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In April 1946 the University Daily Kansan, the student newspaper at the University of Kansas, published a series of ads called "Speaking for America." The ad campaign featured famous Americans who glorified the troops of all colors and religions who had won World War II and reminded their fellow Americans that the country's future success must include that mix. General Dwight D. Eisenhower, for example, lauded the victorious "mixture of races, of creeds" whose efforts during World War II had brought American democracy to the world.(1) Comedian Bob Hope echoed Eisenhower's sentiments, telling Kansas students, "You know, one thing the guys overseas caught on to in a hurry was that a buddy's race, religion or ancestry just didn't matter."(2) Actress Judy Garland told students that "It takes all the people--black and white, Catholic, Jewish and Protestant, recent immigrants and Mayflower descendants--to make up America."(3) Each celebrity hoped, by reminding America that all of its citizens had contributed to the victory, to diminish the color line that continued to separate blacks from whites in American public and social spaces.

Students at a number of universities across the nation responded to this message. Universities and colleges had been particularly affected by the war, especially its draft, which targeted college-age men. That influence continued after the war ended when, between 1945 and 1948, the recent war experiences, postwar idealism, and a national rhetoric of democracy for all provided the impetus for a new civil rights movement on campuses nationwide. The emphasis on the war as a mission to bring cherished American ideals of democracy to other countries spurred some students, faculty, and college-town residents to confront the racial injustice existing in their own communities. Ad campaigns such as "Speaking for America" coupled with local discriminatory practices, reminded some at campuses around the country that continued segregation contradicted the war's ideals and rhetoric. In response, they set out to erase the color line and to make democracy a living, breathing entity in their postwar world.(4)

The University of Kansas and the community of Lawrence are illustrative of this larger, national movement. In Lawrence, reformers created two new groups, the Lawrence League for the Practice of Democracy (LLPD) and a local chapter of the Congress on Racial Equality (CORE), and embedded in them the values of this new era. The LLPD, an interracial group of ministers and college professors, constructed a platform rife with symbols of interracial cooperation, including an integrated nursery school and annual banquet, and used education as its primary tool to entrench those symbols in public places. At the same time, students involved in the interracial cooperative housing movement, supported by LLPD members, erased the color line in their social activities, in their political programs, and even in their living arrangements. Eventually they organized the local CORE chapter, which staged two sit-ins and a variety of other direct-action confrontations on campus and in town. Although the two groups shared members and ideals, the LLPD's less confrontational tactics allowed it to survive longer than CORE, which died by the early 1950s. Moreover, the LLPD as an organization distanced itself from CORE when the latter's confrontational tactics seemed too radical. The LLPD disbanded in 1965 when protests associated with Martin Luther King Jr's movement made the organization seem outdated and even conservative.

In the case of both the LLPD and CORE, civil rights workers promoted interracial cooperation while their new, modernized rhetoric exposed shared values of democracy and Christian humanism that served as the basis of their activism. In the end, however, both groups failed to effect lasting change. Opponents of integration, for example, also proved adept at adopting democratic rhetoric, using it to defend private property and the right of business owners to serve whomever they chose. In addition, the looming fear of Communism tended to dampen efforts at liberal reform. And finally, the local CORE chapter disbanded as its student leaders graduated and moved on to other endeavors. In the 1950s and 1960s, other activists would finish what these reformers had started.

Abolitionists founded the University of Kansas in 1866 as a monument to Kansas residents who had died before and during the Civil War. To further commemorate the abolitionist cause, the university admitted its first black student in 1868. But for decades there remained few black students, and as of 1910 only 60 had graduated from KU. Black students who attended the university encountered segregated restaurants in town, faced discriminatory housing practices on campus, and were excluded from some academic departments. In the 1920s their numbers increased, probably due to the exodus of black students from neighboring states such as Missouri and Oklahoma, which excluded blacks from their universities. Campus segregation increased as well during these years. Athletic programs, the school restaurant, even the university pool which previously had not excluded black students now either segregated or excluded them altogether. Administrators blamed the rise in segregation on the influx of white students from Missouri, Oklahoma, and Texas and the desire of those students for segregated educational facilities.(5)

