Halcyon days and the literature of war: England's military education before 1642.
The idyllic view of England is epitomized in a portrait painted in 1636 of William Style of Langley, Kent, a lawyer and country gentleman. Sober, elegant, immaculate, he stands on a tessellated floor in front of an open window and a classical arch; behind him, on his desk, are his books and papers. Through the arch lies his garden, parterred and ordered, and beyond it a less disciplined but romantic landscape. He is a fortunate Englishman consciously enjoying the peaceful pleasures of his books and his garden; even the puffy clouds do not threaten. Style, we are told, had Catholic sympathies; but a committed Puritan and Parliamentarian like Sir William Waller looked back after the hurry-burly of military command, factional politics and, ultimately, reserved acceptance of Restoration, to recollect an idyll recognizably akin to that depicted in Style's portrait, one that comprehended pleasures of houses, pictures, books, music, gardens, friends and fishing.(5) Idylls are always golden, of course, and retrospection ignores those outside the magic haze, but the 1630s offered intellectual, social and material satisfactions to the privileged, and even the less privileged, whatever their hardships, knew that England's long peace preserved them from worse sufferings.
This view of England in the 1630s as, relatively, a halcyon land can be linked to the long-standing notion, one that has persisted from Clarendon to our own day, that England was "a land utterly unprepared for war".(6) Recently another line of argument, complementary to and dependent on these perceptions, has seen the reign of Charles I as a new chivalric heyday, in which the idea of chivalry evolved from old-fashioned if residually useful military values and displays to a more idealized, more refined, less military expression of political culture. At the same time, it is argued, archaic and "chivalric" literature and values infused the conceptions of appropriate conduct that future commanders were to bring to war in England. Such as it was, their practical experience of war had been as members of "an antediluvian generation which had gone in search of martial honour in the Low Countries".(7)
This article puts a contrary view. It argues that the picture of a halcyon, insular England unprepared for war, whose future military leaders were little more than romantic, aristocratic and archaic play-actors, is doubly mistaken. On the one hand, claims to a halcyon England owed their intensity to nervous and knowledgeable awareness of the nature of contemporary war; on the other, the pre-war decades, including the peaceful 1630s, prepared the country practically and intellectually for its own war. Practically, by 1642 both sides could draw on a significant body of soldiers whose experience extended well beyond that recently offered by Scottish and Irish campaigns. Intellectually, the country was prepared by a literature that had little to do with chivalric romance and much to do with the professional practice of modern soldiers (as well as of historical exemplars), with the latest theory of the "science of war", with narratives of current European campaigns and their generals, and with the social and moral dangers that attended war. It provided a broad and utilitarian education for civilians and professionals alike, one not confined to a social or vocational elite.
Here I shall be concerned chiefly with the intellectual aspect of the question: with the literature of war. The closely related and underexplored topic of the profession of arms before the Civil War must await another occasion. Some preliminary comments are nevertheless needed to explain widespread inattention to the topic and to establish the nature and extent of pre-war military experience.(8) First, as a profession -- unlike law or the church -- it did not meet modern criteria: no academies, no diplomas, no initiatory and exclusive ceremonies such as ordination. Furthermore in the peaceful years it was perforce exercised outside England. It has therefore largely escaped study as an emerging profession and its practitioners, when noticed, are usually explained away as mercenaries or soldiers of fortune -- then as now a pejorative term.(9) Yet the existence of a large number of Englishmen with serious, professional experience constitutes a shaping and controlling factor behind English military literature. Some, indeed, were among its authors. More to the point, they ensured that it was tied to reality, that it did not lapse into the fictional and far-fetched, and that it was not a mere ivory-tower genre.
