget Andrea Marone, whose happy talent for composing extemporaneous verses gained the universal admiration of our age. For whenever he was called on by his friends, he used to set to rhythm, as our Pierio [Valeriano] says in his verses about him, "thousands of verses extemporaneous, learned and polished, and marred by no blemish, without gaps, with no rough spots, and nothing extraneous" [Valeriano is quoting verses 21-23 of his own 'De Andreae Maronis extemporalitate ad Dantem III. Aligerum' (Valeriano 1550: fols. [127.sup.r-v]; Valeriano 1509: fols. [D4.sup.r-v])]. And he used to do this with equal ease in three meters especially: whether you asked for elegiac, or the Phalaecean or Sapphic hendecasyllable, without hesitation he would celebrate whatever subject you had proposed in any one of these meters.
Marone also performed before Leo on the feast day of the Medici saints Cosmas and Damian in 1515, demonstrably one of the most important of Medici festivals. (13) Leo's celebrated blind improvvisatore Raffaele Brandolini had delivered an oration in praise of the pope's great-grandfather, Cosimo "il Vecchio," an oration preserved to this day in a manuscript in the Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana in Florence (Gnoli 1938:119 n. ). Brandolini had earlier frequented the renowned Neapolitan academy of Giovanni Gioviano Pontano (Pontano I: 80-1) and had had a long-standing relationship to Leo, to whom he had dedicated his De musica et poetica, written during Leo's tenure as "Cardinal-Deacon and Most Prudent Legate of the Apostolic See in Bologna and Tuscany" (Brandolini). Upon the completion of Brandolini's Cosmas and Damian day oration, Leo ordered a competition among his improvvisatori, in which all of them were decisively vanquished by Marone, whose musical performances Paolo Giovio described elsewhere in evocative language that conveys some sense of the memorably powerful character of Marone's improvisatory musical art (although there is a slight suggestion of ridicule in Giovio's account, as if Marone's delivery were characterized by a somewhat buffoonish earnestness): (14)
With his lyre and his voice he invokes the Muses and when once he has thrown his soul into the music and quickened it with a livelier breath he sweeps along like a raging torrent so violently that verses which are extemporaneous and produced on the impulse of the moment seem to have been planned and composed long before. As he sings, his eyes are fixed and burning, sweat drips from him, the veins stand out on his forehead, and, wonderful to tell, his trained ear, as if it were that of an attentive listener, controls all the sweep of rushing numbers with the most perfect art.
Giovio's evaluation of Marone's talents as an improvvisatore may have been too generous: although the singer's verses are described as "extemporaneous and produced on the impulse of the moment" and only seemed "to have been planned and composed long before," it is far likelier that--at least with respect to the musical setting of the poetry and the instrumental accompaniment, if not the text itself--Marone was utilizing existing musical material, and that the extemporaneous element consisted largely of improvised embellishment in performance of preexistent stock melodies and their attendant schematic harmonization and spare instrumental accompaniment; we shall return presently to this important matter.
Marone was also celebrated--often in the company of his fellow Leonine jester-musicians Giacomo Baraballo (the so-called Abbot of Gaeta) and Messer Camillo "Querno" de Monopoli napolitano--in contemporary popular verse, including the provocative and scurrilous pasquinate posted anonymously on the ancient statue of Pasquino in Rome, a "literary" genre that in some respects was the early-sixteenth-century equivalent of the running versified exchanges one sees today in public bathroom stalls (Gnoli 1938: 180-1). One pasquinata (15) jointly celebrates Baraballo, Marone, and Giovanni Manente (another of Leo's jester-musicians):
Run, all of you! Poets, why do you tarry? Marone mounts the elephant [an expression with the same vulgar meaning in Italian as in English]. Isn't it marvelous that, after so many centuries, Orpheus is reborn.... In this very age, Baraballo ... Is crowned upon the back of an elephant.... Oh, how much more blessed is this age than the one ... I inhabited, miserable. Oh, with how many Orpheuses it is filled, among whom The chief one is my friend, Manente.
