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Identity, diversity and education: A critical review of the literature.

ABSTRACT/RESUME

In this paper, we take a critical view of the literature on multiculturalism and diversity as it pertains to the identity work of youth and to the role of education as process and institution. First we distinguish the two very different views of identity: modern and postmodern, and the social science theories that flow from one or the other. Next, taking these views into consideration, we examine what is known about the intersection between identity, youth, and schooling. Emerging from this review, we identify gaps in the research literature. Implications are then drawn out for research, multiculturalism policy, and educational practice. and recommendations made for further action.

Pour les fins de ce texte, nous adoptons une perspective critique de la litterature portant sur le multiculturalisme et la diversite par rapport au travail identitaire de la jeunesse et au role de l'education en tant que processus et institution. Premierment, nous distinguons les deux conceptions fondamentales tres differentes de l'identite : moderne et postmoderne. et les theories des sciences humaines qui s'en degagent. Prenant ces conceptions en consideration, nous tracons le portrait du savoir au sujet de l'intersection de l'identite, la jeunesse et la scolarisation. Emergeant de cette recension des ecrits, nous identifions les lacunes dans les recherches actuelles. En guise de conclusion, les implications pour la recherche, les politiques de l' interculturalisme et les pratiques educatives sont suscitees et quelques recommendations proposees vers une action subsquente.

INTRODUCTION

Identity is a problem. Born as a problem within modernity, it is something one needs to do something about, as a task. It is both a project and a postulate. (1) Whenever one is not sure of belonging, of how to place oneself among a variety of cultural styles and patterns, one thinks of identity. If the construction of identity is how to get people to accept one's placement as right and proper, then both the self and the other would know how to get on in each other's presence. The study of identity forms a critical cornerstone of thought in the social sciences. In education more specifically, studies point to the difficulties students encounter in their search for who they are. Multicultural liaison workers strive to develop effective communication between home-school-community, whereas diverse community groups struggle to have their voices heard, their identities recognized and included. Schools seek ways of accommodation and curriculum moves toward models in which multiple perspectives are heard, reflecting ethno-cultural, linguistic, racial, and religious diversity.

In this critical review of the literature, we wonder about different views about the notion of 'identity as a problem' in modernity and of 'identity as a strategy' in postmodernity; the state of knowledge about the intersection between identity and the role of education as process and institution, contrasting modernist and postmodernist perspectives; the gaps in the research literature as it pertains to identity, youth, and schooling; and the connections to multiculturalism policy. Finally we wonder about implications for research, policy, and practice, and make recommendations for further action.

VIEWS OF IDENTITY

Modernity and Stability: Identity as a Project

Referring generally to an individual's sense of uniqueness, of knowing who one is and who one is not. the notion of 'identity' comes in two basic conceptions. The modern view conceives identity as an absence, reflecting a need to identify with something of significance. From this perspective, the 'problem of identity' is to construct an identity and keep it solid and stable. (2) The catchword of modernity is creation. Its main concerns are worries about durability and commitment-avoidance. Modernity is like the accumulation of yellowed pages in a photo album that slowly traces identity-producing events. To construct a modern identity is to escape from uncertainty. Yet no identity can be entirely determining as all identities are postulated. They cannot be any other kind. Identity within modernity is a critical project of what is demanded or sought upon; more precisely, identity is an oblique assertion of incompleteness or inadequacy. It is a continuing, unique self for which essence is the key. It is prior to language making. Seizing the self as an object. modernity emphasizes ego development, self-assertion, and individual accomplishment. (3)

The development of a stable sense of identity is one of the central processes of adolescence. There is a shared sense of peoplehood, and maintaining a stable identity tends to be difficult, especially when diversity is a factor, as each one is viewed as having a defined culture and identity. In this light, immigration calls upon individuals to reconstruct themselves in a new society as key to their integration. (4) Whether in diverse societies or in the process of immigration, individuals may be considered as being caught between two cultures, a liminal p]ace of tensions and difficulties. (5)

Invented within modernity, the construction of identity is the individual's responsibility and freedom of choice but cannot be undertaken without expert help. The assistance, guidance, and support of expert guidance from trainers, coaches, teachers, counsellors, and guides is required, for they hold superior knowledge of what identities ought to be and which core set of attributes are needed. The concepts of identity and of culture as 'disembedded' or 'unencumbered' are based on ideas of individual incompetence, the need for collective attention, and for knowing experts.(6)

Viewing ethnic identity as a problem within modernity, assimilation theory prevailed from the 1920s to the 1960s. Two major world developments interfered with this sociological viewpoint, putting it in global and comparative perspective: the post-colonial experience of 'new nations' and the modern experience of industrialized countries. (7) In the social sciences, two responses emerged. Primordialism argued that ethnicity is fixed, basic to human life and in the blood, (8) whereas circumstantialism or instrumentalism claimed the opposite: that ethnic identity was changeable and malleable, i.e., contingent upon circumstances of the moment as a matter of choice. (9) These theoretical approaches assumed that the problem of ethnic identity and solidarity would lessen with progressive modernization and urbanization. However, conflict and competition tend to enhance ethnic boundary maintenance, to emphasize the power dimension in ethnic relations, and to introduce class analysis. (10)

In part an extension of circumstantialism, the emergence of social constructivism recognized the reciprocal flux between the assignment and assertion of identity, i.e., between what others say we are and what or who we say we are. Focussing on the ways in which identities are built, rebuilt, and dismantled over time and distinguishing between 'thick' and 'thin' ethnicity based on shared interests, shared institutions, and shared culture, the social constructionist approach centres on interactions between circumstances and groups. (11) Three aspects of identity formation are at issue in social constructivism: group boundaries; the perceived social position of the group; and the meaning attached to identity. Any changes in any one of these aspects reconstructs group identity. Circumstances and actions do not deprive groups of power, however, as the power of ethnicity and race depends upon the significance we attach to them, to our own identities and to those of others. Social construction exemplifies a phenomen ological theoretical orientation which is concerned more generally with personal and group identification within society. including the social construction of the concept of race. (12) However, social construction tends not to look at the influences of space, time, and relation, which are core concerns of postmodernism.

Postmodernity and Globalization: New Meanings of Identity and Relationships

The postmodern view considers identity to be dynamic and multiple, reflecting an on-going and open-ended process of forming multiple identifications. From this perspective, the 'problem of identity' remains but its nature changes to the construction of an identity while avoiding fixation and keeping one's options open, in other words, being strategic and flexible, which we term here, 'identity-as-strategy.' The catchword of postmodernity is recycling and its metaphor is the videotape, erasable and reusable; where modernity built in steel and concrete, postmodernity builds in biodegradable plastic. (13) Postmodernism questions the control of the subject over his/her self-construction and assumes instead that the self is constructed through language. (14) Within postmodernity, it is assumed that everyone's identity is subject to change, that it is negotiated in complex and dynamic ways over time and space, and that this involves multiple identifications and attachments, as well as multiple social, psychological , and cultural dimensions in everyday life. (15) In this light, immigrants are recognized as engaging in fragmented and multiple processes of identification that existed prior to re-settlement.

Like products which are designed for immediate obsolescence, postmodern identities can be adopted and changed readily, leading individuals to live life one day at a time, in short time frames where stakes are minimized in the great game of postmodern life. Today, the stroller, the vagabond, the tourist, and the player who once inhabited the margins of society have been centralized. However, these four types share common effects upon popular moral and political attitudes and upon their status in society. Rather than shifting moral responsibilities to institutions to be managed by rules and conventions, moral attitudes in postmodern society are shaped in the context of life-politics. The possibilities of 'identity politics,' as dynamics of changing meanings, constitute self-consciousness and self-expression as a striving for recognition of which power is a routinized part. As relationships become transitory, shallow, and narrowly focused on self interests, means of exerting responsibility for others in a free, open, and democratic way are unlikely to be sustainable. (16)

In this context, ethnic identification remains complex and is often reinterpreted and even reinvented. Sociological theories that reflect postmodern views of identity include the new ethnicities (17) and diaspora ethnicities, which focus on the increasing complexity of ethnic identification as a result of the dispersion of ethnic peoples. (18) Modernizing and urbanizing forces have not eradicated ethnicity. quite to the contrary; and 'thick' attachments do not become 'thin.' With the emergence of a new global culture, the wide-spread promotion of English as the world language, rapid cultural and consumer exchange, and intense internet communication, ethnicity is revived as a source of symbolic and collective identity. Lodged within complex interrelationships between globalization, transnationalism, and transmigration, identities must remain fluid and transformative.

In pluralist countries such as Canada, multiple identities represent a new social form, and new identity work, especially among youth, suggests a search for plurality. (19) It becomes necessary to attend to the individual as a social agent that is constructed as a subject from her/his experiences with different moral demands in a wide array of social contexts. The dimensions of space, time, and relationality, as well as the links between affectivity and rationality, are incorporated in processual approaches to identity work among youth. These provide a perspective upon the social agent who is constrained within, and acts upon, structures mediated through broader common sense repertoires and through direct social interaction in everyday life contexts, reflecting aspects of inequality and power.

CURRENT STATE OF KNOWLEDGE ABOUT THE IDENTITIES OF YOUTH

Who are the youth of today? Since there is considerable variance in theoretical constructs available to formulate theoretical constructs, to discuss research approaches, and to interpret findings, attention is given in a first sub-section to identity formation among youth from modernist perspectives. Within this discussion, attention is given to the identities of minority youth, identities, and education as process and institution, citizenship education and national identity, and collective identities and citizenship. Subsequently, such research findings are contrasted with identity work and cultural creativity among youth analyzed from postmodern perspectives. The review of research findings focuses on several clusterings of postmodernist perspectives, Continental, British, Canadian, and American work on identity and youth.

Identities of Modern Youth

From modernist perspectives, adolescence is a time of transition between childhood and adulthood, characterized by many distinctive changes in the body due to puberty, in cognition and concerns, and in their place in society. The quest for identity is considered to be difficult and full of idealism: commitment to a goal or cause: revolution against the old; expression of personal feelings, passion, and suffering; and vacillation between extremes of sorrow and exuberance, altruism and selfishness. Adolescence involves an evolutionary process characterized by numerous tasks: separation from parents, siblings, and close friends; development of greater autonomy with regard to decision making; assumption of responsibility and regulation of one's own behaviour; establishing new friendships; dealing with pressures toward greater intimacy and adult sexuality; meeting new intellectual challenges; and socialization and culturalization into adult roles. (20) Set in a period of transescence, young people vary greatly in their development and the socialization process takes on great importance. Transescents feel an overwhelming need for social acceptance. Peer relations become more important than those of family, and the increased loyalty to peer groups may lead to cruelty directed at those who do not fit in and to the formation of youth gangs. (21) Moreover, a preoccupation with image and fitting in characterizes young people. Adolescents tend to believe that everyone around them is constantly thinking about them, termed 'adolescent egocentrism.'(22) Transescents believe they have an 'imaginary audience' which tends to lead to extroverted behaviour designed to bring attention to oneself. (23)

Cultural influences differentiate between adolescent females and males in unique ways. (24) Mixed messages sent to female youth create enormous problems in developing a stable identity between their own views of themselves and those which are culturally prescribed; between their autonomous selves and their need to be 'feminine,' between their status as human beings and their vocation as females. Three factors contribute to upheaval among female adolescents: developmental changes; personal evaluation based on appearances; and distancing oneself from parents at a time when support is most needed. (25) Female adolescents may respond by setting aside their authentic selves so as to appear submissive, by rejecting sociocultural roles, by dropping out of the mainstream, and/or by participating in alternative lifestyles.

