Hans Mayer: an atypical Nazi in Alberta.
Following the rise to power [of Hitler], MAYER became an enthusiastic Nazi. The most influential German in the Vegreville district, MAYER is the President of the German Club [Deutsche Bund] and exercises complete domination over its members. He is an enthusiastic supporter of the Third Reich and endeavours to foster support for the Nazi cause by meetings and by personal canvas. He distributes German propaganda literature and his influence is such that he has obtained relief direct from Germany to prevent Germans from applying for local relief. He is interested in the question of German Nationals returning to Germany and has stated that if any German, whether naturalized or not, desires to return to Germany, the Third Reich will provide the ticket. (2)
Hans Mayer was born on June 25, 1889, in Blaubeuren, Wurttemberg, Germany, and emigrated to Canada in November 1912. A stone mason by profession, he changed his vocation and became a farmer and cattle breeder near Vegreville. Shortly afterwards he returned to Germany, married, and came back in 1913 with his bride Bertha. They eventually had four children--two boys, Fred and Hans Jr., and two girls, Katie and Mina. Mayer won various provincial prizes for dairy cattle and seed grains and became well established as a farmer. He became a Canadian citizen in 1928.
Prior to World War II, Mayer made two trips to Germany. On his 1923 visit he sold his property there and invested the money in his Alberta farm. His second trip was made in 1937, and with WW II looming, this visit and his admiration for Nazi Germany warranted special attention from Canadian authorities.
One week before Canada declared war on Germany in 1939, it imposed the Defence of Canada Regulations under the War Measures Act. These regulations gave the government the right to intern any person that might disturb the safety of the state. Under these regulations, Mayer was arrested (3) and appeared before the Advisory Committee on the Restriction and Detention (ACRD). He was brought before Judge F.L. Smiley, W.J.R O'Mera, and Jacques Fortier in Calgary on January 23, 1940, to assess if he was a threat to the country (4) and should be detained. (5) Much about Mayer and his opinions were revealed in his personal testimony.
According to Mayer, German speakers on farms around Vegreville had been meeting socially since 1927, visiting, playing cards, joking, and relaxing. In the 1930s its members were contacted by Montreal members of the Deutscher Bund, Canada (German Club). Mayer later maintained that Bund members in Montreal knew about him through his reputation and success as a cattle breeder, and that he had not sought them out. He contended that the promise of literature and recent news of events in Germany perked his attention, and swayed he and others to become members of a Nazi organization. (6)
This essay will review the contact Mayer had with the National Socialist German Workers' Party (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei--NSDAP) or Nazis in Canada prior to World War II. It was due to this contact that dictated that he would be detained during the war. Although this paper will examine aspects of Nazi organizations it is not meant to be an analysis of National Socialism in Canada.
The Bund was founded on January 1, 1934, and initially membership was open to all German speakers, regardless of citizenship or country of origin. Adolf Hitler then issued a decree in late 1934 that National Socialist Party members and German nationals were not to be involved in the Bund. Thereafter the Bund worked almost exclusively amongst German-Canadians, claiming to merely advocate the advancement of German culture.
In 1934, Lehmann estimated that membership in the Canadian Bund was not more than five hundred and in the same year Ludwig Kempff, German ambassador in Canada, stated the Bund had 1,220 members. Historian Jonathan Wagner believed that membership at the height of the organization in 1938/39 was not over 2,000. (7) Wagner analysed Bund membership in Canada and discovered that large numbers of members had been negatively affected by the depression, a problem compounded by the fact that they were Germans in a non-German society.
Four characteristics described Bund members--they were relatively young; they tended to be recent immigrants or first generation German-Canadians with most being under the age of forty-five; they were unassimilated immigrants; and they retained petty bourgeois ideals and lived in poverty. This explains their susceptibility to radical political concepts such as Nazism. Even after becoming Canadian citizens, they clung to positive stories about Germany and Hitler. Because of their youth, lack of integration to life in Canada, their poverty and identification to Nazi Germany, the Bund appeared attractive.
Although these reasons for joining the Bund were accurate, they do not explain why Hans Mayer became a member when one considers his prosperity and integration into Canadian life. According to Wagner, the Bund's goals were supposedly cultural and social, not political. Yet the Bund activity dabbled in politics and was not an innocent organization.