Gentile Santesio, finally, had been the pope's faithful servant even before his election ("2 January 1513: then came a Florentine secretary of the Cardinal de' Medici, named Dominus Gentile Pindaro da Subiaco, with letters by the cardinal"; Sanuto XV: 446); (16) in Arsilli's contribution to the Coryciana, the poet makes reference to a Pindaro "who excites the forests with his sweet lyre and draws the stones close to him" (Tiraboschi), (17) and in the Pasquinate, the celebrated poet Pietro Aretino has Santesio participate figuratively in a procession, "dressed like a prelate, singing laude" (Cummings 2003: p. 47 and nn. 30-3). Santesio's continuing relationship to Leo is attested by three of Pietro Bembo's official dispatches of 8 July 1514, one of which is addressed to Santesio himself, the other two of which concern him (Bembo: 65).
One does not know for certain whether Casali, Marone, Santesio, or Sperulo performed in Goritz's garden on the slope of the Capitoline Hill, but in my estimation it is almost inconceivable that Marone and Santesio in particular did not sometimes sing verse there to the accompaniment of their own playing of the lute or lyre; such performances would have been especially appropriate complements to the other elements of the classicizing programs of such informal antiquarian institutions. Indeed, one of the contributions to the Coryciana--though composed in 1522 or '23 and therefore after Leo's death--explicitly locates musical performances in the garden, although its epistemological status is admittedly questionable (Ijsewijn 1997: 219): (18)
Over there the sacred company of the immortal choir is singing sweet songs to the lyre, which neither the thunderbolt nor days to come will ever consume in withering decay.
In its vivid vocabulary, the poem betrays its indebtedness to the neo-Platonic understanding of music that was so fundamental to the intellectual experience of Leo's intimates: the choir is described as "immortal," the sweet songs it sings as impervious to the effects of a thunderbolt or the passing of time, so that the music it produces will never be consumed "in withering decay." Here in Goritz's garden, as elsewhere in Leo's Rome, terrestrial musica organica was understood as a fleeting evocation of the immortal, eternal music of the spheres, which was utterly unsusceptible to mutation; the implications of these neo-Platonic sensibilities for the music-making that occurred in Goritz's garden academy will be explored further.
It is not known whether Leo ever attended a meeting of Goritz's academy; but because so many of its members were his musicians and his intellectual intimates, speculation that he did so on occasion--when he might have delighted in the performance of one of his renowned solo singers--is hardly extravagant.
What kind of music would Goritz's fellow academicians have heard? The contemporary printed musical repertory preserves numerous examples of solo songs intended to be sung to the accompaniment of a consort of several bowed-string instruments (viole da braccio and da gamba: "arm" and "leg" viols). In many cases, these songs are labeled as to text-type--the poetic fixed form that their texts employ, such as the capitolo, oda (ode), and sonetto (sonnet)--the clear implication being that any poem in that fixed form might be sung to the stock musical setting so labeled. In some of those same cases, the compositions were subsequently arranged for performance by a vocal soloist and a single plucked-, strummed-, or bowed-string instrument, so that the consort of several bowed-string instruments was replaced by the lute, lyre, or viola da braccio; the soloist was thus afforded the possibility of accompanying him- or herself in song, without having to depend upon the participation of additional instrumentalists. The music performed at meetings of Goritz's academy was surely of precisely this type. Indeed, Sperulo's membership in Cortese's earlier Roman academy, which would have furnished him occasion to fraternize with celebrated solo singers like Bernardo Accolti, Serafino Aquilano, and Jacopo Corsi, and the membership of Brandolini--Marone's 1515 musical competitor--in Pontano's earlier Neapolitan academy suggest a ready conversance on the part of several Leo's intimates with the musical practices of comparable informal academies, which demonstrably supported the solo singing of accomplished poet-musicians (Cummings 2004: 53, 88-90, 229-30 nn. 191-93, 243-44 nn. 51-55).