Before World War II, there were few protests against segregation. In January 1941, however, new rhetoric appeared that laid the groundwork for postwar civil rights reform. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt prepared Americans for the coming of World War II by promising to bring the world four cherished American freedoms: the freedom of speech, the freedom of religion, the freedom from want, and the freedom from fear. The implicit contradictions in that speech--he promised the world democratic rights, but did not promise black Americans the same freedoms at home--provided the initial impetus for Kansans and others to attempt to erase America's color line. The perception of war as a democratic mission especially pervaded college campuses and towns as the government set up military training programs at universities, the draft targeted college-age men (enrollments were already down seven percent by the spring of 1942), and the homefront gathered to contribute to the war effort.(6)

The first group in Lawrence to combine activism with this new rhetoric was the Lawrence League for the Practice of Democracy (LLPD), founded in the summer of 1945. The LLPD's goal was to foster "the actual practice of the declared American principles of democracy, justice, and complete equality of opportunity, with particular emphasis upon better inter-racial understanding."(7) Indeed, the group's name--Lawrence League for the Practice of Democracy--reflected its intent to encourage genuine democracy by creating public places where blacks and whites could mingle freely. Although, as one former member said, it often focused "on talk rather than action," the LLPD was one of the first groups in Lawrence to create an arena "where blacks and whites could associate together in asserting a moral presence in the community."(8)

As the LLPD's purpose and vision for the future were interracial, so too were its leadership and membership. Because the group combined Christian ideals of social responsibility with its democratic purpose, its membership attracted both black and white ministers and their parishioners. Plymouth Congregational Church's white minister, C. Fosburg Hughes, and his white parishioners Cal and Rachel VanderWerf were leaders of the LLPD. Their vision of a color-blind society was difficult to achieve in Lawrence, which had a small number of blacks, but some blacks did participate, namely J. David Kelly, minister of St. Luke's African Methodist Episcopal Church, parishioners from the Ninth Street Baptist Church, and black women such as Mayzelma Wallace.(9)

The LLPD considered joining CORE and invited George Houser, its executive secretary, to meet with members in March 1946. Ultimately, however, the LLPD backed away from connections with national groups, preferring local control and local methods instead. The LLPD decided that "local problems were ours and could not be settled [by] outsiders."(10)

The LLPD touted itself as a true example of interracial cooperation and democracy at work. Its newsletter, the Bulletin, was the LLPD's primary educational vehicle, listing the organization's activities while reporting on the activism of other groups nationwide. The LLPD also invited prominent blacks and whites to speak about civil rights activism. African American attorney and state legislator William H. Towers spoke to the group in January 1946 and told its members that "democracy could be attained through" grassroots efforts like the LLPD's.(11)

The annual Brotherhood Banquet was another medium of interracial cooperation that the LLPD lauded as a "community symbol of concern."(12) Restaurant segregation meant that blacks and whites rarely ate together in public, and the LLPD saw these public dinners as a place where "any citizen [felt] completely at home regardless of his race, creed, or community standing[.]"(13) Although the banquets began in 1946 as small dinners cooked by LLPD members in the basements of local churches (usually Plymouth Congregational or Ninth Street Baptist), by 1954 members had to hire a banquet hall to seat the 500 attendees.(14)

The LLPD also organized integrated children's groups to teach them interracial cooperation before they learned overt racism. A Boy Scout troop and a cooperative nursery school promoted interracial understanding and provided, as LLPD leaders said in their meeting notes, "a background of security for [the children, where they] will be less likely to need the artificial support provided by in-groups and scapegoat behavior such as we saw under the Nazis and which we see to a lesser extent in our own country."(15)

The LLPD quickly grew in popularity. By 1946, the group had 251 members and 1,250 subscribers to the Bulletin. However, the same core group--the VanderWerfs, Mayzelma Wallace, the Kelleys, and Fred Taylor (the head of Lawrence's NAACP)--continued to dominate the leadership and comprise most of the organization's committees and social activities. The group also encountered opposition from town residents. Some residents, for example, referred to Cal VanderWerf as the "king of the Communists," a nickname fashioned more to protest VanderWerf's continued barrage against segregation than to comment on his political beliefs.(16) At times the LLPD bowed to that opposition, in one instance canceling an interracial conference.(17)

