In memoriam Helmut Bonheim (1930-2012).
As I was researching an article for the Messenger last February, I came across the sad news that the first regular editor of the newsletter (1991-94) and two-term President of ESSE (1994-2000), Helmut Bonheim, had passed away three years previously on 13 February 2012. (1) He had been followed a few months later by his wife, Jean. We knew that Helmut had suffered from Alzheimer's for a number of years, so the news of his death was not entirely unexpected among those who had worked closely with him in the past and had been friends with the Bonheims. What was shocking was the realisation that ESSE had been unaware of his passing. It turned out that the James Joyce Quarterly had formally noticed his death, as, I'm informed, had the Deutsche Anglistenverband, but past and present editors of the Messenger were unaware that Helmut had passed away, as were the past and present Secretaries, Treasurers and Presidents of the Society whom I was able to contact. Alzheimer's attacks short-term memory, but how is it possible that ESSE had 'forgotten' the man who had given the Messenger shape and purpose and established it at the Society's heart, and who had thereafter successfully presided over a period of major expansion? As Ado Haberer (President 2001-7) put it, with the end of Helmut's presidency, 'a page in ESSE's history had been turned', the 'romantic "great adventure" some thought [the Society] was destined to be' had come to an end in the face of 'the realities of life', and the organisation had come into an age of 'maturity, stability and responsibility'. (2)
While all would agree that the period from 1991-2000 represents the decisive first chapter of ESSE's life, not everyone would see it in terms of a romantic adventure whose illusions were wrecked on the realities of life. It is certain that Bonheim did promote an 'adventurous' vision for ESSE--but whether that adventure was romantic or whether it was in fact profoundly and practically responsible, will depend on one's point of view and sense of history, and, perhaps, of Europe. While exciting and hopeful, the 1990s were not necessarily easy years and one of Helmut's achievements was to manage an often fractious Board while holding firm to the vision as the Society grew and manoeuvred its way through financial crises, the clamour of bloody military conflict, the consolidation of new regimes and the birth of new nations. Certainly, a number of ESSE-ists did not agree with all aspects of that vision and/or Bonheim's way of promoting it, as was their right. But many did share the vision and were pleased to work with Bonheim, such as the Founding Secretary (1990-1996) and source of many initiatives, Robert Clark, Neil Forsyth (Bonheim's successor as editor of the Messenger, 1994-97), Graham Caie (Secretary 1999-2002) and others, members of the Board or active and willing contributors to its destiny, such as the former President of the English Association, Gordon Campbell. I include myself among these. I first met Helmut when he approached me after a sub-plenary at ESSE/2 (Bordeaux, 1993). His invitation to contribute to the Messenger led to an extensive correspondence, many conversations, and collaboration over seven years, including the three years during which my first term as editor overlapped with his second as President.
The names that feature here are those of ESSE colleagues whom I managed to contact and who were able to contribute (and to those I missed for one reason or another, my apologies). (3) A further sadness in researching and writing this piece has been the recognition that many other senior contributors to the Society's early life have passed away or, having retired, have junked their files, or, in at least one case, succumbed to the same condition that beset Helmut, and with them go chunks of its collective memory. (4) When an organisation loses access to its original vision, it runs every risk of falling into little more than the routines of 'maturity, stability and responsibility' which, of course, are nonetheless also indispensable to its sustainability. Besides the names of past officers of the Society and the dates and locations of its regular conferences, the 'History' page of the ESSE website provides an exhaustive list of every Board and Executive meeting, but no record of the growth of the Society, or any other substantive milestones in its development. (5) Hence, I feel, a fitting homage to Bonheim might attempt to recall some of the realities and challenges of ESSE's early days and the sense of purpose that sought to construct a Society among European scholars that would be able to play a part in shaping those realities for the better. Perhaps the partialities, inaccuracies and lacunae that are bound to populate this text will provoke others to write to the Messenger and thus further revivify memories of ESSE's early years.
Recalling a commitment to English Studies in/and Europe
The most decisive feature of the period from Bonheim's appointment as editor to the end of his second term as President was, then, the growth of the Society from its original twelve members, corresponding to the then European Economic Community, into a federation of 30 associations. (6) Crucially, of the associations that joined between 1991 and 2000, three quarters were formed in the post-Soviet nations of Central and Eastern Europe, spurred on by the existence of ESSE and the active personal encouragement and assistance of Bonheim, Clark, and the Founding President (1990-1995), Piero Boitani.