Nationally, the Bund was divided into eastern, middle and western Gaue (administrative districts). These units were subdivided into Bezirke. These Bezirke were subdivided again into Ortsgruppen or Stutzpunkte. An Ortsgruppe had fifteen or more members: a Stutzpunkt contained a minimum of five members. Within this hierarchy the leadership principle prevailed where all members would, in theory, obey those higher up in the hierarchy. The Gatt leader obeyed the national leader in Montreal, the Gebiet were guided by the Gau leadership, Bezirk leaders heeded the orders of the Gebiet and the local Ortsgruppen and Stutzpunkte obeyed the wishes of the Bezirk leaders. In 1938-39 the number of Bund units in Canada was seventy-one. (8)
According to Gerwin, there were five branches of the Bund in Alberta--Edmonton had 20 members, founded in 1934: Vegreville had 15 members founded in 1935; Northmark had 25 members founded in 1935: Dapp had 10 members founded in 1935, and Calgary had 10 members founded in 1938. (9) In addition, two other Bund groups existed: Ponoka established a Stutzptmkt in 1934 (10) and Freedom established an Ortsgruppe with 20 members in early 1939. Freedom had been a German community formerly named Dusseldorf, the name being changed during World War I. Gtinther Pankow, leader of the Bund in Northmark, and Mayer in Vegreville, were singled out for their assistance and guidance establishing the Freedom Bund. (11)
Mayer said that Bund meetings in Vegreville and area involved only seven neighbours with Mayer being Bund leader from its inception until 1937. He contended that the group never rose above ten, and although the number fluctuated slightly the number always returned to the original seven members. The Vegreville Bund included R. Buhrer, W. Peter, and Wilhelm Rempis. (12) The Bund in Alberta was led by the druggist Paul Abele until 1937, when Otto Tangermann took over. Both men resided in Edmonton. (13) Local Bund leaders corresponded frequently with provincial superiors and with national leaders in Montreal, or later in Winnipeg. (14)
As well as Bund activity, Nazi organizers in Alberta undertook other activities to instill enthusiasm for Nazism. Celebrations of German culture known as Deutsche Tage (German Days) became instrumental for disseminating Nazi ideology. German Days began in 1928 in Alberta and Manitoba, then spread to Saskatchewan in 1930, and to other provinces in Canada. German speakers held German Day celebrations in provincial capital cities as a summer gathering for all ethnic Germans, with attendance varying from four to five thousand people. The goals of these celebrations were to show all German speakers their rights and duties to their common German heritage. In addition, they reminded provincial governments of the demands of ethnic Germans relating to language instruction and culture. (15)
At the Alberta German Days of 1932 in Edmonton, the Alberta government was represented by Finance Minister R.G. Reid, the City of Edmonton by Alderman D.B. Lake, and the federal government by Member of Parliament A.U.G. Bury. (16) After 1933, these celebrations became increasingly affiliated with Nazism and the ideals of the new Germany with Bund members and Nazi officials viewing the gatherings as advancing German culture. But by the late 1930s, those who admired Hitler took a larger role at the gathering while some politicians became reluctant to appear because of the Nazi influence.
Karl Gerhard, the only person to have the titles of both Nazi party leader and Bund leader in Canada, spoke at the Edmonton gathering in 1934. Also, Heinrich Seelheim, German Consul in Winnipeg, played a role in German Days. He started his career with the Auswartiges Amt (German Foreign Office--AA) in January 1921 and was transferred to Canada during the summer of 1930. (17) It was expected that all AA representatives would travel, inspecting the conditions German settlers experienced in Canada. This was especially important for the German Consul in Winnipeg, due to western Canada being the destination of most German emigrants at the time. Seelheim attended the German Days function in 1935. (18) He was lively, energetic, opportunistic, and outgoing and had an ability to relate to all German speakers regardless of country of origin. He had become a Nazi party member in 1934 and was a rabid anti-Semite. He defended Hitler's policies in Europe while supporting and encouraging National Socialism in Canada.
Another Nazi who was active in western Canada the same time as Hans Meyer and Heinrich Seelheim was Bernhard Bott. In 1923 Bott emigrated from southern Germany to Regina, Saskatchewan, where he became an advocate of the German culture in Canada. He was praised for being a pillar of the German community while struggling tirelessly for the well being of all German speakers. All this was done while working as editor of Der Courier, the German-Canadian newspaper in Regina. (19) In 1934 he travelled to Germany but when he returned an enthusiastic, fully committed Nazi, he was fired by Der Courier.