While the LLPD provided an institutional outlet for Kid faculty and Lawrence ministers to foster racial equality, the cooperative housing movement furnished that structure for black and white students. KU students, most of whom were from the cash-poor Midwest, were familiar with cooperatives. One had grown up with cooperative grain elevators, gas stations, and grocery stores in his hometown. Because returning veterans had created a housing shortage, cooperative housing became an inexpensive alternative to other, more costly and rapidly disappearing options at KU. Monthly costs at the three original co-ops ranged from $25 to $40 per person for room and board, far cheaper than other options. Residents divided household chores, purchased and prepared food together, and did their own repairs.(18)

Not all of the co-ops embraced racial integration, but two of the original ones, Henley House and Jayhawk Men's Co-op, advertised themselves as "self-help" "free societ[ies]" that led the struggle for "Democracy on Campus" by instituting a vision of a democratic society in their houses where all members were treated equally. That vision included erasing most remnants of segregation from their houses. Additional interracial co-ops formed later, among them Don Henry Co-op, established in 1948.(19)

Sponsored by the YWCA and its local advisor, Rachel VanderWerf, Henley House opened in 1945 as an interracial women's house. Because of the shortage of black housing near campus, both black and white residents feared that black women would clamor to fill the majority of spaces at the co-op, and so only four black women were allowed to live in the house while white women filled the other eight spaces. Black and white women stayed in separate rooms until the spring of 1948, when a black woman, Shirley Elliott, and a white one, Joyce Harkleroad, decided to room together.(20)

Jayhawk Men's Co-op had been open for six years when the house integrated in 1945 at the suggestion of YMCA director D. Ned Linegar, an LLPD member. The first black man in the house was Shirley Elliott's brother, Wesley, a sophomore organic chemistry student who worked with Cal VanderWerf. He roomed with Bob Stewart, a white student and war veteran. Later black residents included Wendell Walker, who roomed with another white man.(21)

Co-op houses chose their members with care in order to blunt inevitable opposition to their interracial living arrangements. They allowed, for example, only the brightest students into their houses. Many of the white men living in Jayhawk Co-op received scholarship money while Henley women like Toby Walker (Wendell's sister) were Mortar Board scholars and campus leaders in their sororities and in the YWCA.(22)

Because of the large number of bright students in the co-ops, the houses became a "meeting place of the minds" that reinforced the "life view[s]" of students and helped foster political, social, and economic liberalism.(23) Many of the students were strongly liberal. Some were admittedly apolitical, but because "all of the expressed opinion was far left ... no orthodox Republican dare[d] stick his neck out among the informed and opinionated young men" and women. Indeed, recalled former resident Luther Buchele, many members considered a conservative person "brain dead."(24)

During late night bull sessions over peanut butter and pickle sandwiches, co-op students swapped ideas and theories about current political issues. Many of them embraced an anti-Stalinist brand of socialism, reflected in their housing arrangements, and they tended to follow Henry Wallace's Progressive Party or the American Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas. A small number were Communist Party members or sympathizers, and some co-op students regarded Communists as "people participating in the political debate of that time, not as somehow un-American."(25) Still others were adamantly anti-Communist.(26)

Although co-op students thrived in the intellectual atmosphere that their housing arrangements provided, some Lawrence residents objected. J. Clifton Ramsey, who owned the apartment building next door to Henley House, complained to Chancellor Deane W. Malott in 1945 and 1946 about the "distasteful situation" at Henley House. Ramsey was particularly angry because he considered the interracial living arrangements an "ideal way to start a racial disturbance which the citizens of Lawrence, the local Police Department, and the State Militia [were] ... guarding against."(27)

Co-op students ignored the opposition, even flouted it in some ways. Stan Kelly expressed his liberal politics in song lyrics, writing the following lines to the tune of "Santa Claus Is Coming to Town":
   You better watch out, you better not cry
   Bourgeoisie is going to die,
   Uncle Joe is coming to town.(28)

Kelly also penned the following lyrics for "Atomic Showers," set to the tune of "April Showers":
   Atomic Showers may come your way
   You're here in April and gone in May
   And though it's raining, have no regrets
   It'll flatten out your lousy shack
   and liquidate your debts.(29)

The co-op students also confronted community opposition through the Dove, a newspaper probably begun in 1946 and committed to being a "thoughtful, liberal publication for student expression."(30) The paper's opinions, editors argued, were "necessary for campus change--for change is fundamental and even reaction must eventually tag along"(31) It quickly gained a reputation as a radical and subversive document, however, a reputation that editors catered to. For example, students wanted to publish the newspaper on red paper, but when the type would not show up, it was suggestively printed on pink.(32)