A brief survey will indicate the extent of this pre-war experience, although precise numbers of officers and men cannot be established. Some, like Waller and seventeen-year-old Thomas Fairfax, were part of a floating population of young men who served abroad briefly without intention of taking up soldiering as a profession. Yet their experience should not be undervalued, for their mentors initiated them into the most advanced "schools of war" of the day. Their education, if brief, was not dilettante and they returned familiar with the principles and practice of modern war. If some yearned romantically for adventure, their heroes were the great and innovative generals of the age, most notably Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden.(10)
Such temporary soldiers were greatly outnumbered by career officers and men. We are familiar with the Scots who served in Europe, but tend to forget both the long-established English regiments in the Low Countries and the "new English regiments" of the 1620s, the numbers of Englishmen dispersed through Protestant armies in Germany, and those who served Catholic powers.(11) Nor is it merely a matter of counting regiments and speculating as to total numbers of of ficers and men.(12) One striking feature of the decades before the Civil War is the persistence of a cadre of military families that, allowing for natural demographic attrition, can be traced back at least to Elizabeth's reign. In 1637 Henry Hexham, himself an old European hand, wrote of the great English captains -- Norrises, Sidneys, Willoughbys, Veres, Morgans -- who had served in "the United Provinces, (the Nurcery of Souldierie)".(13) The "Vere Captains", whose portraits Lord Vere kept at his house in England, in turn were kin, mentors and patrons to a later generation that included Sir Thomas Fairfax and George Monck.(14) Mortality of course took its toll, and few of Vere's "band of brothers" survived to fight after 1642. One who did was Sir Jacob Astley, the future Royalist commander, who in 1628 wrote to the earl of Essex (then out of favour) as one professional to another: "I hope to live . . . to see your Lordship the chief director and the head of an army in some brave employment".(15) Historical ironies aside, a second striking feature of the pre-war decades is the sense of professional solidarity, of shared vocation and shared interests, among soldiers, which extended well below the ranks of commanders and colonels.(16) The eminent and visible were accompanied by a shoal of junior officers and common soldiers.(17) Indeed the records of the obscure are perhaps even more telling in establishing the extent of prewar professionalism. A "list of officers & gentlemen that have served in foreign parts" and chosen for Scottish service, drawn up at the end of the halcyon decade and reflecting only those available in England at the time, contained nearly two hundred names. Some were old and familiar in military circles and some would later become prominent, but most were then and remained unknown to fame.(18) Nor must we forget the lesser professionals, often sergeants and lieutenants, who came home to train urban artillery and private companies and the trained bands; they were familiar figures who brought European practice to civilian England.(19) Finally we may note that these men who "served in foreign parts" did not, if they survived, cut their ties with England. Employment opportunities functuated seasonally and with the policies and finances of employers. Many officers and some men came and went between England and the Continent according to demand. And both the swaggering veteran and the pathetic maimed beggar were familiar detritus of war in Stuart England.(20)
Enough has been said to demonstrate that the public for whom the literature of war was produced was familiar with its modern character. They knew it as a matter to which mind and skill were to be applied, and one in which kin and neighbours were engaged. Soldiers remained part of English society although they pursued their metier abroad. Even their deaths in foreign fields resonated at home through the memories and memorials of grieving families.(21) Style and Waller, those figures from the "idyllic" 1630s, are themselves reminders that halcyon days nurtured intellectual and practical preparation for war, and that a thankful sense of England's exceptionalism entailed neither pacifism nor isolation. Theirs was not an insular world: Style points with his cane to a microcosmic globe; Waller had served Venice and the Palatinate. The world elsewhere provided a profession for many Englishmen and fostered English interest in the descriptive and prescriptive literature of war.
The Europe that Englishmen contemplated with fascinated attention, while it enhanced their sense of English good fortune, at the same time added urgency to arguments for domestic military preparedness. This attention and urgency lie behind the large and miscellaneous literature consumed by civilians, European veterans and citizen soldiers. Accounts of travel, military narratives, atrocity stories, training manuals, lives and precepts of great soldiers familiarized even the pacific with what they might expect in war.