For example, an anonymous setting of the poem "Con pianto e con dolore" was published in Ottaviano Petrucci's Strambotti, Odes, Frottole, Sonnets. And the way of singing Latin verses and capitoli. Volume 4 [Strambotti, Ode, Frottole, Sonetti. E modo de cantar versi latini e capituli. Libro quarto] (n.p. [?Venice]: Petrucci, n.d. [?August 1505]), whose table of contents is arranged in columns; under "Odes" is listed "Con pianto e con dolore," which was thereafter arranged for lute and voice in the first volume (1509) of Franciscus Bossinensis's Tenors and Basses Arranged for Lute, with the Soprano in Polyphonic Notation, for Singing and Playing (Boorman: 596-601 and 711-17).
As an ode, the poem employs rhyme and metrical schemes and a structure recognizably different from those of other poetic fixed forms: a free number of three-line strophes rhyming a b c, c d e, and so on (the rhymes are thus interlocking), the first two lines of each strophe in iambic heptasyllabic meter (seven syllables alternating short, long, short, long, short, long, short), the third in iambic endecasyllabic (eleven-syllable) meter; the sixth syllable of the third line of each strophe--the precise midpoint of the line--rhymes with the penultimate syllable of the preceding line, and the seventh syllable with the final syllable of that line, thus creating an internal rhyme. Each line of the strophe receives its own corresponding musical phrase, the same music serving for each strophe after the first (Chater; Pirrotta 1984;19 Prizer: 228 and 235).
Con pianto e con dolore a Io fo da te partita b Ne so se piu mia vita tu ved'rai, c Che tanto e [sic; recte: "son"] li mie' guai c E'l mio crudel partire d Che dubito morire a ti presente, e etc.
The poetic feature that links the second and third lines of each strophe (the internal rhyme of "vita" with "partita," of "morire" with "partire," etc., as highlighted by means of the underlining of the parallel textual elements in the transcription immediately above) is reflected in the musical setting, in that the rhyming text phrases concluding with "partita" and "vita" conclude in the musical setting on the same pitch (d), thus aligning text and music; such is characteristic of compositional procedures associated with works transmitted within the "non-written tradition" of music (Pirrotta 1984), as works like Con pianto surely were (at least initially, before subsequently being converted to notation). The instrumental accompaniment to the vocal line is extremely spare and "homorhythmic": only rarely, that is, does the rhythmic design of the accompaniment differ from the vocal line's. Such a compositional approach affords lucid and intelligible delivery of the text, given that the instrumental accompaniment is provided by a single plucked- or strummed-string instrument: the sounds of the instrumental accompaniment would thus have died away almost immediately, thus leaving the voice clearly and intelligibly projected to the audience.
If Casali, Marone, Santesio, and Sperulo's solo singing at meetings of Goritz's academy was to fulfill its purposes, within the terms of the neo-Platonic philosophy current at the time, it was imperative that the text be so profiled. In the traditional classical, medieval, and Renaissance musical cosmology--which was ultimately dependent upon Boethius's familiar tripartite division of music into musica mundana (the music of the spheres), musica humana (the accord of man's body and soul), and musica organica (actual sounding music, produced on earth by the human voice or musical instruments)--earthly musica organica was but a reflection of musica mundana. Implicit in the cosmology assumed in the writings of the late-fifteenth- /early-sixteenth-century music theorist Franchinus Gaffurius, for example, was the conviction that harmony was universal and earthly harmony only one of its manifestations (Gaffurius: Chapter 16; Palisca: 17 and 161; Tomlinson: 94).20 In Plato's Timaeus, which Gaffurius invoked, terrestrial music was understood as a means of maintaining the harmony of the human soul, which is shared with the cosmic soul (Tomlinson: 72); for Plato, the "ethical task of music consists in bringing the music of man into accord with its cosmic prototype" (Lippman: 92, as quoted in Tomlinson: 72), through an interaction of the three constituents of music that Boethius was later to articulate. Giovanni Pico's elegant construction in the "Oration on the Dignity of Man" reads accordingly: "if through moral philosophy the forces of our passions have by a fitting agreement become so intent on harmony that they can sing together in undisturbed concord [an obvious reference to musica humana], then we shall be stirred by the frenzy of the Muses and drink the heavenly harmony with our inmost hearing" (Ficino, Petrarca, Pico, Pomponazzi, Valla, and Vives: 234). Pico's formulation is utterly consistent with period humanistic convention, in that it assumes an interaction of musica humana and mundana and thus the fulfillment of music's ethical task as articulated in the Timaeus.