The Dove tackled a number of political issues. It was pro-veteran, and endorsed Henry Wallace's presidential candidacy. Students were most vocal about racism and used articles about black students' experiences to educate and prepare their peers for future activism. Wendell Walker, a light-skinned black, and George Caldwell, his white roommate at Jayhawk Co-op, wrote of the humiliation Walker suffered when mistaken for a white man. A theater usher, while telling Walker to leave the black section, asked, "You are white, aren't you?"(33) Writers also castigated KU's "spirit of the South" charging that an aura of racism was present on campus.(34)

Yet the publication of the Dove was indicative of a wider mood of racial tolerance on campus in 1946. The university's yearbook, the Jayhawker, included black students such as Toby Walker in its year-end spotlight on campus leaders. In the spring of 1946, the Kansan featured every black sorority and fraternity in its social pages. Then, after track officials refused to let co-op resident Wesley Elliott run in the yearly Kansas Relays, 1,000 students signed a petition stating: "Let the Negroes in the Relays."(35)

The commitment of KU students to ending racism was short-lived, however, particularly when it came to varsity athletics. For example, in the spring of 1947, the Big Six Athletic Conference to which KU belonged proposed letting Oklahoma A&M (now Oklahoma State University) into the conference. Co-op students, the LLPD, and their campus allies circulated a petition to bar Oklahoma A&M from the conference because it excluded blacks, but many KU students opposed the anti-Oklahoma campaign, complaining that "a minority was overriding to the opinion of the majority."(36) "If we don't let the Aggies in," wrote an anonymous "College Freshman" to the Kansan, "then kick out MU and OU, too."(37) In an April 1947 campus referendum, students voted 2,559 to 744 in favor of admitting Oklahoma A&M to the Big Six.(38)

In early 1947, as the Oklahoma A&M controversy raged on campus, co-op students, with the support of other campus organizations and the LLPD, YMCA, and YWCA, founded a local chapter of the Congress on Racial Equality (CORE). CORE was a national civil rights organization based on the principle of nonviolent, direct action. CORE's strategy stipulated that activists should first negotiate with owners of segregated public accommodations, urging them to end their discriminatory policies. Only after negotiations failed should activists employ Ghandian tactics of direct action, usually a boycott or sit-down. Co-op students and their allies formed the Lawrence chapter after being convinced that the best way to end segregation was through the direct action that CORE advocated. They elected Frank Stannard, a white student who had been a conscientious objector during World War II, as their first president.(39)

CORE first targeted the four downtown theaters that catered to KU students, and on 21 July 1947, 40 students in interracial groups of six or seven entered the Jayhawker Theater through the balcony (blacks were not allowed on the main floor). After an hour the manager, Stan Schwahn, whom students described as "a pompous and non-intellectual businessman, immune to humanitarian sentiments and concerned mainly with the state of his pocketbook" interrupted the movie to preach against racial integration.(40) White agitators, according to Schwahn, were creating a problem where none had previously existed, and he argued for "what the majority wanted": segregation in his theaters.(41)

After the incident, town and campus opinion turned decidedly against CORE. In a twist that showed that the language of democracy could also be used to defend segregation, letters to the Kansan called CORE's direct action "undemocratic, irrational pressure."(42) One student, who endorsed CORE's timely democratic reminder that "minorities ... don't always get a square deal" nevertheless advised CORE that it would be "wise to allow the Negroes to speak for themselves when situations like this [arise]."(43)

The incident at the layhawker also sparked a reaction among owners of segregated service businesses and provoked the first recorded instance of public action to maintain segregated restaurants, barbershops, and theaters. Owners began by placing signs in their windows declaring their right to refuse service to anyone. Second, they told CORE students that the Kansas Bureau of Investigation was investigating them for potential ties to the Communist Party. Third, they organized a group called the Lawrence Citizens for the Entertainment of the Citizens of Lawrence (LCECL) and appealed to Chancellor Malott to end CORE's activism. In its letter, the group blamed civil rights activism on "the new order of things at the university where both white boys and girls go with the colored."(44) Black students were merely dupes, "under the leadership of white students" who did "the thinking for the colored students."(45) The LCECL wanted to ensure that theaters were not used as a springboard to carry on the same program of integration in other service businesses.