Knowledge of war has two faces. War is a social phenomenon affecting soldiers and civilians alike; and it is a professional enterprise conducted by military personnel. The literature of both these aspects will be discussed, always bearing in mind that print was not the only way in which information was disseminated.(22) It was supplemented by letters and word of mouth; together they spread news from Europe widely through the country.(23) The future Royalist Astley sent closely written pages to the future Parliamentarian Sir Edmund Bacon in Suffolk describing the siege of 's Hertogenbosch. Young William Gell wrote to his family in Derbyshire of his sickness and captivity and of the "ruinated & burnt up" country to which he had no wish to return. Officers passed on news to colleagues at home of disasters as well as successes, of lost English lives, and of the errors of even the great Gustavus Adolphus. Regular newsletters from Europe, even news spread by the likes of "Thom. Long the carrier" as he passed through the country, supplemented private informants, and discussion analysed news received and assessed its reliability.(24) Letters were accompanied by "bookes" that expanded on their news, while the spoken word in turn became print. In the 1620s Simonds D'Ewes's social life was full of European news from such mixed media. At a bridal supper "wee had some good newes read, which came out of the Palatinate"; he "ha[d] the bookes" for some news, but at other times it emerged while he talked and dined with friends.(25) When Lieutenant-Colonel William Prude was killed at Maastricht in 1632 his body came home to Kent, and all his eminent "countrymen", knights, gentlemen, clergy and citizens, came to hear Francis Rogers preach a funeral sermon in Canterbury Cathedral that celebrated his exemplary Protestant military career; shortly afterwards it appeared in print for a wider audience.(26)
Military information of many kinds thus catered to and fostered consciousness of European affairs. The first category of literature to be discussed may initially seem only contingently "military", but by revealing the nature of war and reinforcing traditional fears about its consequences it conditioned the English for their own war. The literature of current European history, and particularly its Protestant history, perforce devoted much attention to war. Religious anxiety, atavistic revulsion from atrocity, moral considerations of acceptable conduct in war, and social fear of relapse to chaos and barbarity were all intensified by the view across the Channel. England's halcyon days, such as they were -- not all Englishmen found them so -- drew lustre from "the fury of fire" reflected from Europe.(27) From the Low Countries to the Balkans, it seemed, war was endemic. Its progress fed both foreign and domestic anxieties. From the outbreak of the Thirty Years War in 1618, virtually unanimous English commitment to Protestantism and, by extension, the cause of the Palatinate, meant that the war was assimilated to existing anti-popery and fear of Catholic reconquest. Elizabethan memories were strong: a chance to "give the Dons a blow" was still satisfying. A victory for the Imperialists was a step on the way to the rule of Antichrist, and one for Gustavus Adolphus a triumph of Protestantism.(28) These preconceptions and consequent shared Protestant and national anxiety transcended disagreements as to the desirability of armed intervention.(29) The war's character, as seen from England, magnified that anxiety, for it embodied all the conventional horrors of war and added new elements of atrocity and terror.
English views of war derived from a common European tradition, although they also developed distinctive and strident Protestant overtones. War brought appalling sufferings to civilians as well as soldiers as they endured fire and sword, plague and famine. In Vox bell), published in 1626, the preacher Thomas Barnes called for a Protestant crusade, but even he conceded that the "great . . . mischiefe and misery of warre" was accompanied by abandonment of Christian standards: "In times of war, Countryes are wasted, Cities dispoyled, Temples profaned, Religion despised, equity suppressed, humanity defaced; & what cruelty, what impiety not notoriously practiced? All this considered, I may (possibly) be censured by critical! carpers, for . . . inciting to so bloudy a businesse". Further, he admitted, soldiers were as likely to be agents of evil as of reform, "corrupt . . . men, to whom it is a sport, to destroy houses, to rob Churches, to ravish virgins, to ruinate cities".(30)
By the 1630s this view of war had found its local habitation in "Germany", a central European area that embraced the Habsburg lands and stretched from the Baltic to the Alps. It is indeed hard to exaggerate English fascination with and horror at the German example. By 1638 a frontispiece that showed armies in massed combat before a once peaceful city, mothers driven by hunger to cannibalize their children, men, women and infants fleeing a burning town, and a skeletal death stalking a pestilential land had a map of Germany at its centre.(31) In all wars, admittedly, Christian standards and the unwritten laws of war that should protect the weak, helpless and holy, and moderate the conduct of soldiers to each other, were at risk, but horrors reached their apogee in Germany. Soldiers perpetrated appalling atrocities against each other and against civilians; plague, famine and war depopulated the country; ultimate taboos were broken as humankind reverted to cannibalism and desecration of the dead.(32) The accuracy of these perceptions is irrelevant here; they were strong and widespread.(33) Nor were they merely the product of feverishly propagandist Protestant sermons or titillating atrocity publications. William Crowne's account in 1637 of the earl of Arundel's travels the previous year, for example, conveyed a sense of quotidian horror, so that even a Callot-like scene of Lutheran burghers still hanging from the gallows lost its power amid the repetitive catalogue of burned, plundered, depopulated, famished towns and villages.(34) Narratives from Germany thus did far more than retail military events. They showed frighteningly that civilians were vulnerable and prosperity fragile, for their reminders of Germany's past well-being served as a sad counterpoint to present misery and long-term ruin.(35) There was, wrote one traveller, "an universal! desolation". In Germany he "scarse saw a man in the Fields, or Villages", and across central Europe "[o]nely here and there, as the land hath rest, the dwellers returne. But alas, the farre greater part are extinguished by warre, misery, or length of time".(36)