Helmut had a very deep commitment to the idea of Europe, not only in terms of an international and cross-disciplinary vision of English Studies, but also as a broader historical project. Fernando Galvan (President 2007-13) recalls his encounters with Helmut as a member of the AEDEAN Executive from 1992 and later its representative on the ESSE Board:
When reading him, or when we met at the conferences and shared meals and discussions, Helmut always proved to be a fully committed scholar, but not only in academic terms. Of course he had an insatiable curiosity about all matters concerning the University, what and how we taught, what our students did, the mobility programmes we were developing at the time, or how we were facing the Bologna challenges in our respective countries. But I could also appreciate his deep social commitment as a European citizen, who genuinely believed in political and supra-national cohesion, in the ideal of a united Europe, one firmly established on the foundations of education and culture and not only on the interests of the markets. (7)
Rooted in scholarly values and international ideals, Bonheim's commitment expressed itself in the tireless pursuit of practical measures on both fronts. These were indeed exciting times for Europe; Helmut's activity as an officer of ESSE covered the period that included both the Maastricht Treaty (1993)--which extended ERASMUS and TeMpUS funding to the humanities--and the Bologna Agreement (1999): in short, the period during which the single European area in Education effectively took shape. Helmut first appeared in the 0 issue of the Messenger and at the first post-Founders Board meeting as an expert on ERASMUS. (8) He began by seeking to position ESSE as the privileged interlocutor for the European Commission's support of the subject, and ended by working hard on the ground to encourage the development of ERASMUS and TEMPUS projects, which he saw as one of ESSE's major achievements. (9)
More central to Helmut's vision than the Europeanisation of English Studies within the European Union, however, was the development of the discipline in Central and Eastern Europe, both in terms of the sharing of resources and support for the political struggle, where necessary, for academic independence. With over sixty years of Anglo-American Studies behind it, Bulgaria was one of the keenest communities to seize on the opportunities and solidarities offered by ESSE. For Alexander Shurbanov, 'From the very start ESSE was created by people with Helmut's cast of mind. It was one of the first truly international organizations called to life right after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 by the common thrust towards the unification of the two long-divided halves of Europe in the spirit of collegiate cooperation.' (10) Krystyna Stamirowska, founding secretary of the Polish Association for the Study of English, provides some further detail:
After 1990 when Central and East European countries were released from the Soviet domination and the Soviet troops were gradually being withdrawn, the emergence of what was then called 'new democracies' released new energies at all levels; and the development of English Studies became one of Helmut Bonheim's top priorities..... Much of his energy and strategic talents combined with unusual perseverance were now channelled into practically supporting a complicated process of transformation of English Studies in the countries ... which he rightly saw as unjustly deprived of their chances of development. Although included under one umbrella, their traditions and systems of education differed considerably, of which prof. Bonheim was well aware. Applying what he himself jokingly called his 'Teutonic approach ', Bonheim started by co-organising [with Robert Clark] socalled 'fact-finding visits' by well-known academics. (11)
The visits were funded by the Tempus programme and resulted in two influential reports on the state of English Studies in four post-Soviet countries, for which Helmut himself wrote the chapter on Poland. (12) Between 1991 and 1993, associations were formed not only in Bulgaria and Poland, but likewise the Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Yugoslavia, and were welcomed into ESSE.