CORE's radicalism allowed the tamer LLPD to step in and offer alternatives to CORE's demand for total integration, and Schwahn eventually opened the layhawker's back four rows to integrated seating. But CORE's actions frightened the LLPD, which began to disassociate itself from CORE. Although they shared ideals and even members, CORE's method for erasing Lawrence's color line alienated the more conservative group. Editors in a LLPD Bulletin, for example, described CORE as "a separate organization, though its purposes parallel ours in some fields."(46) In August 1947, the executive board passed a resolution that "it could not approve officially the methods of CORE. Their methods are not our methods, although their aims are our aims."(47)

Undaunted by the opposition, in early 1948 CORE began investigating the four campus cafes that catered to white students only. When CORE sent a committee to negotiate with each owner, one refused to talk about the problem while another said he had a provision in his lease prohibiting him from serving any black people. Brick Murphy, the owner of Brick's and a signer of the LCECL petition, offered to set up a separate lounge for black students downstairs in his restaurant. Negotiators, however, would accept no less than integration of the entire restaurant.(48)

On 15 April 1948, 30 black and white CORE members occupied the 17 booths in Brick's and refused to move until Murphy served the black students. Outside, Henley House resident Joyce Harkleroad distributed pamphlets describing CORE's outrage at the moral and civil indignities black students suffered. The pamphlet stated that CORE held "these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal" Equality of man was a "basic part of the American Ideal and Christianity" and segregation was "a flagrant denial of the Christian precept of brotherly love, the true meaning of democracy and the principle that all men are created equal."(49) Therefore, the pamphlet stated, sit-downs were necessary when the rules of democratic fairness were not observed.(50)

Murphy called KU football players, unofficial bouncers for the town's restaurant owners, and then the police. Football players arrived first and taunted CORE members, calling them "jellyfishes" and "yellow cowards."(51) The police stood aside as football players picked up some members and threw them out into the street.(52)

After the sit-down at Brick's, campus opinion hardened still further against CORE. "CORE tactics won't work," KU student Pat Penney told the Kansan; instead of improving race relations, CORE's strategies were "only making them worse and may lead to more serious incidents."(53) Forrest A. Smith told the Kansan that white students "insist on policies of segregation that owners enforce."(54) Others used the war's democratic rhetoric to protect Murphy's right to "serve anyone of his choice."(55)

After the sit-down, CORE began to disintegrate, partly due to the defeat at Brick's which students found demoralizing. But there were other reasons as well. Practical matters--namely, finals and graduation--intervened, and CORE soon lost its most committed leaders to graduate school and the real world of jobs. In addition, the democratic language that had proved so useful to the activists had proven useful to those who wanted to maintain segregation as well. Fears of Communist infiltration also stifled overt action, since charges of Communism such as those leveled after the Jayhawker sit-in had become a frightening weapon against students. Whereas in 1946 the legacy of the war had encouraged a political climate of tolerance, growing fear of the Soviet Union now narrowed the scope of political discussion. Co-op students still ran CORE from their houses until the early 1950s, but it never again provided any effective opposition to segregation on campus or in town.(56)

Although CORE failed to desegregate service businesses, two individuals in the 1950s would have more success. The first was Chancellor Franklin Murphy, who came to KU in 1951. Murphy was appalled at the segregation he saw and threatened local business owners with sure economic devastation if they did not serve all of his students; to wit, he promised to sell hamburgers for a dime and show first-run movies for free, thus depriving local owners of student business. Wilt Chamberlain's presence on the KU basketball team in the late 1950s also had a major impact, creating an economic boon for restaurant owners who fed thousands of out-of-towners who came to Lawrence to watch him play, and who readily served Chamberlain himself when he entered their establishments.(57)

LLPD members also aided the progress made toward integration in the 1950s. Cal VanderWerf, for example, was instrumental in recruiting Chamberlain to KU, and served as his faculty advisor. The LLPD also continued to educate the public by sponsoring lectures by luminaries such as Thurgood Marshall. But the LLPD's tame tactics proved insufficient in the early 1960s when students, motivated by the civil rights movement associated with Martin Luther King Jr., staged sit-ins in off-campus taverns and in the chancellor's office. As civil rights tactics took a more radical turn, the LLPD ceased to exist.(58)