Seelheim and Bott had a close working relationship which culminated in the founding of Deutsche Zeitung fur Canada, (German Newspaper for Canada--DZC), a Nazi propaganda instrument. The newspaper reprinted articles from Germany, energetically defending all aspects of Nazism. Bott's "increasing radicalism" and "hate filled editorials and hostile tirades" alienated both Canadians and liberal German speakers in Canada, yet he continued to be a driving force behind the Bund and the Deutsche Zeitung. According to Wagner, the Deutsche Zeitung stressed Nazi ideology and defended Hitler's actions. Bott's dedication and hard work gave the Bund stability during confusing leadership changes both provincially and nationally. He remained editor until the outbreak of World War II. (20)
Hans Mayer admitted to being a subscriber to the Deutsche Zeitung for years but contended that his Bund membership and subscription to the newspaper were methods to combat loneliness on an isolated farm while receiving information on recent news and events from home. (21) Although the nature of Mayer's relationship with Bott and Seelheim is not known, their common Bund connection made their correspondence and meeting inevitable. This friendship was ensured when Bott and Mayer both attended the 1936 German Days celebration in Edmonton. Provincial leader Paul Abele was also in attendance. It is not known if Seelheim and Mayer ever met. Mayer also attended the German Days in Edmonton in 1939. (22)
The Bund in Vegreville was called to special attention in Deutsche Zeitung in 1937 due to its contribution to the German social program, Winterhilfswerk (Winter Aid). Mayer and fellow Vegreville member Wilhelm Rempis personally contacted German speakers within a twenty-five mile radius collecting a total of $200 for the German aid project while helping German-Russian refugees locally. Mayer reported that 80 per cent of the local Germans were originally from Russia and were sympathetic to these displaced persons who had arrived recently in the area. Mayer played a large role in collecting these funds as leader of the local Bund; he also personally donated $5.00 for this Nazi-administered drive. One year later Mayer was again singled out for his determined work under the spirit of National Socialism.
Mayer later downplayed his actions, telling Canadian authorities that this collection was merely done to aid poor German homesteaders. Mayer asked local Germans to aid other German speakers in the area through donations of shoes, clothes, flour, and money. Besides the $200 in cash, 200 pounds of flour, and two or three sacks of shoes and clothes were collected. The shoes, clothing, and flour were sent to authorities in Edmonton, while the cash was sent to the Bund in Montreal. (23)
During the investigation of Hans Mayer, Canadian authorities found it suspicious that he had visited Germany in 1937. Additionally, his work in and around Vegreville for the Nazi cause was damming and his work provincially as a Nazi propagandist was questionable, (24) as he helped to establish the Bund in Freedom. (25) Mayer claimed that he had only gone to Germany in 1937 due to the death of his wife's father, and to settle his estate. (26)
Due to the lack of German schools in Canada, some Bund members sent their children to Germany for special training, with the selection process being done by the Bund. (27) In Germany the youth took part in the Reichs Arbeit Dienst (State Labour Service) for six months, mainly performing agricultural work. (28) The program was compulsory for all Germans between the ages of nineteen and twenty-five. (29) Mayer as local Bund president felt obligated to send his children to the German program to insure that they had proper NSDAP instruction and pulled some strings to have his son admitted for a whole year. (30) The young man left Canada in 1935 and returned in 1936.
Under questioning, Mayer said that his son was very tall for his age, carried himself poorly, and lacked physical exercise. He reasoned that the German program would be medically beneficial for him. This was questionable as the Mayers contended his family lived on an isolated rural farm and one would think there was abundant opportunity for hard work and exercise. The son did not have to venture to Nazi Germany to do farm work. Mayer also claimed that his son "returned to the farm full of enthusiasm for Canada and its opportunities which he found to be in direct contrast with conditions as he had seen them in Germany. He said that the experience made his son "walk straight" and would make it easier for him to join the RCMP. However, there is no record of the son applying to the Mounted Police.
Mayer's daughter Katie had gone to Germany to attend an Agricultural School but stated under oath that she had not been in a Nazi youth training facility as she did not require the physical instruction which he felt necessary for his son. Mayer added that the girl had accepted a position in Germany as a private tutor and that she would have returned horn[e] had it not been for the outbreak of war." (31) With the onset of the war, local people became suspicious of German speakers in Vegreville and area, especially Bund members. (32)
Mayer was a Bund leader from its inception until 1937, after which he remained a member, undertaking minor administrative responsibilities such as librarian. He was singled out for distinction by Bund members in Montreal "for his excellent work on behalf of the Party in Western Canada" and was referred to as "Organizer and Propaganda Director." (33) Mayer denied receiving any special recognition from the Bund in Montreal, although he acknowledged receiving thanks from the Bund for his activities helping collect money, food, and clothing for poor Germans in Alberta. (34)
During World War II, Mayer's wife, Bertha, was also singled out for suspicious activity. She tried to circumvent Canadian authorities and write to Germany via neutral Switzerland. In her confiscated correspondence, she explained that her husband had been interned because he was "too much pro-German." (35) Although Canadian authorities found his Bund association suspicious, his Deutsche Zeitung fur Canada subscription, his contact with other Nazis, as well as having two children in Nazi Germany incriminated Mayer. Yet Canadian authorities also noted his contributions to Canada and the money he had invested in Alberta. Therefore the three-man committee in January 1940 surprisingly recommended his conditional release. They concluded:
while appreciating that this man's activities in the Deutscher Bund are susceptible of interpretation as being pro-Nazi and as affording opportunity for propaganda, the Committee has been favourably impressed with this man's demeanour and his obvious pride in his success as a farmer in Canada and by apparent pride in reporting the enthusiasm of his son for Canada on the latter's return from a German Youth Training Camp, that we feel impelled to recommend his conditional release.