The quest for identity among adolescents in North America appears to take on one of four forms. (26) In foreclosure, adolescents pursue occupational and ideological goals chosen by others such as parents, and never experience an identity crisis as they have uncritically accepted the goals, values, expectations, and assigned roles of others. In identity diffusion, adolescents may have attempted to deal with these choices, or have ignored them. Such adolescents make no final choices and are not particularly concerned about making such commitments. Without pressure to choose, such adolescents are not experiencing an identity crisis. In moratorium, adolescents struggle with occupational and/or ideological choices, experience an identity crisis, and put off final choices. In identity achievement, adolescents have completed the struggle, made their own choices, and are pursuing an occupational and/or ideological choice. Based on social, cultural, and historical factors, achievement and foreclosure are seen as stabl e identities for women, whereas achievement and moratorium are seen as stable for men.

Identities of Minority Youth within Modern Times

Foregrounded against adults rather than children, youth tend to be viewed as troubled adolescents, living a time of crisis in North American society. Nonetheless, adolescent development occurs within socio-cultural contexts. Given the ways with which Western societies define adolescence beyond biological development, the difficulties experienced may be social constructed. Given these societal conditions, ethnic identity development among minority adolescents is made more complex, regardless of whether they are of immigrant, francophone, or aboriginal origin or descent. Immigrant women and girls may be expected to experience heightened role conflict upon entering and growing up in North America, including Canada. (27) Similarly, linguistic minority adolescents experience considerable conflict between the expectations of their cultural/racial group and the norms of the dominant society. (28)

An ethnic minority adolescent must also deal with racism, discrimination, and stereotyping. (29) While trying to develop a positive self-image, visible minority adolescents receive demeaning messages which devalue their existence. This can lead to self hatred, a reduced mode of being, and low self-esteem. (30) Parental influence is a significant factor in how adolescents respond to the difficulties of being an ethnic and/or racialized minority. (31) Parents who teach their children pride of self and of group, self development, and awareness of racial barriers develop resiliency in their offspring. Racial socialization influenced by parents leads to the production of a more positive racial identity based on the knowledge shared by those of a common racial heritage with a particular group. The development of a racial identity functions positively to protect a person from psychological insults and attacks which occur when living in a racist society. It also assists young people in finding and enhancing connectio ns and guidance.

The development of an ethnic/racial identity appears to follow four stages. (32) Occurring before the age of six or of schooling, young children are often unaware of their ethnic origin, considered ethnic/racial unawareness. In childhood and early adolescence, ethnic/racial ambivalence occurs in which adolescents attempt to distance themselves from their group of origin, often adopting the norms of the dominant culture by using fashion trends, peer groups of different ethnicity, and multi-media to conform. In a later stage, ethnic/racial emergence which occurs in late adolescence and early adulthood, individuals come to realize that they cannot completely join the mainstream culture and look toward their own group for acceptance, looking for connections via family, religion, and peer groups of similar origin. A fourth stage may occur in the adult years wherein the individual joins the ethnic group and resolves any ethnic identity conflicts, termed ethnic/racial group incorporation.

Adolescents of minority backgrounds must also deal with media images and stereotypes -- often incorrect portrayals of cultures, ethnicities, and races -- different from the dominant society. (33) For example, the image of the rich, angry, sexually powerful and attractive, racialized male, surrounded by a bevy of adoring submissive females, affects young people, both male and female. Either one may strive for such an unrealistic image and may be compared to such stereotypes. Misinformation may also criminalize racialized groups, especially males, and render females irrelevant. In schools, racial males are typified as trouble makers, criminals, and truants. Such misrecognition may lead to attempts to blend in submissively which can be damaging to self-esteem, or to acting out in more expressive ways to counter the negatively produced media images.

Subjected to the 'gaze' of the media and in white dominant schools, students of colour may respond to the constant pressure of being watched, in schools, in malls and/or on the streets. Some may try to not draw attention to themselves which results in negative self worth. Others may respond by generating 'glare,' that is, producing bold fashion statements with hats, bandanas, specific labels, and physical actions such as exaggerated walking styles. 'Gaze' and 'glare' may feed off of each other, resulting in a vicious cycle and potentially leading to inter-racial tensions and violence between small groups of males. (34)

Identities and Education as Process and Institution

Canadian education, as process and as institution, plays a major role in identity formation, a role that is problematized for minority youth. Schools produce and reproduce social bias and inequalities, (35) regardless of whether these biases and inequalities are based on gender, race, ethnicity, culture, religion, or language. (36) A multitude of timeless voices, texts, events, practices, and gestures tell minority students that they are intellectually, emotionally, physically, and morally inferior. (37) The formal and hidden curricula marginalize minority students and exclude their experiences, history, and contributions. (38) Teachers' attitudes and expectations influence and limit the learning of many minority students, as ethnocentric values and biases tend to lead to stereotyping with consequences for students' learning performance. (39) Psychological assessment and placement procedures stream immigrant and racial minority children into special education classes and lower stream classrooms, thus effectiv ely marginalizing them and reducing their chances of educational and workplace success and of contributing fully to Canadian society by placing them at the bottom of the socio-economic ladder. (40) The dysfunctional relationship between schools, parents, and communities also contributes to discrimination, stereotyping, and harassment of minority students. (41)

Stemming from the advent of Canada's multicultural policy in 1971, institutional responses to racism recognized that the assimilationist model was not an appropriate model for education and for the broader society. Most ministries of education carried out thorough examinations of textbooks and other materials to root out various forms of discrimination and instituted anti-discrimination procedures for their internal book reviews as well as for authors and publishers. Many school boards developed policies, programs, and practices intent on creating a positive learning climate, respectful of the students' cultures, Various initiatives focused on the histories, traditions, and lifestyles of the diverse groups represented in their respective schools. However, after two decades of multicultural education in Canada, it has become evident that the focus on attitudinal change has its limitations. The focus of much of multicultural education on feasts and festivals of diverse cultural groups with sporadic curricular i nclusion of heroes and heroines has neglected serious pedagogical treatment of value and belief systems, as well as social justice issues and political activism. More seriously, multicultural education has failed to recognize the endemic nature of racism and discrimination in Canadian society.

Having adopted the modernist paradigm of 'identity as a problem.' educational institutions as well as others dealing with youth have problematized individual students and particular groups as suffering from intellectual and personal deficiencies and as objects of hatred, without recognizing their own roles in the production and reproduction of racism and discrimination, especially by means of separating, silencing, and labeling. (42)

In response to these limitations, three responses have emerged: anti-racist education; specialized schools; and citizenship education, all distinct from multicultural education. Anti-racist education responds to the need to recognize difference and belonging; specialized education to the need to nurture difference as essential to collective identities; and citizenship education to the need for a common civic culture.

Anti-racism education focuses on changing institutional and organizational policies and practices. Its new approach seeks to address the multiple needs and concerns of all youth from differing backgrounds for a greater sense of belonging to schools and educational institutions; to ensure that excellence is more than access and equity; to move beyond bland inclusion to questions of transparency and accountability; and to move from critical pedagogies to pedagogies of difference with respect to equity and justice. (43)

The development of specialized schools are based in attempts to better serve the needs of a diverse school population and in community-based movements of self awareness and of parental control of educational and social outcomes. As a result, the following were established: black-focused schools; (44) band-controlled Aboriginal First Nations schools; (45) francophone schools in minority contexts under section 23 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms; (46)linguistic schools, such as French Immersion and Chinese Heritage Language schools: and many other specialized schools, including religious and Charter schools.

The establishment of such schools is not always easily accomplished and concerns are expressed about what counts as the quality of schooling, as well as the particularities of apt pedagogies and curricular content. More generally, the establishment of specialized schools raises questions about social cohesion and the possible limitations of pluralism. (47).

To deal with the political context of education, thus moving beyond multicultural education, citizenship education returns to the educational agenda during the late-1990s to deal with the political context of education. It seeks to address the role of political education and particularly the roles of individuals as citizens with both rights and responsibilities within society, closely examining democratic conceptions, values, and practices as well as behaviours, attitudes, knowledge, and skills. (48)

CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION AND NATIONAL IDENTITY

In a context of contemporary concern for social cohesion in pluralistic societies such as Canada, it is relevant to remember that schools have historically been called upon to produce a citizenry strongly bonded to the state and its interests. (49) Citizenship is valued as an associative and legal good for it provides access to the common life of a democratic society, as well as recognition in the eyes of equals and in a state's juridical system. (50) Integration into a Canadian pluri-ethnic society reveals considerable complexity, and the development of a national identity is not obvious. Reconciling the values of diversity with democratic values for the maintenance of a common civil and civic society may be achieved through mutual respect and deliberation. The experience of deliberation requires a certain degree of moderation in the affirmation of identities and in the search for recognition and the satisfaction of particular needs that accompany it. (51)

Becoming a citizen while also maintaining membership in an ethnic group involves situating oneself and one's referential group in relationships between ethnic groups and the state, in variable submission or adhesion to the norms of the group of origin, in limited or in all domains of public life, or then again in a common civic culture. (52) While we do not know with any great degree of certainty how youth develop attachments to a state, this process appears to involve at least the production of locality and the engagement in democratic practices within the school, an understanding of democratic concepts, and the emergence of democratic values.

The production of locality involves relational and contextual dimensions which can be remarkable fragile, must be maintained against all kinds of odds, and are subject to the influences of complex hierarchical modern states. As social techniques for the production of 'native' persons, rites of passage, for example, produce local subjects well grounded in situated communities of kin, friends, and enemies as a structure of feeling. (53) Contextualized by an historical and dialectic relationship, the construction of subjects in contexts requires local terrains of habitation, production, and moral security. As practical, valued, and taken-for-granted places, neighbourhoods and schools alike serve as contexts for interactions between local spaces, times, and local subjects who know how to reproduce locality.