Shurbanov's reference to 'Helmut's cast of mind' brings us to the crux of the matter. Gordon Campbell, who himself supported ESSE at the time by building contacts at a more junior level across post-Soviet Europe, sums up the cultural forces which defined that 'cast of mind':
Helmut was a distinctive type of European. He was born in Danzig, so Eastern Europe was part of him. He was raised in Chicago, so one of his identities was American. His adoptive country was Germany, and he was so determined to assimilate that he and Jean decided as a matter of principle to speak German to each other, even at home (he used to say that he only had 95% of his personality in either language). (13)
Robert Clark, who worked more closely with Helmut than anyone in ESSE, elaborates on the significance of this biography:
Personally, it seemed to me that Helmut was a 'displaced person ', having been brought up in America by Jewish parents exiled in the 1930s, and having chosen to return to Germany in 1965... I suppose this personal history was the origin of Helmut's highly philosophical irony: he was and was not German, was and was not Jewish. He was not American, though educated there, and not British, though married here and spending much of each summer in St John's Wood. It seemed to me he lived in what Thomas Mann called 'the pathos of the middle', constitutionally within and without his social situations. Perhaps this is why he was such a genial broker of a unifying Europe: he was thoroughly aware of our need for a Europe that would resist narrow islands of the mind. (14)
For myself, despite many years of proximity, I was unaware of Helmut's origins, although I may have suspected them, being Jewish myself. It was then not so much his Jewishness as his relationship to it in the context of his (inter)national heritage that is important here. Campbell observes: 'Jewish identity is another distinctive matter. Helmut declared himself entirely uninterested in his Jewish heritage, and felt no discomfort living in a country with a savage anti-Semitic past. He did not, he said, dwell on the Holocaust.' It was perhaps this that made Helmut such a positive, almost deliberately innocent, European, a learned philologist with his eye on the future. One should not mistake this for romanticism in any dismissive sense.
A committed practice
Bonheim's engagement with Central and Eastern Europe did not of course end with the creation of associations of English Studies, but involved a day-to-day effort to give substantive support to scholars and to their dignified integration into the wider academic community. Shurbanov and Stamirowska both told me of their treasured Bonheim archives that bear testimony to those efforts. The former writes:
I still keep, together with his interesting papers in the study of stylistics, dozens of Helmut's long detailed letters sent to me over a number of years, all concerned with the actions that we ought to take to ensure that there would be a proper supply of literary texts and up-to-date criticism for East-European academic libraries and a much closer communication between young Anglicists of the East and the West. Helmut was impatient to see these changes happen. He kept writing to the British Council and every organization that could be addressed on these matters, attempting to secure their assistance. And his usual politeness did not prevent him from being insistent to the end. (15)
One notable event, made possible by grants Helmut obtained from the DAAD, the Fritz Thyssen Foundation and the Stifterverband der deutschen Wissenschaf, brought together a number of representatives of the subject in the 'new democracies' for the first time in a symposium on 'Resources for Education in Eastern Europe' in Berlin in 1998, enabling them also to attend what was for some their first Board meeting. (16)
Helmut's lobbying for investment by the European Commission and the British Council were in the end largely unsuccessful--such as his call for a fund for short-term appointments for young Central European scholars to enable them to experience Western institutions themselves directly, rather than be lectured to by touring experts from the UK; or a one-off subsidy to build academic libraries. But he made the Messenger into an instrument to promote discussion and information flow and to share awareness and resources, and how to access the latter. In his first editorial he laid out his project for the newsletter as the place where 'the middle-term and grander aims of ESSE' could be discussed. It is worth quoting at length, not least, in my view, for its penultimate sentence:
First of all, streamers of professional contacts and personal friendships are to connect English Departments with one another, since information is of mutual benefit, in the realms of educational policy as of scholarship. Knowledge of how things are done elsewhere is part of the defense against outside interference, a bulwark against attacks on university autonomy. Second, mutual information should help us counter the inequalities between the larger and the smaller nations of Europe, the richer and the poorer, a state of things with which we were confronted long before the fall of the iron curtain. Third, from the very first germs of the ESSE venture to the present, a strong sense of sympathy with our colleagues from the Baltic to the Black Sea has been evident, as well as a great eagerness to support their efforts at reorientation and renewal. It has been a matter of course to report on their work, to bring them into the network and help them build up contacts, promote the younger generation of scholars there and above all work toward providing them with better libraries. It is in the nature of things that this will take not years but decades. Fourth, there is a complex of values that gave rise to the European Community which ought to be realized in English Studies as well. (11)
The building of this community involved a number of practical initiatives, for example, programmes to make journals and monographs available to departments in the 'new democracies' while at the same time raising the profile of European-based scholarship, through the creation of 'a European bibliographical base'. (18) While Clark led on the large-scale operations, such as his project for an Annotated Bibliography of English Studies, in which the publications were selected and filtered by critical comments from a network of Europe-based scholars, Helmut wrote or commissioned reports on 'English Studies in...', 'Checklists' of resources, and 'Briefings' on trends in different areas of the subject, as well as 'tips and tricks' for setting up ERASMUS exchanges. As President, he came up with a scheme, with the help of a Cambridge bookshop, to transfer the personal libraries of retiring professors who were losing their office space to departments in Central and Eastern Europe. Although not always successful, such adventurous projects were certainly worth trying. Fernando Galvan again:
When evoking those conversations I cannot help bringing back to my memory his eyes, full of life, enthusiasm and energy when speaking about the project of providing our Eastern European colleagues with journals in English Studies published in the West. I had been editing a scholarly journal myself a few years before, and was naturally approached by Helmut and kindly invited to contribute with the donation of a number of copies which were to be sent regularly to university libraries in Eastern Europe. We did so of course, and years later I saw some of the positive results of those initiatives started by Helmut in my visits as ESSE President to departments and conferences across Eastern Europe.