For some unexplained reason, the recommended conditional release was not granted by federal authorities. (36)
Initially Mayer was interned in Kananaskis and later moved to Fredericton, New Brunswick. He died of pulmonary embolus on January 26, 1943, at the Victoria Public Hospital in Fredericton. His body was returned to his family and he was buried in Vegreville. Otto Thierbach, Bund national leader from Montreal between 1937 and 1939, gave the eulogy. (37)
One question Mayer fielded while in detention was if any "members or officers of the Bund came to Vegreville to visit you?" Mayer answered the questions truthfully in the negative. Unfortunately Canadian authorities should have asked more questions in this vein of thought. Although not a Bund member, Mayer did meet and allowed the Nazi propagandist Karl Gotz to stay overnight in his private home in Vegreville. (38) Gotz was a fervent Nazi, advocating the supremacy of the Germanic race. He became a Nazi member in April 1933, worked as writer, administrator, and teacher before acquiring a position with the Deutsches Ausland Institut (German Foreign Institute) in 1935. The Institute had been founded in 1917 in order to provide a point of reference for all German speakers. By remaining in contact with Germany, the Institute believed that Germans abroad could retain their language and customs.
During the Nazi era, the Institute became more radical, (39) and Gotz was part of this venue. His writing skills, his gift for public speaking, and his "whole hearted commitment to the New Germany" made him appropriate for Nazi aims. (40) He travelled in Canada in 1936, which culminated in a book entitled Bruder tiber dem Meer (Brothers over the Sea, 1938). This publication demonstrated how Canada was incompatible for Germans as a land of residence. Gotz found it to be a "mongrel" nation, lacking unity and a national conscience. (41) His negative assessment of Canada extended to everything Canada had to offer including its nature. (42) In Nazi Germany, Gotz's travels through North America were praised as an important mission that was essential to maintaining ties between German nationals abroad and the Third Reich.
Gotz was able to use his literary style and his personal charm to advance Nazi beliefs. In the process he enticed German speakers to adopt ardent Nazi ideological and racial concepts. During Gotz's travels "he always stressed how Germans of the Third Reich were proud of the foreign Germans and their achievements. He also urged his listeners to appreciate being German and to recognize that 'blood was stronger than citizenship papers.' Finally, Gotz emphasized that the best way to avoid cultural annihilation was to identify with the Germany that Hitler had created." His reception abroad was positive and warmly received. His mission was not as an innocent researcher, ambassador, and observer, but as Wagner noted, he was "waging a National socialist propaganda campaign among America's Germans." (43)
Eckhart Kastendieck, one of Saskatchewan's most adamant Bund members and an Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei advocate, stated that the Nazis "sent people over here with the aim of finding out why we left and what happened to us." Kastendieck recalled that G6tz travelled around western Canada visiting German families trying to find out how Germans lived, worked, and their many challenges as immigrants. (44)
In Alberta, Gotz was able to meet prominent Nazi leaders such as Pankow and Mayer and recalled staying with the Mayer family while in Vegreville. (45) He also visited Edmonton, Spruce Grove, Stony Plain, Bruderheim, Dapp, Flatbush, Peace River, Spirit River, and Northmark. (46) He described Mayer as being well-to-do and "German to the bones."