Central to the production of a sense of belonging as part of national identities, the transformation of spaces into places of human attachment depends on the particularities of place and requires conscious moments, routines, social techniques, and an exercise of power over environments. Although schools are pre-democratic institutions at best, in spite of their mission to produce citizens they nonetheless consciously attempt to create communities of learning and of belonging, making extensive use of routines, social techniques, and power. As part of multiple identities, (54) students develop different understandings of place and use it differentially, (55) as evidenced in routines of use of school space, depending on the time of day, gender patterns, and norms of correctness. (56) Sustaining the essence of multiple identities, including national attachments, pedagogies of freedom contextualize learning within ethical issues and require civic courage. (57) By engaging in democratic practices to guide learning, educators and learners alike may contribute to the creation of contexts that might exceed school boundaries and neighbourhoods, yielding refinements of language, world views, ritual practices, and collective self-understanding as active, responsible members of a democratic state.

How this engagement in democratic practices is realized in daily life in classrooms reveals a tension with human rights education, for rights may be taught as subject matter whether or not they are recognized and lived in daily practices in the classroom. A group of researchers in Montreal examined this tension with ethnographic observations in two classrooms, either grade 3 or 4 in each of two elementary schools, in terms of the establishment of student councils for cooperation and the teaching of the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child (1989), both part of the curriculum. (58) According to the findings, a teacher maybe respectful of the private space of children, of their voice, and of their feelings, regardless of the existence of a council of cooperation, for the latter may open up or restrict the children's space. The teaching of human rights, however, may focus variably on the reading comprehension of the text or encourage children to reflect and develop a position on current issues. It may focus o n various understandings of the notion of 'right' as duty, privilege, or even as a constructive relation to knowledge, as in 'I have a right to make mistakes.' It may be reduced from a body of human rights to having a 'right,' and may be situated differentially in public or private spheres of daily life. Moreover, some of the teachers tend to adopt a dichotomous discourse in which rights are respected 'here' but not 'over there' or 'in your countries of origin.' This raises the possibility that recognizing very real inequities and injustices in society 'here' would be much more difficult for the students, as would be any involvement in a struggle for human rights within Canadian society. Flowing from a more critical understanding of citizenship, it is notable that the teacher who urges children to develop a position also accepts a wider range of responses, thus leading to informal practices of the right to one's opinion and the freedom of expression in the classroom.

Equally critical to the production of citizens in a democratic society is the understanding of democratic concepts that shape and give direction to our lives. Concepts such as freedom, dissent, diversity, due process, equity and equality, human rights, and privacy and property frame what it means to live together in a civil and civilized society. (59) While children forge a sense of fairness prior to schooling, the acquisition of the notion of dissent builds gradually and progressively upon prior knowledge. A topography of dissent may be drawn by accessing this knowledge among students with story boards and comic strip illustrations. Three lenses or themes occur in children's conceptions at four age levels: dissent-as-deference, dissent-as-dialogue, and dissent-as-defiance. All seven year olds and most eleven year olds show a highly deferential disposition in interpreting and assessing an episodic story. A concern about the fairness of rules emerges among eleven year olds, as does a sense of the legitimacy of questioning authority. Fourteen year olds maintain a strong theme of deference and display an awareness of the inherent unfairness of rules and of the necessity of challenging through dialogue. Defiance emerges as an important theme only among the seventeen year olds, for whom it represents a legitimate form of expression when dialogue has failed to produce satisfactory results. If participation in the democratic enterprise is construed in part as the communication of consent and/or dissent, then the parameters of the concept held by the citizenry will shape the nature of participation. Albeit naive, the students' understanding of democratic concepts become the building blocks for a more sophisticated understanding and practice of democracy.

In spite of fundamental guarantees of equality, the very diverse composition of Canadian society may lead to inequality. The distinctions between native-born and naturalized citizens stemming from more or less recent immigration, between francophone and anglophone citizens, for example, may be important sources of inequalities in social relations. (60) A study of the understanding of the democratic concept of equality among young people considers five dimensions: the representation of collective identity; attraction of social relations between persons of different identities; attitudes toward accommodation; attitudes toward the public usage of more than one language; and attitudes toward the presence in all public spaces of multiple ethno-cultural identities. (61) A cluster analysis of questionnaire reponses of almost 1,200 youth of an average age of nineteen, in six francophone and four anglophone colleges in Quebec in 2000-2001, permits the identification of five different profiles among these young citizen s. A very pluralist profile without public usage and accommodations is very open to multiple identities and to social relations with different persons and especially to the diversity of collective identities, but much less toward accommodation and public usage of more than one language. A nonpluralist profile is not very open to social relations on all the indicators, whereas a high pluralist profile is very open to social relations on all indicators and especially to the diversity of collective identities. A pluralist profile with public usage favours the presence of multiple identities and the public use of more than one language, but is not open to accommodation or to diversified collective identities, while having a medium attraction for social relations between different persons. The fifth profile, very pluralist without public usage, is very positive toward all indicators except the public use of more than one language. These profiles illustrate the variability of young people in Quebec toward the democ ratic concept of equality. Thus, in Quebec, a citizenship education curriculum that would focus entirely on intercultural understanding would be missing the mark. Linguistic tensions characterizing Quebecois society are reflected in young people's understanding of equality, and curricular attention would need to be given to social relations between linguistic groups. (62)

Emerging from some degree of fundamental shared democratic values in civil, political, social, and cultural contexts, (63) the relationship between national identities and democratic participation is grounded in moral and affective interactions, personal narratives, and societal norms. (64) Situated within a broad, comprehensive, and inclusive view of citizenship with a focus on multiplicity, (65) an analytical framework of twelve values is proposed on the basis of an analysis of the scholarly and survey literature of what Canadians value. (66) Twelve fundamental values are retained: loyalty, sincerity, openness, civic-mindedness, valuing freedom, valuing equality, respect for self and others, solidarity, self-reliance, valuing the earth, a sense of belonging, and human dignity. (67) For each citizenship value, three other levels of logically inclusive relationships are identified in which principles, dispositions, or democratic concepts are linked as second, third, or fourth order citizenship values. The set of fundamental values proposed to ensure a healthy democracy holds promise for policy and curriculum development. Research is needed, however, to determine the current state of adherence to, and applicability of, these values, as well as their emergence among youth as part of the development of national identities and an understanding of democracy as a principled way of life and as lived experience.

COLLECTIVE IDENTITIES AND CITIZENSHIP

The notion of national identities and multiple belongings is problematized for citizenship education and, philosophically, by an extension of the modernist-postmodernist debate about the referential function of the body. Is collective identity preliminary to citizenship models or does it derive from social policy? Or is collective identity constructed in a tension between them?

The communitarian view considers cultural identities as preliminary to citizenship and to models of society. However, another view considers identity to be primarily a question of situating frontiers. (68) Turning the question of the relationship between culture and the state around, as in a chicken-and-egg problem, this view takes into consideration international experiences as well as current research. Although the communitarian philosophy argues that identity politics become necessary in the face of the absence of recognition or mis-recognition, (69) much research on minorities maintains the complex view that collectivized identities, regardless of their centering on religion, ethnicity, language, race, or other central value, are conditioned by the policies and categories of dominant societies. (70) Constructed primarily in separation, collective identity opposes 'us-them' as one of its fundamental distinctions. Not only is this relationship unstable, moving, and porous, it is also subject to a complex dy namic of struggles and conflicts between groups and social actors. Identity then is more a product of political mobilization and activity than it is the source. Thus, a model must take into consideration the shift of boundaries and cultural markers over time and allow for multiple belongings as a social norm.

Collectivized identities, however, are not entirely derived from sources of socio-political and cultural power. Within constructivist and post-modernist perspectives, identity is framed as a more free-standing entity that establishes patterns of expectations, orders social processes, and drives social organization. (71) Understanding the individual as agent of his or her construction of self and moving beyond juridical and politico-ethical aspects of citizenship, psycho-social aspects of citizenship in a pluralistic democracy can be explored. (72) Given the complexities of multiple identifications, of regulating a common life between citizens, of experiencing solidarity among citizens, and of obtaining services from institutions while being part of them, students in educational institutions would learn to have civil relations and dialogues with each other, to take pride in their school, and to treat each other equally. From this perspective, civic education would give particular attention to the development o f solidarity within common institutions and of a sense of impartial dialogue as part of educational aims.

However, this does not seem to be the case as was revealed in one ethnographic case study. Student councils in four schools in Montreal, two elementary and two secondary ones, were chosen for their contrasting profiles of their student population in terms of ethnicity and poverty. (73) On the basis of interviews with school administrators, teachers with responsibility for the student councils, and participants in the student councils, as well as observations on their functioning, it became clear that student councils in these four schools tended to be perceived by teachers as a means of favouring the active exercice of citizenship. Nonetheless, although the teacher encouraged the students to speak up and to express different points of view, to participate in projects and take responsibility for them, these councils rarely, if ever, participated in decision and policy making dealing with the functioning of the school, and especially not in the pedagogical dimensions of schooling. Even when there was consultati on on the school code, with one exception, this tended to be somewhat artificial. At the elementary level, student representatives seemed to obtain a sense of power in the organization of student activities without wishing for a concession of power, whereas at the secondary level, student representatives deplored their lack of power with regard to the student code of conduct and pedagogical questions. Nonetheless, the creation of student councils afforded students a voice in the negotiation of school-wide educational projects, cafeteria services, activities in the schoolyard, and of student life. Even so, the equal participation of students in school life would require the deliberate creation of means of consultation and spaces for debates in the school paper and elsewhere. In the absence of such democratic public spaces, especially in the secondary schools, the exercise of active citizenship became the elitist business of a small group of student representatives who made decisions on behalf of the student bo dy. Thus is raised the serious question of the goal of citizenship education, whether it is to develop a critical spirit, to demand and require accountability of elected officials, or to simply let others do it, thus yielding a 'laissez-faire' approach to democracy.