In assessing CORE's and the LLPD's attempts to erase the color line at KU and in Lawrence, connections between the immediate postwar era and the more famous protests of the 1950s and 1960s, associated with King, are not always clear. Certainly the postwar activities in Lawrence of CORE and the LLPD did not have the lasting impact of the later protests. Yet this case study should remind civil rights historians that an earlier phase of the civil rights movement did exist, shaped and sustained by the democratic rhetoric of World War II. Unfortunately, that rhetoric alone was not able to sustain the struggle for racial justice in the late 1940s. But an impact was made nevertheless. As co-op student John Eberhardt said:
   Did our efforts speed up the rate of change? It's hard to say. One thing I
   do feel confident about. I doubt if any member of the University community
   (or the broader Lawrence community for that matter) in the late 1940s could
   ignore racial issues if at all politically or socially conscious. Whatever
   attitudes and views may have been held, the fact of discrimination had at
   least to be confronted. That's no mean accomplishment in itself.(59)

(1) Dwight D. Eisenhower, "Speaking for America," University Daily Kansan (hereafter Kansan), 12 April 1946, 5, microfilm copies in Watkins Library, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kans.

(2) Bob Hope, "Speaking for America," Kansan, 15 April 1946, 4.

(3) Judy Garland, "Speaking for America," Kansan, 15 April 1946, 5.

(4) Richard Dalfiume, Desegregation of the United States Armed Forces: Fighting on Two Fronts, 1939-1953 (Columbia, Mo., 1969); Dalfiume, "The Forgotten Years of the Negro Revolution," Journal of American History 55 (1968): 90-106; August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, CORE: A Study in the Civil Rights Movement (New York, 1973); Robert Korstad and Nelson Lichenstein, "Opportunities Found and Lost: Labor, Radicals, and the Early Civil Rights Movement," Journal of American History 75 (1988): 786-811.

(5) Kristine M. McCusker, "`The Forgotten Years' of America's Civil Rights Movement: The University of Kansas, 1939-1961," (master's thesis, University of Kansas, 1994), chap. 2; McCusker, "`The Forgotten Years' of America's Civil Rights Movement: Wartime Protests at the University of Kansas, 1939-1945," Kansas History 17 (1994): 26-37.

(6) Richard D. Heffner, A Documentary History of the United States (New York, 1985), 286-97; McCusker, "`The Forgotten Years' of America's Civil Rights Movement," 33.

(7) "Purpose," General Meeting Minutes, 12 October 1945; Meeting Minutes, 30 November 1945; General Statutes of Kansas, 21-2424, 1923, and Kansas Law 49:1-4, 27 February 1874, all in LLPD Papers, Kansas Collection, Spencer Research Libraries, University of Kansas, Lawrence.

(8) Rachel VanderWerf, telephone interview by author, 13 May 1992; Meeting Minutes, 30 November 1945, "Pledge of the Lawrence League for Democracy," LLPD Papers; "What is the LLPD?," informational pamphlet, Elmer Rusco Papers, University of Kansas Archives, Lawrence (hereafter KU Archives); John Eberhardt, memo to author, 15 December 1992; Norma Bishop, interview by author, 16 May 1992.

(9) "Pledge of the Lawrence League for the Practice of Democracy," Charter Membership List; List of LLPD Officers, Bulletin, March 1946, 2; List of LLPD Officers, Bulletin, October 1948, 1, LLPD Papers; VanderWerf, interview; Professor J. Eldon and Cornelia Fields, interview by author, 19 December 1992; Eberhardt, memo to author; Reverend Jonathan Knight, pastor, Plymouth Congregational Church, telephone interview by author, 26 March 1992.

(10) Executive Secretary's Papers, CORE Papers, reel 13; microfilm copies in Watkins Library; General Meeting Minutes, 26 February 1946, LLPD papers; Executive Board Meeting Minutes, 13 March 1946, LLPD Papers.

(11) Meeting Minutes, 18 January 1946, LLPD Papers.

(12) Bulletin, March 1946, 1, LLPD Papers.