The Thirty Years War as recounted to Englishmen represented an exceptional concentration of predictable miseries, but it seemed also to be distinguished qualitatively from other wars by reversion to atrocity, barbarity and lawlessness. The bonds of civilization had broken for soldiers and civilians alike. Soldiers' cruelty was "inexpressible", and those who traditionally merited special protection were victims equally with combatants; the dead were subject to "barbarous cruelties"; even animal creation recoiled.(37) "I have scene [the Croats] beat out the braines of poore old decrepid women, as in sport", reported Philip Vincent, but the numbing of the moral sensibilities of victims horrified him almost as much: "It is now growne so usuall with the poore people to see one slaine before anothers face, that (as though there were no relation, no affection of neighbourhood, kindred or friendship among them) none compassionateth almost, none crieth out, oh my father, or oh my brother!".(38) Whatever their truth--they have a formulaic similarity to atrocities reported in many wars and all ages--these stories were widely circulated, luridly illustrated and uncritically received.(39)
The final and perhaps most disturbing component in this view of Europe was that horrors were inflicted bipartisanly. Atrocity was not defined by confession or nation. "We" as well as "they" could lapse into barbarism and inhumanity. Protestant Englishmen of course emphasized Catholic evil, but they acknowledged the "[i]nfinite and unspeakable . . . cruelties, which have . . . beene exercised by the furious Souldiers on all sides".(40) The war gave new force to old recognition that civilized and Christian standards were fragile and that, under pressure, the "good" and Protestant as well as the "bad" and Catholic abandoned them.(41) By 1638 even one of the more inflamed chroniclers of Germany's sufferings lamented that her "direful! Tragedies" stemmed from "the Protestants (the more the pity) as [well as] the Papists: no difference for religions sake; nor any respect of persons, ages, sexes, or conditions".(42) When Englishmen looked at Europe they saw not only "natural" calamities of war such as battle and disease, but also dangers of a spiral of reprisal and the unleashing of barbarity that threatened future as well as present society.(43)
This literature deserves attention for it formed expectations as to the character of war, and strengthened resolve, once it came to England, to attempt to maintain the codes that would moderate its worst excesses and render reconciliation more feasible. Its subject was contemporary and immediate, in no way romantic or chivalric, nor was its appeal confined to an elite. It contributed to the war-education, in its broader social sense, of an extensive public.
War, then, was vividly present in English minds although still absent from English soil. A literature of cruelties and social breakdown, its message intensified by anti-Catholic polemic, had shaped national consciousness of war. It coexisted, however, with cooler descriptive narratives and professional instruction, in works ranging from elevated statements of general principles to drill books, from reports of the doings of great heroes and international powers to celebrations of part-time local soldiers. Personal narratives like Crowne's and that of the Scottish soldier Robert Monro, who recounted his service "with the Worthy Scots Regiment", were complemented by a large and narrowly military literature, technical, normative and narrative.(44) Furthermore demand for European news fostered the earliest forerunners of English newspapers, which appeared in the 1620s with almost weekly regularity; after they were banned in 1632 demand was met by lengthy semi-annual digests such as the German History and the Swedish Intelligencer and by increased numbers of street ballads and broadsides.(45)
Knowledge of warring Europe conicirmed the wisdom of preparedness at home if England was to preserve its enviable peace, and nurtured domestic development of soldierly skills. As William Gouge told a London Artillery Garden audience in 1626: "Were our daies more halcyon, more quiet and peaceable then they are . . . yet were your Artillery exercises lawfull, needfull, usefull".(46) And the soldier Robert Ward warned, "Townes and Towers burne like Beacons: We know not how soone their flame may catch hold of our owne buildings".(47) It was prudent "to be readie against an evill day".(48) "Arma pacts fulcra", proclaimed the frontispieces of military writers like John gingham and William Barriffe, echoing the motto of the London Artillery Company, and Ward asserted that "neither Peace nor Warre can bud nor flourish, but under the well-managed Sword".(49) Specifically military literature, to which we shall now turn, supplied a receptive domestic market, for England needed men versed in both speculative and practical knowledge of war, men intellectually at home with "this science of Warre" to complement the men of "old and solide experience".(50) Of course, theorists and practitioners, writers of how-to-do-it manuals and translators of Tacitus, did not fall into mutually exclusive categories, and authors and patrons were to be found on European campaigns and in the artillery gardens and training grounds of London and the provinces. Later they reappeared in the regiments of both sides in the Civil War.