Karl Strolin, Gotz's DAI superior, also corresponded with Mayer. Mayer was complimented for his hearty reception and support of Gotz, and his bond to the new Germany. (47) Fellow Bund member Gunther Pankow fondly remembered Gotz's visit and recounted that "in October  we had the great joy that Karl Gotz visited us in the high north and warm heartedly explained to us in an enthusiastic way the new Germany. It was unforgettable hours for us." (48) During World War II Gotz, now back in Germany, threw himself behind the Nazi war movement and tried to enlist. He was soon appointed to resettle eastern European Germans into conquered territory in Poland. Heinrich Himmler, leader of the Nazi Schutzstaffel (Security Squad or SS) wanted Gotz to work with the SS in its resettlement policy. Gotz willingly took part in Himmler's plans and considered his SS involvement on German resettlement a "beautiful and interesting mission." As the war continued Gotz became more committed to Nazi ideals. He corresponded frequently with Himmler, culminating with the two men meeting in Russia. Gotz took advantage of his growing power and influence within this Nazi empire, his commitment for the cause continuing until the end of National Socialism. (49) Wagner noted that "his success during the 1930s as a propagandist for the volkish [ethnic German] movement and as an apologist for the new Germany caused his stock to rise dramatically among the Third Reich's leadership. By the outbreak of the war, Gotz was an officer in the SS and a friend and confidante of Himmler." (50)
Gotz and the Nazi cause charmed many in Canada besides Mayer and Pankow. Pankow's daughter, Ursula Defts, minimized her father's Nazi connection naively explaining that
in the early thirties, in an effort to keep German tradition alive, a local branch of the Canadian Society for German Culture (Deutscher Bund Canada) was organized and duly registered. The constitution of this society stated that it was not politically oriented and must comply with the laws of the Canadian government. Its aims and purposes were to perpetuate German cultural aspects, such as language, literature, music, and the arts; to join all German Canadians in a spirit of fellowship and comradeship. (51)
This euphoric assessment is retold by Delf in a family history. (52) Pankow's wife even visited Gotz in Germany after the war. (53)
If Canadian authorities had known of Mayer's personal contact with Gotz and other members of the Deutsches Ausland Institut administration, their line of questioning in 1940 would have been more intense. (54) No doubt his contacts to provincial members and national Bund members reflected poorly on his judgement. The level of praise he enjoyed within Bund correspondence and the newspaper Deutsche Zeitung fur Canada dictated his continued detention. Although Mayer had transplanted his life to Canada, he remained tied to all things German. The Nazification of his homeland, and the praise he received, both private and public, plus his involvement in the Bund, ensured that Canadian authorities would take an active interest in this prosperous farmer. Unfortunately, his death occurred during the war and he could not be united with his family in Alberta.
Like many German speakers in Canada, Mayer had been seduced by Nazi ideology, but his degree of acceptance and participation went beyond mere experimentation. He was, as ascertained by Canadian authorities, an active member of the Bund administration in Alberta while promoting the interests of the NSDAP in Canada. (55)
NAZI FLAG IS FLOWN DESPITE MAYOR'S EDICT
German Canadians Hold Annual Reunion in City Over Week-End
Defying Mayor J. A. Clarke's ultimatum, not to fly the German Nazi flag, Germany's national emblem, the Swastika. waved high over the heads of more than 3,000 German Canadians gathered at Victoria park for their annual picnic and celebration Sunday.
A cordon of police were on hand, but no effort whatsoever was made to take down the flag.
It was reported, however, that the German--Canadian Reunion Association had received permission from Ottawa to fly the flag.
Paul Abele. president of the German-Canadian Reunion Association, officiated at the colorful opening ceremonies, which were featured by addresses by Hon. Ernest C. Manning, minister of trade and industry, A. Gambal, vice-president of the G.C.R.A., B. Boehnert, editor of the Independent Weekly, and Berrard Bott, of Winnipeg. Following a. brief address by Mr.
Abele. in which he paid a tribute to King Edward VIII, the Canadian National anthem. "O Canada." was sung, while the Canadian nag was hoisted.
Non. Ernest C. Manning. the guest speaker, conveyed greetings from Premier Aberhart and the provincial cabinet. He also spoke briefly on the necessity of co-operation of the people in solving the difficulties of the day.
ADDRESS IN GERMAN
A. Gambal. the nexf speaker. gave an addres in German. He requested that German--Canadians continue to hold their annual reunion and spoke of the various celebrations of the fatherland. He asked that all German--Canadian; be loyal to Canada,
Following Ibis address. B. Boehnert. editor of the German Independent Weekly, gave an address in English. Bernard Bolt, editor of the "Deutsche Zeitung." published in Winnipeg. was the next speaker.
Edmonton Bulletin, August 3, 1936.
Dr. Grant W. Grams graduated from the University of Saskatchewan (BA 1989), Albert Ludwigs University, Freiburg, Germany (MA 1990), and Phillips University, Marburg, Germany (PhD, 2000). He currently is a history lecturer at Concordia University College, Edmonton.
(1) National Archives of Canada (NAC), RG13, C1, Vol. 965 (RCMP 4): Mayer, Hans Vegreville, Alta German (Naturalized), Vegreville, 5-9-39, 50 years, Farmer, 26 years Kananaskis.