Identities of Postmodern Youth

Within postmodernist perspectives, identities are relational and incomplete, multiple and in process, and constructed through difference. (74) Displaced and dispersed peoples are viewed as "finding ways of being both the same as and different from others amongst which they live," (75) which permits the modern concept of liminality to be used in a new paradigm as referring to dualities of cultural elements being woven into a being, read upon a place at a particular time, without retaining its old meaning of being caught between cultures. Moreover, the meaning of identity changes from being a born problem to the presentation of self in a matrix of social relationships - a pattern of social assertion that significant others recognize and come to expect, in a continuous and dynamic process of forming multiple identifications so as to keep one's options open. (76) The potential of new ethnicities that are post-tribal allows for a capacity to enter into multiple perspectives and to see the same matter from more tha n one point of view. (77) Notions such as transculturalism and new ethnicity imply bicultural fluency and border-crossing abilities and, therefore, increased ability to secure meaning within an increasingly global society. (78) Such blended cultural forms can arise within varied populations, which may or may not lead to manifestations of cultural creativity in conjunction with opposition to school, or which may lead to integration of cultural forms of expression within pro-academic and traditional positionings. (79)

CONTINENTAL EUROPEAN STUDIES OF YOUTH

From such perspectives, it is impossible to speak of youth as a collective singular in the sense of a subject consistently adopting a more or less unified position. The internal divisions between youth are as strong as they are between adults, in their attitudes, in their politics, and in their figurative discourse. Since identities are life-politics, there is, however, a general tendency to shift away from the collective and institutional paradigm of established forms of politics. Instead there is a wide and colourful spectrum of views and mobile political spaces, as elucidated, for example, in the essays of youthful students in countries around the Baltic Sea. (80)

Set in Vienna, another study focuses on narratives and strategies of identity among young people in group discussions. Encounters among youth from different cultural, ethnic, and social contexts and with different expectations produce diasporic public spheres, which are neither predominantly emancipatory nor fully controlled, but rather emerging, and therefore contested. These challenge common conceptual dichotomies and modernist models of identity, revealing the complex topography and dynamics of identity as well as situated hierarchies of different sources of identity. (81)

A study set in Norway among marginalized ethnic minority youth transcends the gap between modern and postmodern approaches to identity construction by dwelling upon the dimensions of groundedness and of forms of life, including social bonding, and not just of deconstruction, of ambivalence, and difference. (82) The youth in question saw the media and politicians as nourishing and reproducing stereotypes about immigrants, in which ethnic stereotypes are understood as deeply ingrained within broadly shared stocks of common knowledge. The political and administrative consciousness about pluralism, together with the multi-ethnic composition of the population, contributed to diminish the relevance of colour, ethnicity, and religion as imperative boundary markers in social interaction. In terms of recognition and misrecognition in inter-ethnic spaces, three strategies of recognition for proving one's sameness with others and attempting to neutralize the minority stigmata were found: the role of the good pupil/good sportsman or Compensator; the role of Mediator, and the role of the Real Man, for example. by the Tiger in the Street context, as an attempt to redefine the relevant markers for status through revolt and violent behaviour. In late adolescence, related experiences of being 'Othered' became embedded in a larger moral project of searching for self and were reinterpreted as the consequence of an increasing awareness of how the media, especially, affirm and energize the boundary between the minority and majority population. The identity work of minority youth, as was reflected in their narratives, was characterized by instances of misrecognition and a more general vulnerability than in majority Norwegian youth, experiences that reduce the minority youth in the sense of homogeneity and in terms of identity-shaping personhood, a negative process which was dealt with by the minority youth by means of cultural creativity emanating from boundary reproduction in society at large. Conditioned by the Norwegian society, th is identity work and cultural creativity are nonetheless an indication of the increasing ethnification of society, related to an incapacity to take into consideration the multiple commitments and cultural influences found in each individual. One of the most important goals, then, for a politics of pluralism is to nurture it by bringing attention to the voices within minority networks, seldom heard in other connections, a situation which is likely to produce some 'heroes.'

THE BRITISH CULTURAL STUDIES SCHOOL

Exploring symbolic landscapes, youth tend not to choose traditional factors such as ethnicity, race, religion, but rather factor in choices such as peer groups and sports participation as part of their 'imaginary audience.' The latter offer the immediacy of instant peer relations and of rapidly moving physical activity in structured places as means of interconnecting, especially among boys. In symbolic and familiar landscapes, there are forbidden spaces where youth tend not to go but which are fascinating and terrifying, interzones between safety and danger, the known and the unknown, sites for the staging of both adventure and horror stories. (83) The sense of living in a dangerous place is linked to awareness of economic decline and political marginality, fears that may focus on newcomers as dangerous strangers which may be linked in turn to notions of incivility. (84) The dualities which young people express concern the double assignation of the local as sites of exclusive appropriation and shared belongin g, mirroring a double articulation of the national, feeling at home in the local and yet less so in the national. Claims for youth community as multicultural and for cultural integration and picturing differences in styles could be made while still excluding particular sections of the local community. Having fixed points of reference as essentialist categories provides a sense of security as young adolescents begin to engage in complex kinds of identity work required to get their bearings in the wider social structure. (85)

Two British studies illustrate the complex interplay and dualities of negotiation of multiple and contested identities. A London-based study of young people in two neighbourhoods examined the way experience is mediated and patterned by the interplay between spaces of racial identity and the identity of 'racist' places. The interplay between physical, cultural, and political geography characterizes complex struggles over belonging, conflict, and entitlement embedded in particular localities, that in turn regulate access to local amenities and resources. The 'real' of race. crime, and violence is both what escapes collective representation and what inscribes these experiences within structures of power that in turn shape the deeper, more unconscious reaches of the social imagination about the causes and effects of urban disorder. (86) In another British study, young Muslim women challenge dominant discourses and representations about their ethnicities through dress, music, and television. (87) Negotiating diffe rently the spaces in the local school and neighbourhood, these young women use traditional dress styles of Islamic culture or the dominant 'English clothes' to portray the identities they wish to express, depending on the context. Trying to interpret such data as being 'caught between two cultures' fails to do justice to the complexity of the young women's lives and of their sense of agency and choice, as they are involved in negotiating and redefining old and new cultures, strategically challenging the dominant discourse and representations through dress.

Exploring embodiment and space in British and Finnish schools, another study examined three layers of schooling. (88) The official level includes the formal hierarchies and curriculum; the informal, the informal hierarchies - the application and interpretation of rules as well as social interactions occurring outside classrooms. The physical school encompasses the embodiment of the official and informal levels, with the focus on the school as physical space. It is in the third school context that identity practices and processes take place, which shape and are shaped by the practices and processes that produce differentiation. The adolescents' movements are organized according to routinized time-space paths, influenced in part by rules. customs, and architecture. The young people look for snatches of privacy or places to call their own in the school, and tend to avoid spaces of the official schools (classrooms, main office) where their behaviours and interactions may be under regulation, with the exception of some classrooms. Seating patterns in classrooms, stations, and hangouts are differentiated along gendered and ethnic lines. The multiplicity of identities in postmodern times means that young people have different understandings of place, locally and globally, and use it differentially. (89)

CANADIAN STUDIES OF YOUTH, CULTURE, AND RACE

The variability of any individual adolescent assigns differing meanings to various acts, gestures, relationships, and events, over time and place. (90) Culture, like identity, is an ongoing, ambivalent, and often contradictory process, evidenced in the ways young people talk. Discourses act upon people, both students and teachers, but individuals also rework discourses in different ways. Some discourses are more persistent; some, like the discourses of the popular cultures of youth, are more elusive. Recognizing schools as a discursive space with the potential for duality of action and structures (91) and of spatial practices, (92) also recognizes that the engagement of multiple identifications and affiliations are central to the construction of race, culture, identity, and gender which cannot be divorced from the larger social context of the global city wherein schools are located, as illustrated in several Canadian studies.

In an anthropological case study of young people in a Toronto inner city high school, students live their identities through social relations. They defend themselves discursively in group meetings in arguing about race, sex, and the double play of race and gender:

They have secrets, desires, and fantasies about race, culture, and identity that are not always consistent and coherent. The passion of identity or the passion for identity means there are strong feelings about who they admire or how they come to be. They work with representations, both negative and positive, through which they imagine themselves, but know how to discard them or refuse their disciplinary effects. They live with inconsistencies and contradictions of building youthful identities rather than shattering under their effects. All of this suggests that students are making themselves in relation to others, and identity in this sense is always relational. (93)

The identity construction of visible minority youth and the interaction of various aspects of youth identities with socialization at schools are explored in a multidisciplinary study revealing how race, ethnicity, and culture relate to the school of immigrant youth, and black youth in Canada in particular. Based in part on focus groups conducted with black youth in Alberta, the perceptions of Others, in the form of an unwelcomed 'gaze' which monitors and controls social spaces and interactions, affects the construction of racialized identities. As a result, these youth choose to spend time with friends from the same racial/ethnic group for increased comfort and shared understanding, as did other peer groups within the school, thus revealing hierarchies among groups. As a result of being Othered in school, the youth reproduce racialized meanings of black identities. Like the other Canadian study, social networks of youth reveal how they reinforce boundaries of race and ethnicity at one moment, then transgress them the next. Both studies observe the constraints and empowering aspects of categories of race, identity, and culture, as negotiated and interpreted by themselves for their own social and political purposes.

The identity formation of the immigrant youth set in Calgary focuses on a posited strategic competence, manifested across a number of phenomena, including spatiality, associativity, discursivity, and developmental tasks. Data has been collected in the form of mental maps of spaces occupied and walkabouts of those spaces; sociograms and geneograms; reading comprehension; biographies of learning; developmental tasks; autobiographies of moving, as well as mini-interviews and in-depth interviews. Current interpretations make links between successful and unsuccessful strategies in learning to read English as a second language, and strategies for connecting with self and others over time and in lived places, in real and imagined landscapes. Analytic, rational strategies preferred by advanced readers are also those used to articulate their mental representations of their spaces, just as a combination of such strategies with contextualized ones result in images that favour human interaction as well as abstraction and categorization of their spaces. By comparison, unsuccessful readers of low proficiency, regardless of time depth in the country, use wild guessing and foreground themselves in their drawings, to the detriment of any analysis of their surroundings, of themselves or of others. (94) A recently completed study of liminality draws on this data to provide support for both modernist and postmodernist perspectives. (95)

An ongoing study among minority and majority youth in Montreal sees their reported participation in civil society in terms of efficacy and confidence as mitigated by class distinctions. Both groups of young people share the same general view of society, and yet the lower class youth, both minority and majority, feel more constricted and thus less enabled to participate in broader societal discourses and activities than the middle-class youth. (96)

AMERICAN STUDIES OF MULTIPLE IDENTITIES IN SCHOOL SETTINGS

The meanings of social categories can vary substantially across school settings, with significant implications for academic engagement. (97) Students in a California high school challenge social categories constructed by schools. Some project an identity that is both pro-academic and oppositional while it is, at the same time, subject to strong disciplinary policies which limit the ability to project and assert such an identity. Others participate in advanced classes which can enable the realization of political goals while experiencing feelings of isolation and dependency, leading to a reduction in academic engagement. Still others observe and reproduce social categories created by schools which divide students into the successful and the deviant, shifting from one category to the next to appear to be the stereotype of disengaged oppositional youth, or maintaining the former category at the expense of personal desires and feelings. Yet others respond to and utilize speech acts that distinguish minoritized id entities from school achievement to combat powerfully negative messages encountered about their ethnic or racial backgrounds. Such studies reveal that oppositional identities are not synonymous with academic failure, that accommodation is not the only route to academic success, and that opposition can be communicated in various and multiple ways. Assimilation, imitation, or assuming the role of the rebellious exotic are not the only available options. Among others are unconventional oppositional identities which question and confront stereotypes and presumptions. Student ideologies and behaviours do not emanate only from historically derived perceptions of economic and political opportunity structures, but also from daily experiences within institutional settings. The implications of students' voices and fluid identities challenge contemporary theories of race and ethnicity, the content and form of the multicultural curriculum, the curricular organization of schools, and approaches to student discipline.