(13) Information sheet announcing 1954's Brotherhood Banquet (unsigned, undated); and "Report of Treasurer and Ticket Chairmen, 1954 Community Brotherhood Banquet," 30 April 1954, from the private papers of Professor J. Eldon and Cornelia Fields (hereafter Fields Papers), in author's possession.

(14) Bridget Cain, "Henley House Cooperative, 1945-1955," unpublished paper in author's possession; Fields, interview; Jane Kleinberg, interview by author, 25 November 1992; exhibit D, Recipients of Complimentary Tickets, Fields Papers.

(15) Meeting Minutes, 3 May 1948; Bulletin, January 1948, 1; Bulletin, March 1946, 2, LLPD Papers; VanderWerf, interview; Kleinberg, interview.

(16) VanderWerf, interview.

(17) C. Fosburg Hughes to 1. Oscar Lee, 24 April 1947, LLPD Papers.

(18) Elmer Rusco, letter to author, 20 October 1992; Wendell Walker and John Eberhardt, interview by author, 17 December 1992; Cain, "Henley House Cooperative"; Octavia Walker Burton, interview by author, 31 July 1993.

(19) Rusco, letter to author; "Living Cooperatively at KU," [1950s?], private papers of Deborah Altus, in author's possession.

(20) VanderWerf, interview; I. W. Elliott, letter to author, August 1992; Shirley Elliott, letter to author, 27 January 1993; Burton, interview; Cain, "Henley House Cooperative"; Bishop, interview.

(21) Deborah Altus, "A History of Oread Housing Co-ops," The Oread Neighborhood Association Newsletter, Fall 1990, 6; Rusco, letter to author; Luther Buchele, interview by Deborah Altus, 7 November 1992, transcript in author's possession; I. W. Elliott, letter to author; Burton, interview; George Caldwell, telephone interview by author, 17 May 1992; Robert Stewart, telephone interview by author, 18 October 1991; Walker and Eberhardt, interview; Bishop, interview; "Living Cooperatively at K.U:"

(22) Stewart, interview; Buchele, interview; I. W. Elliott, letter to author; Rusco, letter to author; Walker and Eberhardt, interview.

(23) Walker and Eberhardt, interview.

(24) I. W. Elliott, letter to author; Burton, interview; Cain, "Henley House Cooperative"; Buchele, interview.

(25) George Caldwell, interview, 13 November 1992; Rusco, letter to author.

(26) Stewart, interview; Bishop, interview.

(27) J. Clifton Ramsey to Chancellor Malott, 5 July 1946, Deane W. Malott Papers (hereafter Malott papers), KU Archives.

(28) Walker and Eberhardt, interview.

(29) Buchele, interview.

(30) Editorial Board and Mission Statement, Dove, 17 December 1947, 2, KU Archives.

(31) G. Mendenhall to the Editor, Kansan, 23 April 1947.

(32) Beth H. Bell to the Editor, "The Dove Replies," ibid., 15 April 1947, 6.

(33) George Caldwell, "You Are White, Aren't You?," Dove, 22 October 1947, 4; picture with caption, Dove, 21 May 1947, 1; Rhoten Smith, "Been Paid Yet, Vet? Something's All Wet," Dove, 18 December 1946, 1; Charles Sherrer, "Who Says It's Un-American?," Dove, 22 October 1947, 4; Wendell Walker, "What is the Cause?;" Dove, 5.

(34) Frank Stannard, "With Malice Toward Some" Dove, 17 December 1947, 1.

(35) The Jayhawker, 1946-1947, 56, 135, 212, KU Archives; "Socially Speaking," Alpha Kappa Alpha, Kansan, 23 January 1946, 3; "Socially Speaking," Delta Sigma Theta, Kansan, 14 February 1946, 3; "ASC Favors Negro Athletic Participation," Kansan, 10 April 1946, 1; editorial, "Side Stepping the Issue," Kansan, 15 May 1946, 2; "ASC Approves Negro Players on Varsity Teams," Kansan, 30 October 1946, 1.

(36) Clyde Shockley to the Editor, "Barring Aggies," Kansan, 11 April 1947, 6.

(37) University of Missouri and the University of Oklahoma, which also excluded blacks; "College Freshman," to the Editor, Kansan, 11 April 1947, 6.