Given such a cosmology, the kind of musica organica practiced and experienced here on earth was critical to one's ability to achieve "accord with its cosmic prototype." As a compositional and performative technique, where a text serving a didactic purpose would have been utterly intelligible to an audience and communicated forcefully to it, solo singing to the accompaniment of one's own playing of a bowed-, plucked-, or strummed-string instrument was deemed an especially efficacious means of transporting the soul to heaven, and the ethical purposes of the music would therefore have been successfully fulfilled. Wrote the chancellor of Florence, Carlo Marsuppini, in 1446: "Pythagoras and those who listened to him ... attributed separate sirens to every sphere ... [T]he heavens and all the elements relate to each other according to a certain numerical harmony ... [S]ome people have believed that human souls form a harmony. Thus Plato ... laid down strict instructions.... about the type of music that should be played, since he believed that if you change the music, you change the ethos of the city" (Marsuppini, tr. Brown: pp. 111-2).
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Given the importance of language to the educational program of the Italian Renaissance humanists, any musical technique like solo song that profiled the text and ensured its delivery by such transparent compositional means was to be favored. In Delio Cantimori's formulation, "[w]ith this importance assigned to language, which is conceived of not merely as a means of expression ... but as the vehicle of the spirit and the essence of wisdom, the interest in ... language and its power ... appears in a new light.... The aim of language-teaching was ... to find a means of educating more and more sections of the people in virtue and thus to give the greatest possible force to the 'Republic,' that is, to the State.... [T]he young men who disputed at the Orti Oricellari about ... language ... were seeking ... to infuse a sense of the moral life.... into literature and into humanism because they conceived of both as educative forces, vital not only for a select group ... through the ... classical tongues--but for the people whom, through the use of ... language, they wished to interest in their ideal of a public life guided by virtue" (Cantimori: pp. 98, 100). The preferability of solo song as practiced in such informal academies as Goritz's is to be understood within this larger intellectual context: it was manifestly a most effective musical means not only of fulfilling language's "educative force" as a vehicle for imparting the "ideal of a public life guided by virtue," but also of facilitating an accord between terrestrial music and its heavenly exemplar, and it was demonstrably understood as such by period intellectuals.
Earlier generations of music historians have painstakingly illuminated the musical patronage practices of the public institutions of patronage of early-modern Europe--such as cathedrals and conventual churches--and of the secular courts, which often maintained a robust and established infrastructure of patronage. More recently, informal, private institutional infrastructures of patronage have been subject to increasingly careful examination. Each tradition of patronage engendered musical repertories that were the perfect expression of the institutional characteristics that produced them (Cummings 2004: xiii-xvii, 3, 7-13, 167-69): the great musical settings of the venerated Latin liturgical texts that the ritual services of the ecclesiastical institutions comprised; musical settings of secular French and Italian poetry intended for vocal performance in aristocratic courts; instrumental works intended for performance in similar settings.