GAPS IN THE CANADIAN RESEARCH LITERATURE

Youth engage in identity work that is fundamental to adolescence as a life stage of its own. With such work, they negotiate places, times, and relationships in a variety of landscapes. In the Canadian research literature, little work has yet been carried out in systematic and comprehensive ways to explore these notions with respect to multiple youthful identities from postmodernist perspectives. Building the capacity to carry out such research means developing a cadre of interconnected and collaborative researchers who push the boundaries of social science research and who consciously draw on different research methodologies and disciplinary traditions (98) to develop a lexicon of identity. Preferred means of doing so would necessitate examining and developing the ability to read and interpret imaginary worlds, transculturalism and new ethnicities, difference as commonplace, cultural landscapes, and creative ways of negotiating, participating, relating, symbolizing, knowing, opposing, resisting, and engaging, all as part of belonging and becoming.

Researching Landscapes

To research youthful landscapes would require moving beyond traditional imaginary societies such as the nation-state or native region to consider other imaginary worlds which can arise. (99) According to Appadurai, five imaginary landscapes locate identity formation. The ethno-landscape refers to real but unstable and fluid cross-border contacts between friends, tourists, fellow students, coworkers, and immigrants. The techno-landscape refers to technology which is unplaceable, defying physical borders. Without regard for physical place or place of application, technology breaks down human spatial consciousness, geography, and architecture and the aesthetic world of imagination as well as social and political relationships and modern foundations of identity. The financial landscape refers to the world of money and capital transfers, where many virtual manoeuvres relating to values incomprehensible to most citizens take place. The ideological landscape means the non-committed or non-participatory dimension whi ch, for Appadurai, restricts politics to organizations, leaders, and governmental procedures such as international agreements, policing, or political democracy. The media landscape includes multi-formed and multi-valued short and often generalized narratives of the media and the industry of arts and culture. As the basis for projection, if attempts are made to reproduce stereotypical lifestyles in new contexts, these come to signify interpretation and the birth of new styles. Based on the writings of young people in countries around the Baltic Sea, another horizon is added as a basic risk and learning process; the ecological landscape refers to nature, especially as it concerns ecological balance and discussion of the basic meaning of life. (100)

Researching Transculturalism and New Ethnicities

To research transculturalism and new ethnicities would require a focus on young people's own views and stories of themselves and others. Interdisciplinary studies could examine perceptions of what is real, rational, affective, and imaginary. More specifically, explorations are needed of making, using, and blending cultural symbols; of conventional and youth cultural styles; of negotiating intercultural and common! public places; of balancing conflicting urban and cultural geographies and how these shape everyday practices of precaution and adventure; of the construction of safe and dangerous places; of mental maps of spaces and associative practices: of embodiment of places: of democratic values and patterns of participation; of ways of crossing social borders and categories; of the influence of factors of choice and non-choice; of the interplay between ways of knowing that circulate globally, traditionally, and locally; and especially of youth's own narratives on the construction of self and of others. Studi es of meta-cognitive strategic competence among adolescents from a diversity of backgrounds. as linked with other identity shaping phenomena, would add to our knowledge base of how young people solve the 'problem' of identity production and deal with issues of not having a home to go back to, dimensions of deconstruction, ambivalence, alienation, and resistance, as well as dimensions of groundedness, of the acquisition of social networks and social capital, (101) and forms of life.

In terms of schooling, research in Canadian schools is needed on the expression of transcultural identities that create a social and political base for individuals who challenge the equation of 'fitting in' and the heavy reliance on individualism and self-reliance rather than on a willingness to help others, all as part of academic engagement; on curricula

* that ask students to examine critically the making and enforcement of social borders.

* that focus on consistency between implicit and explicit messages, and

* that provide for the development of strategic competencies for learning how to learn and how to become;

on models of classrooms and teacher education that are democratic and empowering; as well as on the influences between multiple identifications and transparent administrative styles and pedagogies that are accountable to cultural communities. Situated in studies of transnationalism and economic realities, research is also needed on the influences of novels, films, and other cultural representations on youthful lives and conceptions of self and others, on political stances and positionings, and more generally on the identity work of essence to adolescence as a life-stage. And finally, research is needed on the meanings of socio-educational policies, programs. and projects that focus schooling on the centrality of identity formation, the development of strategic competencies for learning and becoming, and the relocation of learning within a broader process of construction of self and of society for the world we want in the context of economic, political, and communicative globalization.

Theoretical Problems

In the theorization of the subject and identity, some problems remain to be resolved, as Stuart Hall points out. (102) In deconstructing key concepts such as gender, culture, race, and ethnicity, putting them under erasure, indicating that they are no longer serviceable when there is nothing else available to think with, means continuing to think with them, but to think differently, without using them with their original meanings or in their original paradigms and theories. Cancelling them allows them to go on being read, as if in a form of double writing, a code in which meaning is in the interval between the inversion. Identity is such a concept, operating in the interval between reversal and emergence. We can no longer think of it in the old way, as a problem, and yet certain questions cannot be raised at all without it. Secondly, although the question of agency in relation to a politics of location is central, what is crucially needed is a theory of discursive practice, requiring a reconceptualization to attempt the rearticulation of the question of identification, lodged in contingency, subjectification, and the politics of exclusion. Thus identity work among youth entails discursive practices, the marking of symbolic boundaries, and the production of frontiers and their crossing, so as to consolidate the process.

Furthermore, still according to Hall, the body is radically deconstructed in this new conception of power, and is reconstructed in terms of its historical, genealogical, and discursive formations at the intersection of multiple disciplinary practices. However, this is problematic for several reasons. Methodologically, as implied above, discursive practices are notoriously unstable, contradictory, and contingent, which renders this type of analysis, if entirely exclusive to a corpus of data, unreliable theoretically. Thus a theory of discursivity is required. Conceptually, as Hall notes, this bodily deconstruction suggests that nothing, not even the body, is sufficiently stable for self-recognition or the understanding of others. This however fails to recognize that this is precisely "how the body has served to function as the signifier of the condensation of subjectivities in the individual"; this stabilizing function can hardly be dismissed. Invoking the body as the resting place of theories and disciplinary practices appears to resolve the relationship between the individual, the subject, and the body when, in fact, it fractures and disperses. A more well-established critique has to do with theorizing resistance within theories of power, such as Foucault's, in which the conception of the subject is self-policing and no attention is given to what might interrupt, prevent, or disturb the insertion of individuals into the subject positions constructed by such discourses. What is not theorized adequately are psychic responses or interior mechanisms that might be produced or fail, or be resisted or negotiated. As a result, the efficacy of disciplinary power is overestimated and the individual body is poorly understood, for postmodernism cannot account for experiences that occur outside of the realm of the body. What becomes necessary, as Foucault later realized, is to look for forms and modalities by which the individual recognizes him/herself as a subject, that is, in a relation of self to an other, a territory tha t belongs to the problematics of identity. (103)

From the Dark Side of Studies of Youth and Culture

A persistent bias permeates a decade of research on the negative aspects of adolescence, such as risk-taking and adolescent turmoil, especially in the case of minority youth. (104) Yet society has two responsibilities toward adolescents. One is to search for the pieces of the adolescence puzzle that are still unknown and the other is to use the knowledge and more complex understandings of this stage of life to better facilitate and nurture adolescents' development. (105) There is still insufficient research on adolescents' minds and on their desire to devote life careers to the pursuit of new ideas and social reforms. (106) Interdisciplinary and collaborative research is at the core of a more comprehensive, complex, and complete approach to adolescence. It is critical for the fields of psychology, sociology, cultural studies, and educational research to come together for greater insights to enrich science and society.

Youth research has often reflected the marginalized position of young people in society and has had little impact on state policy within the discourse of governance. (107) Youth services similarly receive severe cuts whenever populist administrative knives are poised, and many youth workers, including teachers, eschew theoretically grounded approaches. In most European countries other than Britain and its former colonies, including Canada and the USA. youth groups and movements have played a decisive role in nation-wide decision making historically, and issues of youth policy are addressed as important topics by mainstream politicians and major intellectuals.

The youth question is potentially at the cutting edge of interdisciplinary enquiry in the human and social sciences. It has an important role to play in reconstituting the problematics of identity and modernity. It may also serve to focus policy debates around the nexus of social contradiction in post-colonial states. But until we transcend the narrow empirical nature of most youth transition studies typical of modernist perspectives, the youth question will remain side-lined.

It is time that youth research takes its rightful place as a major site of theoretical and empirical research in the human and social sciences, but this will necessitate a more productive dialogue between different perspectives. One possible approach is to build bridges between youth studies and other disciplines such as cultural studies in order to advance research and policy beyond these limitations. Greater interdisciplinarity and a wider empirical base will require more strenuous intellectual engagement to sustain creative synthesis. The youth question is an important and potentially productive site of theoretical and policy innovation.

CONCLUSIONS: RECOMMENDATIONS AND LINKS TO POLICY

There is doubt, and with doubt, comes hope. Anyone who doubts is struggling against false certainty, non-ambiguity, and the either-or. Once appearing as a weakness in cultures of faith and certainty, doubting now becomes a virtue, the launching point of productivity, to which everything larger than life and generally accepted is alien because it negates the ultimate standards of humankind: reservations, uncertainty, and 'yes-but.' (108)

Attempting to develop a research capacity in Canada for policy making necessitates raising doubts about the efficacy of current multiculturalism policy and suggests that a reconsideration of multicultural policy as it was formulated within modernist perspectives is required, for it promised much and delivered little. (109) Since its inception, the academic and media debate on multiculturalism has increased exponentially. The curriculum industry equally expanded without much evidence of the latter activity building upon a research base generated by the former, and yet the lives of minority students have changed very little. In order to address adequately the impact of structural racism on students' lives, their social and economic futures, as well as the postmodern accounts of identities as multiple, contingent, and subject to rapid change, a more complex view of wider social and cultural power relations is necessary, as is a better theorization of multicultural education as critical to social and educational policy.

A broad radical democratic alliance (small 'a') of anti-racist/multicultural educators and critical pedagogy theorists, which has only just begun in Britain, is also necessary in Canada and in the United States. (110) In all three countries, the distancing between these positions and the similarity of the criticism from reactionary commentators pressures scholars and activists alike to adopt a more contingent, situational account of racism, ethnicity, culture, and identity. In Canada, a polyethnic and multinational state, serious attention must be given to globalization in its many dimensions (economic, social, cultural, religious, and political) and its impact on our country; on the changing nature of work and school: its historical and contemporary links with racism and colonialism; and the differential distribution of social and political power among ethnic, cultural, and social groups. Multiculturalism policy and education are linked to debates in social science theory concerning the historical constructi on of 'nation-states'; the central role of language and education in perpetuating a common civic culture; the more plural alternatives implied by a politics of multiculturalism in terms of public representation; and the balance between pluralism and the need for social cohesion.