At the same time, as Campbell reminds us, 'He was without illusions about the task of cultural integration', as was shown by his deft management of very delicate issues relating to the finances of our first conference in Eastern Europe.
While some of the projects designed by Bonheim were not lacking in grandiosity of ambition, his action was also often discreet and personal. As Campbell continues:
Helmut saw ESSE as a tool in which, in his chosen sphere, he could do his bit to create a united Europe. Sometimes he did so secretly, notably in financial support for East European colleagues. At the meeting that I attended in Cologne, for example, Helmut quietly paid the travel and accommodation costs of East European visitors out of his own pocket.
Tom Healy, who was involved with the original creation of ESSE, likewise testifies to Helmut's 'striking disposition to help people', citing, alongside the Cologne case, examples of his personal support for writers and translators and, most tellingly, the occasion on which, during 'the break-up of Yugoslavia, he hastily arranged a six-month fellowship for [a] Shakespeare scholar ... when it was no longer safe for him to stay in Serbia.' Tom concludes: 'There are many other examples of Helmut's generosity whose recipients are probably not directly aware of his having been the instigator of the grant, the invitation, the fellowship that came at a point in their careers when they most needed it.' (19)
Healy's reference to Yugoslavia reminds us that these were not only years of hope for a new Europe, but also a time of conflict at its centre. Secretary Caie recalls:
These were difficult years for ESSE, as some of the negotiations at Board meetings concerning the membership of new countries from Central and Eastern Europe were fraught and at times emotional. This was the period of war in the former Yugoslavia, in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular, and discussions were naturally tense. Helmut was an excellent chairman and managed to help members separate the political from the academic and to give much support to academics from member states which were suffering during this conflict.
Helmut's practical wisdom and diplomacy were tested by the war and by the occasional overflow of reactions to the creation of new states and the appearance of old ideologies. Challenges were not, of course, the preserve of the 'new democracies'. Bonheim had also to manage tensions between long-established Western nations, not least concern over ESSE's independence from British influence, the sometimes patronising attitudes towards representatives from less well-resourced countries, and the problems arising from attitudes towards the membership fee and its payment displayed at various times by different associations which, until Carmelo Cunchillos (Treasurer 1996-2002) got a grip on things, threatened the Society's sustainability. In sum, as Caie concludes:
It may be difficult for the younger generation of scholars to appreciate, but at the time of Helmut's presidency there was a great need to bring east and west Europe together and to collaborate on scholarly activities; ESSE under Helmut's regime did so much to achieve this collaboration in English studies. He helped break down the insularity of English studies in individual countries by creating a pan-European vision of the subject. It would be no exaggeration to say that he changed the world of English studies in Europe.
In recognition of his work, he was awarded the Grosses Bundesverdienstkreuz, the Presidential Medal for services to East-West Relations.