(2) NAC, RG25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E-Part 1: N.A. Robertson Memorandum to Ernst Lapoint, Minister of Justice and Attorney General for Canada, Ottawa Sept 3, 1939
(3) NAC, RG25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E, Part 1 [Appendix]: N A Robertson Memorandum to Ernest Lapoint, Minister of Justice and Attorney General for Canada, Ottawa, Sept. 3, 1939.
(4) NAC, RG 25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E, Part 1: Advisory Committee Orders of Restriction and Detention in the case of Hans Mayer, Calgary, Jan. 23, 1940.
(5) Granatstein, J.L, A Man of Influence. Ottawa: Deneau Publishers, 1981, 86.
(6) NAC, RG25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E-Part 1: Advisory Committee Orders of Restriction and Detention in the case of Hans Mayer, Calgary, Jan. 23, 1940; Annual Report of the Department of Agriculture of the Province of Alberta for the Year 1927, W.D. McLean Publisher, Edmonton, 1928, 34, 70.
(7) Offenbeck, John, "The Nazi Movement and German Canadians, 1933-1939," Masters thesis, University of Western Ontario, 1970, 64-65; Wagner, Jonathan, "The Deutscher Bund Canada," in Robert Bothwell and David Bercuson (eds.) The Canadian Historical Review, Vol. LVII, No. 2, June 1977, 176-79; Wagner, Jonathan, Brothers Beyond the Sea. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier Press, 1981.34-36, 65-77.
(8) Martin, Robin, Shades of Right; Nativist and Fascist Politics in Canada, 1920-1940, Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1992, 246; Wagner 1977, 177-99; Wagner, Jonathan, "The Deutscher Bund in Saskatchewan," in Saskatchewan History, Spring 1978, 42-44.
(9) Gerwin, Elizabeth B.: "A Survey of the German-Speaking Population of Alberta," MA Thesis University of Alberta, 1938, 107-09, 119-21.
(10) "Deutscher Bund, Canada Inc. Stutzpunkt, Ponoka, Alta.," in Der Courier und der Herold, March 21, 1934, 4.
(11) Holmgren, Eric and Patricia Holmgren, Over 2000 Place Names of Alberta. Saskatoon: Western Producer Prairie Books 1976, 104; "Freedom (Dusseldorf) Alta," in Deutsche Zeitung fur Canada, March 15, 1939, 4.
(12) NAC, RG25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E, Part 1, "Advisory Committee Orders of Restriction and Detention, Hans Mayer Calgary Alberta, Jan. 23, 1940"; "Deutscher Bund Ortsgruppe, Vegreville Alta," in Deutsche Zeitung fur Canada. Nov. 27, 1935. 4; "Russlanddeutsche opern for das Winterhilfswerk," in Deutsche Zeitung for Canada, Feb. 10, 1937. 4.
(13) Wagner, 1981, 100; "Deutscher Bund, Stutzpunkt E[d]monton, Alta," in Der Courier und der Herold, March 14. 1934, 4.
(14) Gerwin. 107-09, 119-21; Canadian Jewish Congress Charities Committee National Archives (CJCCNA) ZA 1937-1-1: J.J.[anz] Winnipeg to G. Rudolf Montreal July 21, 1937.
(15) Lehmann. Heinz, and Gerhard Bassler, The German Canadians 1750-1937: Immigration, Settlement and Culture, St. Johns. Newfoundland: Jesperson Press, 1986. XXXI-II, 251-82.
(16) Wagner 1981, 96-98.
(17) Politischen Archiv des Auswartigen Amts; PAAA, Personalakte Seelheim Nr.804g: AA to RWA. Nov, 29, 1920; Wagner 1981, 37-38.
(18) PAAA, Personalakte Martin Nr. 371G Band 2: Martin GC to AA, Aug. 8, 1930; PAAA Personalakte Martin Nr. 371G Band 2: Martin GC to AA, June 18, 1929; PAAA Deutsches Konsulat, Winnipeg, Generalakten Band 1 G10 Geschaftsgang: Kempff GGC to GC, Oct. 26, 1927; Wagner, J. E: "The Deutsche Zeitung for Canada: A Nazi Newspaper in Winnipeg," in Manitoba Historical Series 3, Nc 33, 1976-77, <http://www.mhs.mb.ca/ docs/transactions/3/deutschezeitung.shtml>; Wagner, 1977, 176-99; Prokop, M., A History of Alberta's German-Speaking Communities, Vol. 1, Okotoks, 2007, 114-18; Wagner, 1981, 37-40, 94-102; "Im Mittelpunkt der Wirtschaft steht der Mensch," in Deutsche Zeitung fur Canada, Aug. 14, 1935, 1-3.