The key to the reconceptualization of multicultural education and multicultural policy is to incorporate both a critical and a non-essentialist approach to cultural difference. (111) A liberal muulticulturalism is concerned with sameness in a belief that individuals from diverse race, class, and gender groups share a natural equality and more commonalities than differences. Inequalities of position across groups is typically viewed as due to a lack of social and educational opportunities. Critiques of this view of multiculturalism focus on the unexamined nature of sameness, of the discourse of diversity, but of assimilation to white male (Eurocentric) culture as the norm. While still addressing multiculturalism as a problem to be resolved, it neglects to recognize unequal power distribution and webs of power in which operate race. class, and gender. Moreover, liberal multicultural educators tend to hold the view that they "can bring about an unspecified change without either clarifying the nature of the chang e or understanding the historical, social and epistemological dimensions of all educational metamorphosis." (112) Pluralist multiculturalism focuses on difference and diversity of values. In education, this means learning about the values, knowledge, beliefs, and behaviours of various groups. This position calls for multicultural literacy, building pride in heritage and in cultural differences. Some of the characteristics of liberal multiculturalism are shared: both fail to problematize whiteness and Eurocentric norms, to decontextualize race and gender. Critiques of this conception of multiculturalism point out that it cannot deliver the promised emancipation: that it confuses psychological affirmation with political empowerment, then fails to see the power-grounded relationships between identity construction, cultural representations, and struggles over resources. (113) A left-essentialist multiculturalism does not recognize the historical situatedness of cultural differences. Since identity formation is so cially constructed, it is constantly shifting in relation to unstable discursive and ideological formations. Moreover, an essentialist approach tends to romanticize the historical past, often connecting it to a time when the essence of a particular identity was developed as if it transcends the forces of history, social context, and power.

Based in the critical theory of the Frankfurt school of the 1920s, a critical multiculturalism is concerned with how domination takes place, the way human relations are shaped in the workplace, in schools, and in everyday life. Critical theory promotes self-reflection that results in changes of perspective, whereas critical pedagogy helps students and teachers to understand how schools work by exposing students to sorting processes and power involvement within the curriculum. Class is a central concern as it interacts crucially to contextualize race, gender, and other axes of power giving rise to inequalities. Within this perspective, cultural reproduction consists of ways in which individuals produce, revamp, and reproduce meanings in a context constantly shaped and reshaped by power. This conception of multiculturalism draws upon literature and analytical methods of cultural studies to gain deeper understandings of how race, class, and gender are represented in various social spheres. A critical multicultur alism concerns itself with issues of justice and social change, and their relation to the pedagogical where the term 'pedagogical' refers to the production of identity, i.e., the way we learn to see ourselves in relation to the world. In a curriculum of critical multiculturalism, the diverse resources of each community open the school to a variety of community traditions, histories, and cultures formerly discredited within the school. The stories, the worldviews, the music, the politics, the humour, the art of the hereto marginalized community become a central part of everyday school life, never viewed in isolation or as supplements to the 'real work' of the school but always viewed within the context of the general curriculum. To implement such a curriculum, it is necessary to critically analyze the nature of past-present relationships and to search for new ways of seeing in a variety of spaces. (114)

To situate the development of a research capacity within a critical non-essentialist multicultural perspective, three principles apply. (115) A first step is to unmask and deconstruct the apparent neutrality of civil democracy, i.e., the supposedly universal, neutral set of cultural values and practices that underpin the public sphere of the nation-state. A second key move is to situate these cultural differences within the wider nexus of power relations of which they form a part. The third key move is to maintain a reflexive critique of specific cultural practices that avoids the vacuity of cultural relativism and allows for criticism, transformation, and change, where difference is lived rather than objectified.

Only then could multiculturalism policy benefit from postmodernist research on identities, ethnocultural/racial/religious/linguistic diversity, and education. And only then could such research reciprocally benefit from the framework of policy to examine and further theorize practices.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author wishes to thank Christine Racicot, who provided background notes for this paper and many fruitful discussions of research into identity, culture, youth, and schooling. Her contributions over a three year period have enriched my thinking and I offer her a beautiful bouquet of deeply felt gratitude.

NOTES

(1.) Zygmunt Bauman, "From Pilgrim to Tourist - or a Short History of Identity," in Questions of Cultural Identity, ed. Stuart Hall and Paul du Gay (London: Sage Publications. 1996), 18-36.

(2.) Bauman, "From Pilgrim to Tourist."

(3.) Helen M. Buss, Mapping Our Selves: Canadian Women's Autobiography in English (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993).

(4.) Carmel Camilleri, Joseph Kastersztein, Edmond Marc Lipiansky, Hanna Malewska-Peyre, Isabelle Taboada-Leonetti, and Ana Casquez, Strategies identitaires. (Paris: Presses univeritaires de France, 1990); Ratna Ghosh, Redefining Multicultural Education (Toronto: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1996); Alain Moreau, "Culture de l'entre-deux et adaptation psychique des migrants," in Immigration et integ ration: l'etat des savoirs, dir. Philippe De Witte (Paris: Editions de la Decouverte, 1999), 246-251.

(5.) The concept of liminality was introduced in anthropological theory by Victor Turner, The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1967); see also Homi K. Bhabha, "Culture's In-Between," in Questions of Cultural Identity, 53-60.

(6.) Baumann, "From Pilgrim to Tourist."

(7.) Alan B. Anderson, "Towards a Reconsideration of Theoretical Approaches to Ethnic Identification," (Paper presented in the Ethnic Studies colloquium series, University of Calgary, March 10, 2000).

(8.) E. Shilus, "Primordial, Personal, Sacred and Civil Ties: Some Particular Observations on the Relationships of Sociological Research and Theory," British Journal of Sociology 8(1957); Clifford Geertz, ed. Old Societies and New States (New York: Free Press, 1963).

(9.) D. Bell, "Ethnicity and Social Change," in Ethnicity: Theory and Experience, ed. N. Glazer and D. P. Mognihan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,1975).

(10.) Stephen Cornell and Douglas Hartmann, Ethnicity and Race: Making Identities in a Changing World (Thousand Oaks. CA: Pine Forge Press, 1998).

(11.) W. James, "The Making of Black Identities," in Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, ed. R. Samuel (London and New York: Routledge, 1989); Cornell and Hartmann, Ethnicity and Race (1998).

(12.) For a Canadian example, see Vic Satzewich, ed., Racism and Social Inequality in Canada. (Toronto: Thompson,1998).

(13.) Bauman, "From Pilgrim to Tourist."

(14.) Buss, Mapping Our Selves.

(15.) S. Pile and N. Thrift, eds., Mapping the Subject: Geographies of Cultural Transformation. (London: Routledge, 1995).

(16.) Bauman, "From Pilgrim to Tourist," (1996).

(17.) Hall and du Gay, Questions of Cultural Identity; Phil Cohen, Michael Keith, and Les Back, "Issues of Theory and Method," in Working Papers (New Ethnicities Unit, University of East London and Centre for Urban and Community Research, Goldsmiths University of London, 1996), 1-5.

(18.) Anderson, "Towards a Reconstruction of Theoretical Approaches to Ethnic Identification"; Pnina Werbner and Tariq Modood. eds. Debating Cultural Hybridity: Multi-Cultural Identities and the Politics of Anti-Racism (London: ZED Books, 1997).

(19.) Mette Andersson," 'All Five Fingers are not the Same' Identity Work among Ethnic Minority Youth in an Urban Norwegian Context." (Report 1/2000. IMER Norway/ Bergen, Centre for Social Science Research, University of Bergen, 2000).

(20.) Margaret Mead, Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (New York: New American Library, 1950); Erik Erikson, Identity: Youth and Crisis (New York: Norton, 1968); Traduction en francais: Adolescence et crise: Ia quete d'identite. Paris: Flammarion, 1972); Daniel N. Maltz and Ruth A. Borker, "A Cultural Approach to Male-Female Communication," in Language and Social Identity, ed. John J. Gumperz (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 195-216: D. Elkind, "Egocentrism redux," (Developmental Review 5, 1985): 208-216: J. Mitchell, "The Storm and Stress Debate," in Child Development. Readings for Teachers, ed. Claudio Violato and Anthony Marini (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1989): Frances E. Aboud et Anna-Beth Doyle, "L'identite ethnique: son fondement philosophique et son impact en education." in La question de l'identite: Qui suis-je? red. Christiane Gohier et Michael Schleifer (Montreal: Les Editions Logiques, 1993), 41-60.

(21.) John J. Lounsbury, This We Believe (Columbus, Ohio: National Middle School Association, 1982).

(22.) D. Elkind, The Child's Reality: Three Developmental Themes (Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1978).

(23.) Robert V. Kail and John C. Cavanaugh, Human Development (Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company, 1996).

(24.) Gunn J. Brooks and W. S. Matthew, He and She: How Children Develop their Sex-Role Identity (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1979); M. Goodwin, "Directive-response Speech Sequences in Girls' and Boys' Task Activities," in Women and Language in Literature and Society, ed. S. McConnell-Ginet, R. Borker, and N. Furman (New York: Praeger, 1980); M. Goodwin. "He-said-She-said: Formal Cultural Procedures for the Construction of a Gossip Dispute Activity," American Ethnologist 7, no. 4(1980): 674-695; J. Lever, "Sex Differences in the Games Children Play," Social Problems 23 (1976): 478-483.

(25.) Mary Pipher, Reviving Ophelia. Saving the Selves of Adolescent Girls (New York: Ballantine, 1994).

(26.) J. E. Marcia, "Identity in Adolescence," in Handbook of Adolescent Psychology, ed. J. Adelson (New York: Wiley-Interscience, 1980).

(27.) Ratna Ghosh, "Constructing Identities: The South Asian Experience in Canada," in Multicultural Education: The Challenges and the Future. Report #4. Multicultural Education: State of the Art National Study, ed. Keith A. McLeod (Toronto: Canadian Association of Second Language Teachers, 1996), 80-85.

(28.) Rodrigue Landry, Real Allard, and Raymond Theberge. "School and Family: French Ambiance and the Bilingual Development of Francophone Western Canadians," Canadian Modern Language Review/La revuew canadienne des langues vivantes 47, no. 5(1991): 878-915.

(29.) Frances Henry, Carol Tator, Winston Mattis, and Tim Rees. The Colour of Democracy: Racism in Canadian Society (Toronto: Harcourt Brace & Company, Canada, 1995).

(30.) Amy Gutmann and Charles Taylor. Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994).