Memories of/in the end
As I observed early on, not everyone agreed with Helmut's vision for ESSE, or for particular projects or, perhaps most of all, for how he went about things--not least in relation to the development of a model for the conference, the nature of, and need for, the newsletter, the institutional and interdisciplinary character of the European Journal of English Studies, relations with the journal's publisher, and to two key moments of succession, that of Clark at the Glasgow Board in 1995 (in which, to confess an interest, I was personally involved) and his own in 1999. Shurbanov's conclusion to the short memoir he provided for this article touches on a bundle of key themes:
Although we seem to have met and talked more than once in the subsequent years, my memory tells me that I saw Helmut last at an ESSE Board meeting in Timisoara, Romania in August 1999. This was one of the final meetings he chaired as President of the Society and he had insisted that I should attend it as an invited guest, hoping to bring me back to active participation in the organizational life. My nostalgic memories of the early years of ESSE made me expect an idyllic friendly gathering, but instead I found myself in the midst of a tense, nervous and hostile atmosphere, in which Helmut's position reminded me of Shakespeare's Richard II sorely beset by his unruly barons. Like poor Richard, Helmut was gentle and pensive, almost melancholy, but unlike him, he was not given to self-pity and sentimental posturing. On the contrary, he was his usual dignified self, witty and not averse to self-irony, capable of cracking a joke even at the ruthless disease that had started eroding him from within and would not desist until it reached its complete triumph. I shall never forget how at the beginning of the meetings he quipped with a smile: 'Some of us here are not all there.'
The character traits noted here were commented on by many other contributors, as of course the poignant conclusion. Robert Clark recalls 'Helmut's essential humanity and extraordinarily dry sense of humour, so dry it was possible entirely to miss it'. Graham Caie refers to 'a courteous, kind and benevolent man ... a true gentleman ... caring and considerate.' Krystyna Stamirowska draws attention to his fundamental modesty: 'in the years I knew him, he never mentioned anything he accomplished in terms of achievement. He preferred to talk of what was as yet unachieved.... At the same time, he was most tolerant of others; I never heard him find fault with or criticize anyone, even if he had good reasons.' Healy elaborates on that modesty: 'one of the memorable things about Helmut is that he was not one for dramatic self-promotion. He was, in the best possible sense, a gentle man and someone who put individual human concerns above institutional interests or forging his own reputation. Indeed, his apparent lack of self-interest could be infuriating on occasion: it was almost impossible to find out much about his own work, as he insisted on talking about your own, usually making excellent suggestions or recommending a book or article that showed the erudition that rested underneath his modest exterior.'
Healy also states: 'In retrospect, I suspect his somewhat phlegmatic approach that became increasingly pronounced as he was approaching retirement was an early indication of the disease, one which few of us realised at the time.' And thus we come to the last chapter. Stamirowska recalls 'After the summer 2001 when I last saw the Bonheims in Cologne and it dawned on me that all might not be well, our contacts became irregular and rare. In 2004 silence ensued. After a few attempts to phone and mail, I gave up, realizing that they had decided to withdraw.' After a period in which she respected Helmut's 'Alzheimer's silence', one of his former students and colleagues at Cologne, Reingard M. Nischik, discovered his address from his daughter:
When I travelled from Konstanz to visit him in the nursing home in Koln-Porz, I first saw the door to his room with the sign: 'Helmut Bonheim' (no titles anymore). He was lying in bed, in a slumber, still good-looking: I was amazed how little, relatively speaking, his appearance had changed even though he was by then in his eighties. After more than two decades, I was looking at the person to whom, because he had set me on the path, to a significant extent I owed my professional happiness. When I returned an hour later, I saw him sitting in the common room in a wheelchair: slumped, head down, staring at the floor.... I carefully approached him and slowly and cautiously, yet repeatedly, tried to tell him who I was. I told him how grateful I was to him for making it possible for me to choose a profession I have found so rewarding and fulfilling. By and by, I got the impression that he started to vaguely remember, or that at least some of my urgent words got through to him to some degree. Tears were running down his cheeks, yet he hardly said anything. I saw a copy of Joyce's Ulysses on the bookshelf in the common room, no doubt deposited there by his daughter. I took the book and put it in his hands. It was immediately obvious that this was a person who had spent a great deal of his life with books. He looked at the book as if at a very precious object, handled it very carefully, and slowly thumbed through it, page by page, probably unable to read anymore. This went on for some minutes. Then seemingly purposefully he shut the book, carefully handed it over to me, and ceremoniously placed it into my hands--from the teacher to his former doctoral and postdoctoral student, as if he wanted to tell me that it was now up to others to continue the work, and that his time was over.... That was the last time I saw Helmut Bonheim. He died five weeks later. Memories of his kindness live on, together with profound respect for his extraordinary personality and his life achievement, and with deep gratitude. (20)
Professor Nischik reminds us of Helmut Bonheim the mentor and colleague. Let us conclude again with the words of a former President of our Society, Fernando Galvan, and thus with a positive image of strength and preservation, not loss:
Helmut was a good and very nice man, full of humour and innovative ideas. It is a great sadness that he is no longer with us, as it was also very painful when I saw him for the last time in Berlin at a conference and I discovered that his memory was failing, that he had problems in recognising me ... But even if in the end that terrible disease led him to forget some of us, ESSE cannot certainly forget Helmut Bonheim, his work, his huge efforts in making ESSE bigger and more relevant in the European sphere. He will always be remembered with gratitude and admiration by those who understand what he did and what he tried to do. Helmut might have undoubtedly uttered those Horatian words of Non omnis moriar which bear witness to the achievements of a man committed to education, culture and research in a united Europe.