(19) Wagner, 1981, 50-82; Grams, Grant, "German Emigration to Canada and the Support of its Deutschtum during the Weimar Republic," The Role of the Deatsches Ausland Institut, Verein fur das Deutschtum im Ausland and German-Canadian Organisations. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang Publishers, 2001, 227-28.
(20) Wagner, 1977, 176-200; Wagner, 1981, 30-53, 82-85; Wagner 1976-77, http://www.mhs.mb.ca/docsltransactions/3/deutschezeitung. shtml.
(21) NAC, RG25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E, Part 1: Advisory Committee Orders of Restriction and Detention in the case of Hans Mayer, Calgary Jan. 23, 1940.
(22) "Die deutsche Flagge wehte in Edmonton," in Deutsche Zeitun9 for Canada, Aug. 12, 1936, 1, 7-8; "Erfolgreicher Verlauf des Deutschen Tages in Edmonton am 30 und 31. lull," in Deutsche Zeitung fur Canada, Aug. 10, 1938, 4; "Das geeinte Alberta-Deutschtum." in Deutsche Zeitung fur Canada, Aug. 9, 1939, Sonderbericht der Deutsche Zeitung fur Canada.
(23) "Vegreville, Alta," in Deutsche Zeitung for Canada, March 30, 1938, 4; "Ruglanddeutsche opern for das Winterhilfswerk," in Deutsche Zeitung fur Canada, Feb. 10, 1937, 4; NAC, RG 25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E, Part 1, Advisory Committee Orders of Restriction and Detention, Calgary, Alberta, Jan. 23, 1940; R[odde], W[ilhelm], "Kanada Das Kanadadeutschtum, sein organisatorischer Aufbau und seine volkische Ausrichtug," in Der Auslandsdeutsche, 1938, 31-32.
(24) NAC, RG 13, C1, Vol. 965, Report 5: Alberta Prominent German Agitators Naturalized, Mayer, Hans.
(25) "Freedom (D0sseldor0 Alta," in Deutsche Zeitung fur Canada, March 15, 1939, 4.
(26) NAC, RG25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E, Part 1: Advisory Committee Orders of Restriction and Detention in the case of Hans Mayer, Calgary, Alberta, Jan. 23, 1940.
(27) National Archive Records Administration (NARA), RG165, Military Intelligence Division Correspondence, 1917-1941, File 10110-2723, 22: Joseph Flack, Division of European Affairs to the Secretary, Under Secretary, Counselor, and ME Messersmith, Feb. 21, 1938; House of Representatives: Report 1476 76, Congress 3rd Session, Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States, Jan. 3, 1940, 16-17; "Hitler Again Orders Nazis here to Quit Bund and all Such Groups," in The New York Times, March 1, 1938, 1, 6.
(28) NAC, RG25, G1, Vol. 1884, File 11-T, S.T. Wood, Royal Canadian Mounted Police, to DE O.D. Skelton, Under-Secretary of State for External Affairs, April 27, 1939; "Bund Youth Unit Denounced by Girl for Immorality," in The New York Times, Aug. 19, 1939, 1,4.
(29) WalI, Donald D., Nazi Germany and World War II, Toronto: Nelson Thomson Learning, 2003, 83-86; Muller-Brandenburg, Hermann, Gedanken um den Reichsarbeitsdienst, Leipzig: Verlag Gunther Heinig, 1941, 35-48; Patel, Kiran Klaus, Soldiers of Love-Labor Service in Nazi Germany and New Deal America, 1933-1945, New York: Cambridge University Press New, 2005, 98-199.
(30) NAC, RG25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E, Part 1: Advisory Committee Orders of Restriction and Detention in the case of Hans Mayer, Calgary, Alberta, Jan. 23, 1940.
(31) NAC, RG13, C1, Vol. 968: Mayer, Hans--Objection heard at Calgary, Alberta, January 23, 1940.
(32) "Fifth Column Danger Real," in Calgary Herald, June 20, 1940, 4; Betcherman, Lita-Rose, The Swastika and the Maple Leaf, Toronto, Fitzhenry and Whiteside, 1975, 64; Robin, 246.
(33) NAC, RG13, Cl, Vol. 965, RCMP, 4: Mayer, Hans--Vegreville, Alta, German (Naturalized). Vegreville 5-9-39, 50 years, farmer, 26 years, Kananaskis.
(34) NAC, RG13, C1, Vol. 968: Mayer, Hans--Objection heard at Calgary, Alberta, January 23, 1940.
(35) NAC, RG24, Vol.. 6586: C.E. Connolly, Kananaskis, Department of National Defence, to Director of Internment Operation, March 12, 1940.
(36) NAC, RG25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E, Part 1: Advisory Committee Orders of Restriction and Detention in the case of Hans Mayer, Calgary, Jan. 23, 1940.