The appetite for military literature was not new. Hale has noted, as a western European phenomenon, "the flood of books dealing with the conduct and technology of war that steadily mounted in volume through the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries".(51) In the 1590s in England, for example, Matthew Sutcliffe joined ancient and modern examples, and that conservative and cantankerous old professional Sir John Smythe's Certain Discourses Military sold twelve hundred copies in eight days (so Smythe claimed) before it was suppressed.(52) With the outbreak of the Thirty Years War interest intensified, and narratives of its campaigns and battles combined appeal to a wide public with a professional, didactic function; the timeless military wisdom of the ancients reinforced that of the moderns; and practical instruction came in forms that ranged from cheap pamphlets to elegant illustrated volumes like John Cruso's Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie.
Military authors were self-conscious promoters of a modern science. Like those later and greater theoreticians Jomini and Clausewitz, they believed that war was amenable to reason and demanded the application of human intellect, although unlike their post-Enlightenment successors, they were unable to dismiss the accidents of war that could undo the most scientific and rational planning as purely random, for to do so denied divine providence. War, indeed, put a strain on providential faith, but as in so many other matters, that faith allowed a large role for human reason and agency, and hence for coping with the unexpected and unintended. The scientific literature of war was designed to bring military success by disseminating reasoned knowledge, and in so doing to reduce--they could never be eliminated--the effects of human incompetence and unforeseeable accident. "[A] meer practicall knowledge cannot make a perfect souldier", declared Cruso.(53) Books offered a short cut and a safer way to military education, advantages made explicit in Edmund Plumme's introductory praise of Ward's Anima'dversions of Warre in 1639:
Here, you may fight by Booke, and never bleede:
Behold a Wall blowne up, and yet no Breach:
And hear the Neighing of a still-borne Steede:
And startle at an ingrav'n Canons speech . . .
Thanks to the Man then, by whose Magick-lore,
Europian-Fieldes, and Asian-Fortes are brought
In Merlins Wagons to thy Parlour dore.(54)
We should not be misled by the cosy jokiness of Plumme's preference for war on paper; this jaunty, all-boys-together note characterized much introductory, laudatory, military verse, but it did not detract from belief in the value of books' contents. As a later poem in the same genre remarked:
Lo, in one Volume, here thou dost explain
What Germany, Italy, Netherlands or Spain
Can render us; and to our doors hast brought
What many thousands have so deerly sought.(55)
Books, said Cruso, had preserved the military art, and he justified familiarity with the great classical authors on the ground that the only real novelty of modern war was "the inventions of fire weapons"; otherwise, "[W]e follow them step by step (mutatis mutandis)".(56) Authorities like Polybius and Vegetius derived their value from relevance to modern needs, not from antiquarian piety, a point emphasized by illustrations that juxtaposed ancient and modern. Cyrus faced Charles I above panels depicting armies of the sixth century B.C. and the seventeenth in action. Alexander handed his sword to a modern general.(57) Hale has observed that by the sixteenth century changes in warfare following the introduction of gunpowder, which reduced the value of heavy cavalry and dense infantry formations, in fact favoured tactics closer to those of the classical than of the medieval world.(58) Furthermore classical narratives extended the range of military knowledge beyond contemporary modes of war.(59) Their precepts of course must sometimes be adapted to fit modern conditions, as Cruso acknowledged ("mutatis mutandis"), and authors felt free to offer their own "observations", as in the comparison of Roman and modern warfare that John gingham added to his translation of Xenophon. The influential conjunction of ancient and modern was most strikingly evident in the success of gingham's Tactiks of Aelian: or, Art of Embattailing an Army after ye Grecian Manner. First published in 1616, its last twenty-five chapters were issued separately in 1629 and reissued in 1631. The work was cited by Cruso in 1632, taken into exile by John Lambert at the Restoration, and remembered with admiration in 1688.(60) Such was gingham's prestige in his lifetime that in 1621 the Privy Council appointed him to join eight of his betters on a special committee to consider ways to recover the Palatinate.(61)