(38) "Petition to Bar Oklahoma A&M From the Big Six Taken to Governor," Kansan, 1 April 1947, 1; Petition to Chancellor Malott from Carlton Pryor, Omega Phi Psi et al., 23 January 1947, Malott Papers; "16 Groups to Petition Governor Against A&M," Kansan, 28 March 1947, 1; "Vote Against Aggie Ban," ibid., 25 April 1947, 1.

(39) Congress on Racial Equality Affiliation Blank for the Committee of Racial Equality at the University of Kansas, c/o Jayhawk Coop, Executive Secretary's File, reel 13; Annual Report of KU CORE, 1947, Executive Secretary's File, reel 8; Robert Stewart et al., "Report of Direct Action Against Racial Discrimination at a Cafe Near the Campus of the University of Kansas, 15 April 1948, Prepared and Distributed by the Committee on Racial Equality," (hereafter "Report"), KU Archives; Walker and Eberhardt, interview; Jayhawker, Spring 1948; Glen Kappelman, interview by author, 17 March 1992; I. W. Elliott to author; Caldwell, interview, 13 November 1992; Meier and Rudwick, CORE; George Houser, "A Personal Retrospective on the 1947 Journey of Reconciliation," paper presented at Blufton College, October 1992, 4, in author's possession; George Houser, telephone interview by author, 26 September 1993.

(40) Beth Bell to George Houser, 28 July 1947, Executive Secretary's File.

(41) Bell to Houser; Henry Shapiro to George Houser, 4 November 1947, Executive Secretary's File; Beth Bell, "Recent Activities of KU CORE," Executive Secretary's file; "Film Interrupted," Journal-World, 22 July 1947; "CORE Theater Incident Opens Interracial Seating Question," Kansan, 25 July 1947, 1; notes from sit-in at theater, untitled and undated, in Rusco Papers.

(42) "Fie On Everybody," letter to the Editor, Kansan, clipping in the Executive Secretary's File.

(43) "Along the Ice," "A Texan on CORE," "Social Rudeness," letters to the Editor, Kansan, clippings in the Executive Secretary's File.

(44) [Stan Schwahn] to Chancellor Malott, September 1947 [?], and Petition to Stan Schwahn, President and City Manager of the Commonwealth Lawrence Theater Corporation, September 1947 [?], Malott Papers.

(45) [Schwahn] to Malott.

(46) "CORE Explained," Bulletin, October 1947, 1, LLPD Papers.

(47) Meeting Minutes, 3 June 1947, 8 August 1947, LLPD Papers; VanderWerf, interview; Stan Schwahn to Marie Smith, 29 November 1947, LLPD Papers.

(48) Houser to Wesley Elliott Jr., 10 May 1947; Shapiro to Houser, 9 October 1947; Frank Stannard to George Houser, 6 October 1947 and 18 September 1947, all in Executive Secretary's File.

(49) "CORE and the Cafes," information sheet, private papers of I. W. Elliott, in author's possession.

(50) Stewart, "Report"; Cain, "Henley House Cooperative"; Stewart, interview; "CORE: Direct Action Notebook, 15 April 1948," Rusco Papers; "An `Information Please' About CORE," KU-CORE Papers, KU Archives.

(51) Stewart, "Report."

(52) "CORE: Direct Action Notebook, 15 April 1948, Persons Present, Witness Info," Rusco Papers; Robert Stewart to George Houser, 7 June 1948, Executive Secretary's File.

(53) Pat Penney to Editor, "Poor Tactics," Kansan, 28 April 1948, 6.

(54) Forrest A. Smith to Editor, Kansan, 2 April 1948, 6.

(55) Name Withheld, letter to Editor, Kansan, 30 April 1948, 6; Ellis Roberts to Editor, Kansan, 2 April 1948, 6.

(56) I. W. Elliott to author; Stewart, interview; "Dear --," unsigned, undated letter, Rusco Papers.

(57) McCusker, "The Forgotten Years," master's thesis, chap. 5.

(58) VanderWerf to author; "Marshall to Be Guest at Event on Brotherhood," undated dipping in Fields Papers; "Tavern Sit-in Here Brings No Legal Measures," Lawrence Journal-World, 13 January 1961, 1; McCusker, "The Forgotten Years," master's thesis, 146-47.

(59) Eberhardt, memo to author.

Kristine McCusker is a Ph.D. candidate in history at Indiana University.3
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Publication:The Historian
Date:Jun 22, 1999

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