(37) Jones, Ted: Both Sides of the Wire The Frederickton Internment Camp, Vol. II, New Ireland Press 1989, 526; Delfs, 2005, 177-88.
(38) NAC, RG 25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E, Part 1: Advisory Committee Orders of Restriction and Detention, Calgary, Alberta, Jan. 23, 1940.
(39) Ritter, Ernst: Das Deutsche Aslant-lnstitut in Stuttgart 1917-1945, Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, Verlag GmbH, 1976, 31-47, 70-134; Bischoff, Ralph F. Nazi Conquest Through German Culture, Harvard University Press, 1942, 104-07; Smith, Arthur L: The Deutschtum of Nazi Germany and the United States, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1965, 5-25; Grams 2001, 7-10; Wagner 1981, 44-57.
(40) Wagner, Jonathan F., "Nazism and Sentimentalism the Propaganda Career of Karl Goetz," in Canadian Journal of History, XXIV, April 1989, 63-81.
(41) Wagner, 1981, 24-50; Grams, G. "Was Eckhardt Kastendieck one of Saskatchewan's most active Nazis?" in Saskatchewan History, 2007, 8-9.
(42) Gotz, Karl: Bruder uber dem Meer, Stuttgart: J. Engelhorns Nachf, 1938, 150-51.
(43) Wagner, 1989, 63-81.
(44) Government of Saskatchewan Archives, GSA, C81: Eckhart Kastendieck interview by D'Arcy Hande, Aug. 8/9, 1977
(45) Gotz, 1941, 122 52, 193-95.
(46) "Zum bevorstehenden Besuch des Schriftstellers Karl Gotz in Alta," in Deutsche Zeitung fur Canada, Sept. 23, 1936, 4.
(47) NAC, K174, 8AK R57, DAI No.1102, File Kanada, Gotz Reise dutch Nord-Mittel und Sudamerika, 1936-1937, Kanada correspondence, reports, articles 27-8 to 18-10, 1936: Karl Gotz to Oberbuergermeister, Edmonton, Oct. 5, 1936. There are multiple Kirchheims in Germany, he probably lived in one of the four Kirchheims in Baden-Wurttemberg [Strolin] Deutsches Ausland Institut to H. Mayer, Feb 13, 1937.
(48) Pankow, Gunther, "Deutsches Leben im hohen Norden Albertas," in Deutsche Zeitung for Canada, March 10, 1927, 4
(49) Wagner, 1989, 63-81
(50) Wagner, Jonathan, "Nazi Propaganda Among North Dakota's Germans, 1934-1941," in North Dakota History, vol 54, 1987, 17-18.
(51) Defts, Ursula (ed.), Burnt Embers a history of Woking and district in the Burnt River Valley, Edmonton: Friesen Printers 1985, 17.
(52) Delfs, Ursula, To a Brighter Future, the Pankow Family Story, Victoria, BC: Trafford Publishing, 2005, 123-87.
(53) Delfs, 2005, 337.
(54) NAC, K174, BAK R57, DAI, No. 1102, File Kanada, Gotz Reise durch Nord-Mittel und 5hdamerika, 1936-1937, Kanada correspondence, reports, articles 27-8 to 18-10 1936: Karl Gotz to Oberburgermeister [Strolin], Edmonton, Oct. 5, 1936; NAC, K174, BAK R57, DAI, No. 1102 File Kanada, Gotz Reise dutch Nord-Mittel und Sudamerika, 1936-1937. Kanada correspondence, reports, articles 27-8 to 18-10 1936: [Strolin] Deutsches Aslant Institut to H Mayer, Feb. 13, 1937.
(55) NAC, RG13, C1, Vol 965 (RCMP 4): Mayer, Hans--Vegreville, Alta, German (Naturalized) Vegreville 5-9-39, 50 years, Farmer 26 years, Kananaskis; NAC, RG25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E, Part 1: Advisory Committee Orders of Restriction and Detention in the case of Hans Mayer, Calgary Alberta Jan. 23, 1940; NAC, RG13, C1, Vol. 965 Report 5: Alberta Prominent German Agitators Naturalized Mayer, Hans; NAC, RG25, Vol. 1964, File 855-E, Part 1: NA. Robertson Memorandum to Ernest Lapoint, Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada, Ottawa, Sept 3, 1939; NAC, RG24, Vol. 6586: C E. Connolly, Kananaskis, Department of National Defence to Director of internment Operation, March 12, 1940; NAC, RG13, C1, Vol 968: Mayer, Hans--Objection heard at Calgary, Alberta, January 23, 1940
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|Author:||Grams, Grant W.|
|Date:||Jan 1, 2010|
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