(31.) David Miller. "Racial Socialization and Racial Identity: Can They Promote Resiliency for African American Adolescents?" Adolescence 35, no. 135 (1999): 493-501.

(32.) Lucy Tse, "Finding a Place to Be: Ethnic Identity Exploration of Asian Americans," Adolescents 34, no. 133 (1999): 120-137.

(33.) Jennifer Kelly, "Experiences with the White Man: Black Student Narratives," Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes ethniques au Canada 30, no. 2(1998): 95-111; Jennifer Kelly, Under the Gaze: Learning to be Black in White Society (Halifax: Fernwood, 1998); Himani Bannerji, ed. Returning the Gaze:

Essays on Racism, Feminism and Politics (Toronto: Sister Vision Press. 1993); Himani Bannerji, The Dark Side of the Nation: Essays on Multiculturalism. Nationalism and Gender (Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, Inc., 2000).

(34.) Kelly, "Experiences with the White Man"; Under the Gaze.

(35.) Henry et al, The Colour of Democracy.

(36.) David Corson, Language, Minority Education and Gender: Linking Social Justice and Power (Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters Ltd., and Toronto: QISE, 1993); David Corson and Sylvie Lemay, Social Justice and Language Policy in Education: The Canadian Research (Toronto: OISE Press, 1996).

(37.) E. Thornhill. "Fight Racism Starting with the School," Currents: Readings in Race Relations 2, no. 3 (1984): 3-7.

(38.) See, for example, G. Klein, Readings in Racism: Bias in Children's Literature and Learning Materials (New York and London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986); Patrick Solomon, Black Resistance in High School: Forging a Separatist Culture (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992).

(39.) G. Verma and C. Bagley, "Measured Changes in Racial Attitudes Following the Use of Three Different Teaching Methods," in Race, Education and Identity, ed. G. Verma and C. Bosley (London: Macmillan, 1979); Jim Cummins, "From Multicultural to Anti-Racist Education," in Minority Education: From Shame to Struggle, ed. T. Skutnabb-Kangas and J. Cummins (Clevedon. UK: Multilingual Matters, 1988); Stan Shapson, Multicultural Education: A Research Paper to Inform Policy Development (Burnaby, BC: Faculty of Education. Simon Fraser University, prepared for the BCSTA Education Committee. 1990); G. Brandt, The Realization of Anti-Racist Education (London: Falmer Press, 1986).

(40.) Jim Cummins, Bilingualism and Special Education: Issues in Assessment and Pedagogy (Clevedon, England: Multilingual Matters, and San Diego: College Hill Press, 1984); Cummins, "From Multicultural to Anti-Racist Education," in Multicultural Education: Programs and Methods, ed. Ron Samuda and S. L. Kong (Kingston and Toronto: Intercultural Social Sciences Publications, 1986); Carol Tator and Frances Henry, Multicultural Education: Translating Policy into Practice. (Ottawa: Ministry of Multiculturalism and Citizenship, 1991).

(41.) Cummins, "From Multicultural to Anti-Racist Education"; Solomon, Black Resistance in High School; E. Thornhill. "Guidelines for Implementing More Visible Partnerships in Schools," in Multicultural Education: Programs and Methods, ed. Samuda and Kong, 287-294.

(42.) Bernard Schissel. Blaming Children: Youth Crime, Moral Panics and the Politics of Hate (Halifax: Fernwood, 1997); Ann Locke Davidson, Making and Molding Identity in Schools: Student Narratives on Race. Gender, and Academic Engagement (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1996).

(43.) George J. Sefa Dei and Agnes Calliste, eds., with the assistance of Margarida Aguiar, Power, Knowledge and Anti-Racism Education: A Critical Reader (Halifax: Fernwood Publishing, 2000).

(44.) Henry et al, The Colour of Democracy.

(45.) Jean Barman, Yvonne Hebert, and Don McCaskill, eds., Indian Education in Canada. Volume 2: The Challenge (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1987); Marie Battiste and Jean Barman, eds.. First Nations Education in Canada (Vancouver, UBC Press, 1995); Marlene Brant Castellano, Lynne Davis, and Louise Lahache, eds., Aboriginal Education.' Fulfilling the Promise (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2000); Marie Battiste, ed., Reclaiming Indigenous Voices and Vision. (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2000).

(46.) Yvonne Hebert, red. invitee, L'evolution del ecole francophone en milieu minoritaire. Un numero thematique de La Revue Canadienne des Langues Vivantes/Canadian Modern Language Review 49, no. 4(1993).

(47.) Guy Bourgeault, France Gagnon. Marie McAndrew. and Michel Page, "Recognition of Cultural and Religious Diversity in the Educational Systems of Liberal Democracies." in Citizenship in Transformation in Canada, ed. Yvonne Hebert (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, in press).

(48.) Michel Page, Fernand Ouellet, et Luiza Cortesao, reds., L'education a la citoyennete (Sherbrooke: Les Editions du CRP, 2001): John P. Portelli and R. Patrick Solomon, eds. The Erosion of Democracy in Education (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 2001); Yvonne Hebert, ed., Citizenship in Transformation in Canada.

(49.) Ken Osborne identifies and discusses four stages of citizenship education in Canadian schools in his article, "Education is the Best National Insurance: Citizenship Education in Canadian Schools -- Past and Present." Comparative and International Education 25, no. 2 (1996): 31-58; Charles Ungerleider. "Immigration, Multiculturalism and Citizenship: The Development of the Canadian Social Justice Infrastructure," Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes ethniques au Canada 24, no. 3 (1992): 7-22; and Alan Sears, "Instruments of Policy: How the National State Influences Citizenship Education in Canada," Canadian Ethanic Studies/Ethudes ethniques au Canada 29, no. 2(1997): 1-21.

(50.) David R. Macdonald. "Citizenship and Belonging," (Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association, Ottawa. ON, June 1. 1998).

(51.) Michel Page, "Pluralistic Citizenship: A Reference for Citizenship Education," Canadian Ethnic Studies/Ethudes ethniques au Canada 29. no. 2 (1997): 22-31.

(52.) Michel Page, "Three Conceptions of Integration in a Canadian Pluri-Ethnic Society," Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes ethniques au Canada 29, no. 3 (1992): 35-50: Anne Laperriere, "Depasser le racisme? L'experience contrastee de jeunes Montrealais d'origine haitienne," Revue europeenne des migrations internationales 35/83 (1998): 125-140; Laperriere et coll., "L'emergence d'une nouvelle generation cosmopolite?" Revue internationale d'action communautaire 31/71 (1994). 171-184; Laperriere, "Identites et nouveaux rapports sociaux dans les societes pluriethniques." Revue internationale d'action communautaire 31/71 1/71(1994): 7-13: Laperriere et coll., "Mutual Perceptions and Interethnic Strategies among French. Italian and Haitian Adolescents of a Multiethnic School in Montreal," Journal of Adolescent Research, Special Issue on Canadian Research on Adolescence 9, no. 2(1994): 193-217.

(53.) Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998).

(54.) Michel Page, Self and Society: A Comparison of Citizen Profiles of Young Adults in Quebec. New Brunswick and Alberta. Ongoing research project, funded by SSHRC, the Multiculturalism Directorate of the Department. of Canadian Heritage, and Immigration et Metropole.

(55.) D. Massey, Space, Place and Gender (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994); D. Massey. "The Spatial Construction of Youth Cultures." in Cool Places: Geographies of Youth Cultures, ed. T. Skelton and G. Valentine (London: Routledge, 1998), 121-129; T. Uguris, "Gender, Ethnicity and 'The Community': Locations with Multiple Identities," in Global Feminist Politics: Identities in a Changing World, ed. S. Ali, K. Coate and W. wa Goro (London: Routledge, 2000). 49-68.

(56.) T. Gordon and E. Lahelma, "School is like an Ant's Nest: Spatiality and Embodiment in Schools," Gender Education 8, no. 3 (1996): 30 1-330.

(57.) See especially, Paulo Freire, A Pedagogy of Freedom: Ethics, Democracy and Civic Courage (Lanham, MD: Rowland & Littlefield, 1998); Ken Osborne, Teaching for Democratic Citizenship (Montreal: Our Schools/Our Selves, 1991); Yvonne Hebert, "Citizenship Education: Towards a Pedagogy of Social Participation and Identity Formation," Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes ethniques au Canada 29, no. 2 (1997): 82-96.

(58.) Michele Normand et Janine Hohl, "Les droits a l'ecole ou l'ecole des droits?" Les pratiques des droits en classe. Manuscrit, fevrier 2001, 42 pp.

(59.) Andrew S. Hughes, Barbara Hillman, and Neyda H. Long, "Aspects of Children's Understanding of the Concept of Dissent," in Citizenship and Identity: Canadian and International Perspectives, ed. Yvonne Hebert and Anne Laperriere.

(60.) Voir Danielle Juteau, "Les enjeux de la citoyennete: un bilan sociologique." in Les enjeux de la citoyennete. Un bilan multidisciplinaires, dir. H. Black, H. P. Glenn, D. Juteau, et D. M. Weinstock (Montreal : Immigration et Metropoles, 1998), 49-72.

(61.) Voir les premiers ecrits portant sur cette etude comparative entre trois provinces, le Quebec, le Nouveau Brunswick et l'Alberta: Michel Page et Marie-Helene Chastenay, Relation des jeunes citoyens quebecois la diversite ethno-culturelle. Article soumis a la Revue quebecoise de psychologie, 28 pp.; il est a noter qu'une monographie est egalement en preparation.

(62.) Ibid. 19-20.

(63.) The first three domains were inspired by the original Marshallian framework of social citizenship in a national context of relative homogeneity, whereas the addition of the fourth domain expands the context for pluralistic, secular, and modern democracies. For the original discussion of the development of stages of human rights from civic and political to socioeconomic rights, see T. H. Marshall, "Citizenship and Social Class," in The Citizenship Debates: A Reader, ed. Gershon Shafir (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), 93-112.

(64.) Macdonald, "Citizenship and Belonging" (1998); Brian S. Osborne, "Landscapes, Memory, Monuments, and Commemoration: Putting Identity in its Place," Paper commissioned for the Diversity and Identity Seminar, November 1-2, 2001, Halifax, organized by the Department of Canadian Heritage in conjunction with the biennial conference of the Canadian Ethnic Studies Association.

(65.) For a fuller explanation, see Yvonne Hebert and Lori Wilkinson, "The Citizenship Debates: Conceptual, Policy, Reality and Educational Issues," in Citizenship in Transformation. ed. Yvonne Hebert (Forthcoming).