ESSE misses him, and, Heaven knows, Europe misses men and women like him.
Martin A. Kayman
(1) 'Printing the Messenger: The End of an Era', European English Messenger 24.1 (Summer 2015), 6-9.
(2) Adolphe Haberer, 'ESSE: The Coming of Age', address to the 2nd FINSSE Conference, Tampere, 21-23 August 2003. Copy kindly made available by the author.
(3) Besides those mentioned explicitly, I am grateful to the many colleagues who responded helpfully to my enquiries.
(4) Carmelo Cunchillos (Treasurer 1996-2002) died in 2010 and Norman Blake (Secretary 1996-99) in 2012--see 'In memoriam: Carmelo Cunchillos', European English Messenger, XIX. 2 (Autumn 2010), 19-20 and Graham Caie, 'In Memoriam: Norman Blake (1934-2012)', European English Messenger, XXI. 2 (Winter 2012), 24-25.
(5) Hans-Jurgen Diller's essay, 'The Birth and Growth of ESSE: Some Personal Recollections' remains a helpful source--see Balz Engler and Renate Haas (eds), European English Studies: Contributions towards the History of a Discipline (Leicester: The English Association, for ESSE, 2000), 323-334.
(6) Of current members who joined after the founding dozen, only Albania, Armenia, Malta, Slovakia and Turkey post-date the 'Bonheim years'.
(7) Fernando Galvan, personal communication, 19 February 2015.
(8) Adolphe Haberer, remarks at the Helsinki Board (2000), made available by the author. See Helmut Bonheim, 'ESSE and ERASMUS', European English Messenger, 0 (Autumn 1990), 14-15.
(9) See Helmut Bonheim, 'What has ESSE accomplished', European English Messenger, II. 2 (Autumn 1993), 4-6.
(10) Alexander Shurbanov, personal communication, 14 March 2015.
(11) Krystyna Stamirowska, 'Remembering Helmut Bonheim', personal communication, 3 August 2015.
(12) Robert Clark, Piero Boitani and Helmut Bonheim, English Studies in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland (European Commission Tempus Office, 1991); Robert Clark and Frits Beukema, English Studies in Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Slovenia (European Commission Tempus Office, 1992).
(13) Gordon Campbell, personal communication, 3 August 2015. Born in 1930, Bonheim emigrated to Chicago with his parents shortly before the Second World War. He was educated in the USA (BA, Cornell 1951; MA, Columbia 1952 and, following a period as a Fulbright scholar in Vienna, PhD University of Washington in Seattle 1959). He taught at Seattle and then at Santa Barbara, California until 1965 when he became a visiting professor in Munich and a short time later Professor of Anglo-American literature in Cologne, a post he held until his retirement in 1995.
(14) Robert Clark, personal communication, 17 July 2015.
(15) Shurbanov, ibid.
(16) Reports from the participating countries were published as a supplement to the Messenger, VIII. 2 (Autumn 1999), available at http://www.essenglish.org/berlin.pdf.
(17) Helmut Bonheim, Editorial, European English Messenger, I. 1 (Autumn 1991), 6-7.
(18) Bonheim, Editorial, European English Messenger, I. 3 (Autumn 1992), 8.
(19) Tom Healy, personal communication, 31 August 2015.
(20) Reingard M. Nischik, 'Helmut Bonheim: Inspiring Teacher, Generous Mentor', personal communication, 9 July 2015.
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|Title Annotation:||IN MEMORIAM|
|Author:||Kayman, Martin A.|
|Publication:||European English Messenger|
|Article Type:||In memoriam|
|Date:||Dec 22, 2015|
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