The unparalleled material resources of the Renaissance papacy, and the opportunities they permitted for the most vital musical patronage practices, should not obscure the existence of other vital Roman traditions of musical patronage and other venues and settings where a rich Roman musical life was successfully accommodated. In Leo X's Rome, his intellectual intimates would have found a hospitable setting for their neo-Platonic theorizing in yet another kind of "institution': the modest, informal, private, antiquarian academies, which collected and displayed fragments of antique sculpture, hosted the foremost intellectuals of the time, sponsored the composition of neo-Latin verse, and supported the performance of gifted solo singers, whose performances were an expression of contemporary convictions about the efficacy of solo song as the human soul's most effective technique for achieving communion with its cosmic Platonic prototype; behind such performances lay traditional assumptions about the perfections of musica mundana, that metaphysical, macrocosmic analog to the actual material musical sounds produced here on earth: the microcosmic musica organica or instrumentalis that was deemed so imperfect a reflection of immutable, incorruptible, immortal, celestial harmony. Goritz's academy, and other similar institutions, embodied those classicizing impulses utterly characteristic of the Italian Renaissance, which found direct reflection in their vital artistic, literary, and musical programs.
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Roscoe, William. The Life and Pontificate of Leo the Tenth, 6 vols. 2nd ed., corrected. London: Printed by J. M'Creery for T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1806.
Sanuto, Marino. I diarii. Venice: Visentini, 1879-1903.
Specimen variae literaturae quae in urbe Brixia ejusque ditione Paulo post typographiae incunabula Florebat Scilicet vergente ad finem Saeculo XV. usque ad medietatem Saeculi XVI. Unde praeter Brixiani ingenii gloriam, tam Annalium Typographicorum series, quam Historia literaria temporis illius, quo bonarum Artium renata sunt studia, illustrantur. Pars secunda grammatica, oratoria, poetica, philosophica complectitur. Brescia: Excudebat Joannes-Maria Rizzardi MDCCXXXIX. Superiorum approbatione.
Tiraboschi, Girolamo. Storia della letteratura italiana, 16 vols. Milan: dalla Societa tipogr, de' Classici italiani, 1822-26.
Tomlinson, Gary. Music in Renaissance Magic: Toward a Historiography of Others. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1993.
Ubaldini, Federico. Vita di Mons. Angelo Colocci. Edizione dei testo originale italiano (Barb. Lat. 4882). Ed. Vittorio Fanelli. Citta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1969.
Valeriano, Pierio. Hexametri odae et epigrammata, n.p. [Venice]: Apvd Gabrielem Iolitvm de F[e]rrarijs et Fratres, 1550.
--. Hieroglyphica sev de sacris AEgyptiorvm aliarvmque gentivm literis commentarii: Summa cum industri exarati, & in libros quinquaginta octo redacti: quibus etiam duo alij ab eruditissimo viro funt annexi.... Lvgdvni: Sumptibus Pauli Frelon, M.DCII. , Cvm privilegio.
--. Praelvdia qvaedam: de stvdior: conditione sermo: Epigrammatvm lib.: I. Odarvm alter: Carpionis fabvla: Levcippi fabvla: Protesilavs Laodamix: Vitae svae calamitas: In Fran.: Grittei desiderivm nenia, n.p. [Venice]: Ex aedib. Io. Tacvini, 1509.
von Hofmann, Walther. Forschungen zur Geschichte der kurialen Behorden, vom Schisma bis zur Reformation, 2 vols. Rome: Verlag von Loescher & C.o (W. Regenberg), 1914/Turin: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1971 (Ristampa anastatica, a tiratura limitata).
ANTHONY M. CUMMINGS
(1) "Il Rinascimento concepiva le accademie, secondo il modello platonico, come associazioni tenute insieme da un capo carismatico, iniziatore dell'attivita accademica in virtu di un primato nella coltivazione di comuni interessi: il Braccioli per l'accademia Valdarnina, il Ficino per la Platonica, il Pontano per la Pontaniana, il Panormita per la Porticus Antoniana. Quasi mai ebbero una sede che non fosse la villa, il palazzo o il giardino dei promotore, del principe o console dell'accademia, o di uno dei suoi membri piu influenti."