(66.) Lori Wilkinson and Yvonne Hebert, "What Canadian Values?" in Citizenship and Identity; Yvonne Hebert and Lori Wilkinson, "Values for Pluralistic Democratic Societies," in Towards Active Citizenship: Connecting Young Citizens across Europe and the World, ed. Mireia Montane and Yves Beernaert (A Connect initiative by the European Parliament, managed by Education and Culture of the European Commission in Brussels. Barcelona: Universal Forum of Culture, 2001), 59-73.

(67.) The twelve values are currently under reconsideration, for example, loyalty may be part of developing solidarity.

(68.) Didier Lapeyronnie, "De l'alterite a la difference. L'identite, facteur d'integration ou de repli?" in Immigration et integration: L'etat des savoirs, dir. Philippe Dewitte (Paris: Editions La Decouverte, 1999), 252-259, 253.

(69.) Charles Taylor. "The Politics of Recognition." Chapter 12 in Philisophical Arguments, Charles Taylor (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995), 225-256.

(70.) Philippe Dewitte, dir. Immigration et integration: l'etat des savoirs. (Paris: Editions La Decouverte, 1999); Leo Driedger, Multi-Ethnic Canada: Identities and Inequalities. (Toronto/New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); Yvonne Hebert with Rani Murji. "Collectivized Identity Among Shi'a Imami Isma'ili Muslims of Calgary: Implications for Pluralism and Policy." To appear in Youth in the Plural City: Individualized and Collectivized Identities, ed. Yngve G. Lithman and Mette Andersson (Oxford: Berg Publishers); Guy Bourgeault, France Gagnon, Marie McAndrew, et Michel Page. "Recognition of Cultural and Religious Diversity in the Educational Systems of Liberal Democracies," in Citizenship in Transformation in Canada. ed. Yvonne Hebert.

(71.) Judith Lorber. Paradoxes of Gender. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994).

(72.) Michel Page, "Citoyennete et pluralisme des valeurs," in Pluralisme, citoyennete et education. ed. F. Gagnon, M. McAndrew. et M. Page (Montreal: Harmattan, 1996), 165188; Michel Page, "Pluralistic Citizenship: A Reference for Citizenship Education," Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes ethniques au Canada 29, no. 2 (1997): 22-31.

(73.) Caroline Tessier et Marie McAndrew, "Citoyennete en milieu scolaire et conseils d'etudiants : une etude exploratoire dans quatre ecoles montrealaises, dans L education a la citoyennete, dir. Michel Page, Fernand Ouellet. et Luiza Cortesao (Sherbrooke: Editions du CRP, 2001), 187-200.

(74.) Stuart Hall, "Old and New Identities, Old and New Ethnicities," in Culture. Globalization and the World-System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity. ed. A. D. King (London: Macmillan, 1991), 41-68; S. Hall, "The Local and the Global: Globalization and Ethnicity," in Culture. Globalization and the World-System, 19-39; S. Hall, "Who Needs 'Identity'?," in Questions of Cultural Identity, 1-17.

(75.) Hall, "New Cultures for Old," in A Place in the World? Places. Culture and Globalizations, ed. D. Massey and P. Jess (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 175-213.

(76.) Davidson, Making and Molding Identity in Schools. (1996): Bauman, "From Pilgrim to Tourist" (1996).

(77.) M. Novak, "Pluralism in Humanistic Perspective," in Concepts of Ethnicity, ed. W. Peterson, M. Novak, and P. Gleason (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1980), 27-56.

(78.) Davidson, Making and Molding Identity in Schools.

(79.) G. Anzaldua, Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza (San Francisco: Spinsters/Aunt Lute Book Company, 1987); G. Spindler and L. Spindler, Dreamers with Power: The Menominee Indian. (Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, 1984); Spindler and Spindler, "The Processes of Culture and Person: Cultural Therapy and Culturally Diverse Schools." in Renegotiating Cultural Diversity in American School, ed. P. Phelan and A. L. Davidson (New York: Teachers College Press, 1993), 27-51; D. E. Foley, "Reconsidering Anthropological Explanations of School Failure." Anthropology and Education Quarterly 22, no. 1 (1991): 60-86.

(80.) Kari Paakkunainen. "Citizens' Identity and Disintegrating Nationalities in the Rhetoric of Youth Living by the Baltic Sea." Paper presented in the Main Theme Session. "Supranational Integration and National Sovereignty in the 21st Century" XVIIIth World Congress of Political Science (Quebec City, August 1-5. 2000), 36 pp.

(81.) Hakan Gurses, Barbara Herzon-Punzenberger, Karl Reiser, Sabine Strasser and Dilek Cinar, "The Necessary Impossibility: Dynamics of Identity Among Young People of Different Backgrounds in Vienna," Journal of International Migration and Integration 2, no. 1(2001): 27-54.

(82.) Mette Andersson. "'All Five Fingers are not the Same' Identity Work among Ethnic Minority Youth in an Urban Norwegian Context." (Report 1/2000. IMER Norway/ Bergen, Centre for Social Science Research. University of Bergen. 2000).

(83.) Phil Cohen. "Strange Encounters: Adolescent Geographies of Risk and the Urban Uncanny," Finding the Way Home: Working Papers, 3 (London: Centre for New Ethnicities Research, University of East London; and Centre for Urban and Community Research, 1999), 38 pp.

(84.) S. Smith, Crime, Space and Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); S. Smith, The Politics of Race and Residence (Cambridge: Polity, 1989).

(85.) Les Back, Phil Cohen, and Michael Keith, "Between Home and Belonging: Critical Ethnographies of Race, Place and Identity," Finding the Way Home Working Papers, 2. (London: Centre for New Ethnicities Research, University of East London and Centre for Urban and Community Research, Goldsmiths College University of London, 1999); M. Hirschfield, Race in the Making (London: MIT Press, 1996), 42 pp.

(86.) Back, Cohen and Keith, "Between Home and Belonging," 37.

(87.) C. Dwyer, "Contested Identities: Challenging Dominant Representations of Young British Muslim Women," in Cool Places: Geographies of Youth Cultures, 50-65.

(88.) T. Gordon and E. Lahelma, "School is like an Ant's Nest: Spatiality and Embodiment in Schools," Gender Education 8, no. 3(1996): 301-330.

(89.) Massey, Space. Place and Gender (1994): Massey. "The Spatial Construction of Youth Cultures." in Cool Places: Geographies of Youth Cultures, 121-129; and T. Uguris, "Gender, Ethnicity and 'The Community': Locations with Multiple Identities." in Global Feminist Politics: Identities in a Changing World, 49-68.

(90.) Daniel Yon, Elusive Culture: Schooling. Race, and Identity in Global Times (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2000).

(91.) Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982).

(92.) Michel de Certeau, The Practices of Everyday Life, translation by S. Rendall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).

(93.) Yon, Elusive Culture, 131.

(94.) Yvonne Hebert, Wen-shya Jennifer Lee, Rolande Parel, and Christine Racicot, "English Second Language Learning and Identity Formation," Invited Major Paper prepared for the annual conference of the Japanese Association of College English Teachers (JACET), September 14-16, Sapporo, Japan.

(95.) Christine Racicot, Immigrant Youth in the Schoolyard: Identity, Liminality and Belonging. MA thesis, Faculty of Education, University of Calgary, December 2001, 105 pp.

(96.) Anne Laperriere, telephone conversation, September 27, 2001.

(97.) Davidson, Making and Molding Identity in Schools (1996).

(98.) Yvonne M. Hebert, "Representation de la femme en tant qu'objet et agent de recherche," Encounters on Education/Encuentros sobre education/Rencontres sur l'education 2 (2001): 145-160.

(99.) Arjun Appadurai. "Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy." Public Culture 2, no. 2: 1-24.

(100.) Added to the list of possible imaginary landspaces by Kari Paakkunainen, "Citizens' Identity and Disintegrating Nationalities in the Rhetoric of Youth Living by the Baltic Sea," (Paper presented in the Main Theme Session entitled: 'Supranational Integration and National Sovereignty in the 21st Century' XVII World Congress of Political Science, Quebec City, August 1-5, 2000).

(101.) Kenise Murphy Kilbride, "A Review of the Literature on the Human, Social and Cultural Capital of Immigrant Children and their Families with Implications for Teacher Education," Manuscript, 2000. http://www.ceris.metropolis.net/Virtual%20Library/education/kilbride2 .html.

(102.) Stuart Hall, "Introduction: Who Needs Identity?," in Questions of Cultural Identity, 1-17.

(103.) See pp. 11-16 in Hall, "Introduction: Who Needs Identity?" (1996); Michel Foucault, Discipline and Power (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977) and The Care of Self (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1988).

(104.) Saba Ayman-Nolley and Lora L. Taira. "Obsession with the Dark Side of Adolescence: A Decade of Psychological Studies," Journal of Youth Studies 3, no. 1 (2000): 35-48.

(105.) Ayman-Nolley and Taira, "Obsession with the Dark Side of Adolescence."

(106.) Jean Piaget and B. Inhelder, The Psychology of the Child. (New York; Basic Books, 1969).

(107.) Phil Cohen and Pat Ainley, "In the Country of the Blind?: Youth Studies and Cultural Studies in Britain." Journal of Youth Studies 3 no.1 (2000): 79-95.

(108.) Paakkunainen, "Citizens' Identity and Disintegrating Nationalities in the Rhetoric of Youth Living by the Baltic Sea"; Ulrich Beck, Kinder der Freiheit: Wider das lamento uber den Wertenfall (1997); Zygmunt Baumann, Globalization: The Human Consequences (New York, 1998); Paakkunainen. Citizens' Identity and Disintegrating Nationalism in the Rhetoric of Youth.

(109.) Stephen May, "Introduction: Towards Critical Multiculturalism," in Critical Multiculturalism: Rethinking Multicultural and Antiracist Education, ed. Stephen May (London and Philadephia: Falmer Press, 1999), 1-10.

(110.) May, "Introduction: Towards Critical Multiculturalism."

(111.) May, "Critical Multiculturalism and Cultural Difference: Avoiding Essentialism," in Critical Multiculturalism. 11-41.

(112.) Joe L. Kincheloe and Shirley R. Steinberg, Changing Multiculturalism (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1997), 13.

(113.) Kincheloe and Steinberg, 16-17.

(114.) Kincheloe and Steinberg, 23-26, 237, 240 and 246.

(115.) May, Critical Multiculturalism and Cultural Difference, 30-35; Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture.

Yvonne Hebert specializes in cultural issues in education. She produced the first books on aboriginal education in Canada, still widely cited, and developed the innovative General Language Education syllabus as part of a new curriculum framework for second language education. Adding identity and alterity to her interests as a result of her teaching, administrative, and developmental work, her current research projects focus on identity formation of immigrant youth, education in a francophone minority context, and citizenship education, especially citizenship values and national identity. Her next book. Citizenship in Transformation in Canada, is due to appear in Fall 2002 with the University of Toronto Press. She continues to provide committed leadership in a number of national and international research and professional organizations.
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