Classical authors shared authority with multinational modern experts.(62) Indeed "Forrain Authors Ancient and Modern . . . Rectified and Supplied, According to Present Practice" had long been part of a military curriculum that paid little heed to confession or nation. It would be "an Asinine ignorance" to refuse to learn merely because of "the Doctrine and Religion professed".(63) The writings, like the practice, of Catholics and Spaniards offered as valuable lessons as those of Protestant Dutch and Swedes. Sir Edward Hoby's translation of Mendoza's Theorique and Practise of Warre of 1597 (written for Prince Philip of Spain), translations of a Jesuit history of Spinola's successful siege of Breda, published in 1627, and the Swedish Discipline that made Gustavus' ordinances accessible to English readers, were alike grist to the mill of English curiosity about developments in modern war.(64) Native authors mined foreign expertise to provide a broad and catholic survey of "present practice". Cruso, who translated the works of the sieur du Praissac--significantly, at the request of the experienced professional Philip Skippon--and the duc de Rohan, praised the acumen of these French commanders; illustrated principles of siege warfare by the example of Prince Maurice in the Netherlands; and demonstrated cavalry pay rates by Spanish example.(65) Henry Hexham's military principles reflected his decades of Low Countries experience and thus perforce Spanish as well as Dutch practice. Ward's rules came from the "Refined Discipline, and Choice Experiments [of] Netherlandish, and Swedish Warres".(66) Accounts of the Thirty Years War surveyed Germany and the Habsburg lands and on occasion looked even further east. Technical details were embedded in narrative and principles illustrated by historical example. Famous events like the sieges of Breda offered lessons for the seeing eye, while the doings of great military leaders were both heroic and instructive, for they had advanced "this science of Warre". Heroes too were heterogeneous and catholic. They ranged from Caesar to Spinola, from Maurice of Nassau to Tilly. Edward Davies, who in 1618 set out to instruct the "ignorant, and unexpert Youth" of England, listed service under Don John of Austria and the prince of Parma among his credentials.(67) Technical and atrocity literature joined European professional experience to reinforce the conception of war as a cosmopolitan affair.
The greatest innovator, model and hero of the age, of course, was its "new risen Starr", "that millitary mirrour of our times, Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden". His influence was pervasive. As an admirer noted in 1632, it was unnecessary to enlarge on "the particulars of his Achievements blowne abroad by the Trumpet of publique Fame, and echoed unto us by the weekly tell-tale Corantoes".(68) Narratives like those of Monro and the Swedish Intelligencer demonstrated his strategy and tactics, but readers were also instructed in techniques and referred from one helpful text to another. Barriffe, in Military Discipline, acknowledged his debt to Monro's Expedition in explaining how a "Swedish brigade"-- that "fatall . . . figure to the house of Austria" -- worked, and sent his readers to the Swedish Intelligencer for more detail.(69) The Swedish Discipline, published in 1632, set out the king's "Religious, Civile, And Military" practice, covering every aspect from daily prayers to building fortifications. Gustavus, "that miracle of Souldiers", had set new technical standards, and successful application of his methods merited high praise long after his death. "Thy Counter-marches, and thy Wheelings are / Fit for the mighty King of Swedens War", said Captain John Hinde of one of the Civil War's influential authors and instructors.(70)
What did Englishmen learn from this miscellaneous body of literature? Did it in fact practically prepare for war? Its precepts encompassed the most general of principles and the most minute and pragmatic of details. To begin with the principles. At first sight many appear pompously self-evident, worthy of Polonius himself. "This life is a Comedy or a Play", begins a set of "Practicall Observations" for the young officer, but even the platitudinous -- that nervous vigilance was safer than overconfidence, for example -- were bolstered by instances from Germany: the death of Gustavus, or the battle of Nordlingen, or the conduct of the German princes.(71) Platitudes may be true -- witness Polonius. More to the point, they were presented systematically, in a military context, and directly related to contemporary military experience, and through their publication they were intended to teach many young officers to think militarily.