(2) Also, see von Hofmann II: 121 on Colocci's appointments within the Leonine ecclesiastical hierarchy.
(3) "PIERIVS VALERIANVS AEGIDIO VITERBIENSI, CARD. S.P.D.... Putes vero inuitatem te ad Corytianas coenas, in quibus discumbent tecum Bembus, Sadoletus, Sanazarius, & plerique alij, quos a te summo opere diligi, & a quibus te plurimi fieri non ignoro: ubi tamen id tantum honoris extra ordinem tibi habendum sit, ut eius animalis, quod tibi apponi iusseris, ferculum accipias. Obscero vero te, pro summo meo erga te cultu & incomparabili obseruantia, ne aliter huc descendere dedigneris, quam vocatus olim ad Elegiacam Amorum meorum coenam conferre te non erubuisti, & meam hanc qualemcunque grati animi declarationem eo vultu suscipias, quo me ad exhibendum huiusmodi munus totiens accendere consuesti."
(4) Gathering Kky of Palladio: Francisci Arsilli Senogallien. de poetis urbanis. Ad Paulum Iovium Libellus. For procuring a copy of Geiger, I am grateful to my friend and former student, Mr. Justin M. Linam, then of Harvard University.
(5) "BALTHASSAR CASTILLIONUS, COMES Laudabunt alii divum spirantia signa, / Molliter et Pario ductos de marmore vultus, / Corycii aut clarum tollent super aethera nomen, / Insignem et virtute animum, magno ore canentes / Ut veras Superum effigies sacraverit aris, / Utque sui cordis penetralia fecerit aras / Sincerae pietati, almae et fidei, ipse sacerdos / Integer, innocuus, culpa semotus ab omni. /.../ Ipse autem caris semper stipatus amicis, / Inter odoratum citrii nemus, inter et hortos, / Suspiciens sacras Capitoli in colle ruinas / In medio vatum felices exigat annos!" The translation is mine.
(6) Poem CCCXCVII/lines 53-7; fol. HHiiiiv: "Traianique foro et Tarpeiae proximus arci / Excipit et vates et egregios heroas, / Quos mensis epulisque omnes dignatur opimis / Auricomas inter citros ..."
(7) The list in Ubaldini of the members of Goritz's academy--Corytianae Academiae fato functi qui sub Leone floruerunt--establishes that all four musicians were members. Listed with "Phedrus Volaterranus" (Tommaso Inghirami), "Beroaldus Iunior Bononiensis" (Filippo Beroaldo the Younger), "Ioannes Lascares," "Aegidius Cardinalis" (i.e., Giles of Viterbo), "Bembus Cardinalis," "Sadoletus Cardinalis," and "Faustus Magdalena," among many others, are "Baptista Casalius Romanus," "Pindarus" (i.e., Santesio), "Andreas Maro" (i.e., Marone), and "Franciscus Sperulus."
(8) For some discussion of Arsilli's poem, and verse translations of portions, see Roscoe.
(9) February 1515: "Baptista Casalius canonicus Lateranensis deputatus ad decantandum evangelium in lingua greca in capella S.D.N."; as Leo's singer, Casalius appears in the papal accounts for February 1515 and again in 1516 with a monthly provision of fj 5; Frey VIII: 198 n. 76. On Casali generally, see D'Amico: 138-39; Coffin: 234 and n. 34. The specific reference to Casali in the Coryciana--"Bapt Casa- / lius Roma / dist. 67. Suggerit assidue nomen tibi grande Casali / Melpomene aeternae posteritatis opus"--is in Tiraboschi.
(10) April 1518: "Franciscus Sperulus cantans evangelium in lingua greca." Frey VIII: 198 n. 76, specifies that Sperulo was provided a monthly provision of fj 5. The reference to him in Arsilli's contribution to the Coryciana is as follows: "SPERULUS est elegis cultus, dum cantat amores, / Arduus, heroum dum fera bella canit. / Nec minor in lyricis, cum barbitos aemula vati / Aeolio molles concinit icta modos. / Nota erit Hesperiis, atque Indis nota puella, / Felsineus multa quam colit arte PIUS."
(11) The reference to Marone in Arsilli is as follows: "Andreas / Brixiens. / dist. 248. Vergilii hic Manes semper sub nocte silenti / Evocat et Musis cogit adesse suis. / Te Maro non ausim, prisco cui Musa Maroni / Aemula dat Latio nomina nota foro, / Immemor obscuras inter liquisse tenebras, / Et sinere ignavo delituisse situ. / Exuis humanos extemplo a pectore sensus, / Fatidicique furens induis ora Dei, / Pulcher inaurata quoties testiduine Iopas / Personat, et placido murmure fila movet. / Hauriresque Helicona prius Dircesque fluenta, / Desereret coeptum quam tuus ardor opus."
(12) "Sed nolim, dum Transpadanos recenseo, Andreae Maronis oblivisci, cuius felicissimam pangendis carminibus extemporalitatem nemo unus aetate nostra non admiratus est. Solitus ille quidem, ut super eo Pierius noster cecinit: / Mille ex tempore carmina erudita, / Quis nil sit lutulentum, inexpolitum, / Nil absurdam, et inane, nil hiulcum / emodulari quotiescunque amicorum rogatu invitaretur. Id quod tribus praecipue versuum generibus indifferenter factitare consuerat: sive elegum, sive Phalaecium, seu Saphicum hendecasyllabum deposceres nihil contatus quod proposuisses argumentum, horum quovis carminis numero concinebat."
There is considerable further material about Marone, much of it revealing of his talents as a musician improvisor, assembled in Specimen variae literaturae quae in urbe Brixia ejusque ditione Paulo post typographiae incunabula Florebat Scilicet vergente ad tinem Saeculo XV. usque ad medietatem Saeculi XVI. Unde praeter Brixiani ingenii gloriam, taro Annalium Typographicorum series, quam Historia literaria temporis illius, quo bonarum Artium renata sunt studia, illustrantur. Pars secunda grammatica, oratoria, poetica, philosophica complectitur: 309-15, where, for example, one finds (310-11) a fuller excerpt from Valeriano's "De Andreae Maronis extemporalitate ad Dantem III. Aligerum" than he quotes in his dialog De litteratorum infelicitate and other illuminating texts (see the following note).
(13) Gnoli 1938: 119-20, is my source for the 1515 festivities. In this instance, his primary source is Giraldi, the de Poet. nostr. Temp. Dial. I: "Non his inferiores duo Lippi Hetruschi fuere, quorum ego utrunque orantem audivi. Alter quidem Aurelius ex Augustinianis Eremitis fuit ... Alterum vero et tu Iuli mecum non semel et praelegentem publice et orantem audivisti>>.... Cui ego: <<Feruntur ista quidem, hic utique extemporali facultate etiam insignis, seu prosa seu versu velitis; non multos ante hos dies a Leone X iussus cum Marone certare in Medicorum Cosmiana solennitate, victus cessit.... Ex alia Italiae parte occurrit Andreas Maro noster Foroiuliensis quem et Brixiani suum faciunt. Hunc extemporalis facultas commendat, adeo ut superioribus his mensibus (ut modo dicebam) in Cosmiano Leonis X convivio caeteros, qui multi aderant, poetas, proposita materia, quam referrent ex tempore, obmutescere quasi elingues fecerit, inter quos Lippus." I have taken the text from the edition in Giraldi: 104, 106; the same text is found in Specimen variae literaturae quae in urbe Brixia ejusque ditione Paulo post typographiae incunabula Florebat Scilicet vergente ad tinem Saeculo XV. usque ad medietatem Saeculi XVI. Unde praeter Brixiani ingenii gloriam, tam Annalium Typographicorum series, quam Historia literaria temporis illius, quo bonarum Artium renata sunt studia, illustrantur. Pars secunda grammatica, oratoria, poetica, philosophica complectitur: 309.
(14) Giovio 1935: 106, which is a translation of Giovio 1557; as Giovio himself reports (Giovio 1935: 105), he is in this instance in part quoting verbatim from his own earlier Dialogus de Viris Litteris Illustribus, Cui in calce sunt additae Vincii, Michaelis Angeli, Raphaelis Urbinatis Vitae., "which I wrote ... when the Pope was a prisoner and the troops of the Emperor were sacking Rome" [i.e., in 1527] (edition of the Dialogus in Tiraboschi VII, parte IV: 2,451: "Fidibus et cantu musas evocat, et quum simul conjectam in numeros mentam alacriore spiritu inflaverit, tanta vi in torrentis morem concitatus fertur, ut fortuna, et subitariis tractibus ducta, multum ante provisa, et meditata carmina videantur. Canenti defixi exardent oculi, sudores manant, venae contumescunt, et, quod mirum est, eruditae aures tamquam alienae ac intentae omnem impetum profluentum numerorum exactissima ratione moderantur'). See also Gnoli 1938: 120, and the English-language synopsis in Pirro: p. 13; both Gnoli and Pirro are citing the 1546 Venetian edition of the Elogia LXXII, fols. 44v-45. The same text is found in Specimen variae literaturae quae in urbe Brixia ejusque ditione Paulo post typographiae incunabula Florebat Scilicet vergente ad tinem Saeculo XV. usque ad medietatem Saeculi XVI. Unde praeter Brixiani ingenii gloriam, tam Annalium Typographicorum series, quam Historia literaria temporis illius, quo bonarum Artium renata sunt studia, illustrantur. Pars secunda grammatica, oratoria, poetica, philosophica complectitur: 312.
(15) "Correte tutti! che indugiate, o poeti? Marone sale sull'elefante...." "Non e meraviglia che, dopo tanti secoli, Orfeo risorga ... in questa eta stessa Baraballo ... e coronato sul dorso dell'elefante...." "Oh quanto questa eta e piu beata di quella in cui, misero, io vissi! Oh di quanti Orfeo essi e piena, fra i quali capo e il mio amico Manente."
(16) "2 gennaio 1513: da poi venne uno secretario fiorentino del card. di Medici, nominato dom.o Zentil Pindaro da Subiaco, con lettere del cardinale."
(17) "Pindarus auritas sylvas testudine mulcet, / Dulcisonaque trahit concava saxa fide." I take this opportunity to correct a typographical error in Cummings 2003, in the section on Santesio on p. 47, where Arsilli's "De poetis urbanis" is mistakenly identified as forming part of Arsilli's Coryciana, rather than Palladio's.
(18) C. Silvanus Germanicus, "In Annales Corycianos" (poem CCCXCVIII; fols. II-IIiiiir): "Illinc sacra cohors chori perennis / Ad lyram numeros canit suaves, / Quos nec fulmina nec dies futuri / Absument carie vetustiore."
(19) But Prizer and Chater suggest a different form for the ode from my description offered here, which is derived instead from Pirrotta 1984.
(20) But as Tomlinson observes, the passage where Gaffurius states such a conviction is not original: it is borrowed from Francesco Burana's translation of Aristides Quintilianus's De musica III, 9; on Gaffurius's treatment of musica mundana, see generally Moyer: 86.
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|Title Annotation:||Rome, Italy|
|Author:||Cummings, Anthony M.|
|Article Type:||Era overview|
|Date:||Dec 22, 2009|
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