Such works deepened understanding of the European context that, it has been suggested, formed the minds of soldiers and civilians. They served to prove rules by vivid and often horrible example. The revenge of enraged Saxon peasants, who responded with barbaric desperation to soldiers' cruelty and predation, only confirmed precepts about the importance of good officers and of troop discipline and morale, for it was a lesson in what could happen when officers either encouraged or failed to control brutal and predatory soldiers.(72) Issues of morality and military utility involved in such matters as sack after siege and incentives to soldiers, killing prisoners and hazards of reprisal, were removed from a remoter past by narratives from Germany that offered current instruction. There was constant cross-fertilization between the literature of general precept and the literature of contemporary history, which drew the thoughtful reader's attention to both military and moral problems. Theory was not always consistent, nor did life always follow art, but disparities served to stimulate reflection. The importance assigned to artillery in attack and defence, as weapon of terror or weapon of execution, was unstable enough to puzzle a careful reader. A comment that the Imperialist general Holk "kept his promise, well enough", after an enemy commander had accepted his generous surrender terms, seemed to demonstrate adherence to a general rule: after conclusion of a surrender treaty, "it is a grosse errour for a Christian to violate their word". But the reader might also be led to ponder the wealth of possibilities implicit in "well enough".(73) Even the most general platitudes about the conduct of war did not exist in a vacuum. A reader who marked and inwardly digested Monro and the Swedish Intelligencer, or indeed Gouge and The Lamentations of Germany, emerged familiar with the wisdom of western war as a systematic set of principles, as well as with their application in his own time and in nearby places. Yet he could not fail to observe that all principles were not equal, and that the truth of a principle did not mean that soldiers necessarily acted in accordance with it.
The works discussed so far, it might be argued, could produce armchair theorists but hardly men prepared to meet an enemy. This deficiency was addressed by the large body of practical self-help literature. Its range was wide, from how to organize an army to which foot to place first, and it was explicitly didactic. Cruso's instructions on how to take a fortress by famine reveal its pragmatic and comprehensive character. Among his topics were the use of spies, the wisdom of laying waste environs and cutting off water, profitable artillery targets and treatment of the hungry besieged. In 1639 he offered the model of Prince Maurice at the beginning of the century, but the same sensible rules were to be observed in innumerable sieges of the Civil War.(74) He likewise explained, with equal precision, the specific duties of different ranks. A man who digested his instructions would not "shew . . . himself a novice or fresh water souldier" when action came.(75) Even the inexperienced officer could know what was expected of him and of his colleagues, and comprehend an army's administrative and command structure. Preparatory reading could reduce the time in which he rated as a mere "fresh water souldier".
Authorities were not unanimous, as we have seen, nor was every European rule applicable in England.(76) Yet given that variations derived from the same overall military tradition, they did not detract from the instructive enterprise. The Swedish Discipline was intended both as "Recreation" and as a stimulus to discussion.(77) Barriffe acknowledged that "the Swedish brigade" of the second edition of Military Discipline in 1639 differed from his previous models, but he had added it for "variety".(78) The "Figures and formes of Battell, may bee infinite", he admitted, "no art or science yielding more content, unto the studious practitioners".(79) Circumstances, commanders, intellectual fashion produced variant practices as well as curiosities and survivals from the past.(80) Yet on the whole, these variations on military themes seem to have stimulated rather than dismayed. The science of war, like other sciences, was progressive, and indeed the great instructors of the 1630s and 1640s would in their turn be superseded. In 1688 an admirer conceded that gingham, Hexham, Ward, Elton and Venn, though excellent in their time, were useless when France had become the new exemplar of the art of war. The day of the Low Countries and Gustavus' Germany as the great models had passed, but it had been long and so powerfully influential that variations of detail had in no way undermined the authority of its English formulations.(81) Even after the high "science of war" moved on, the old English writers were still valued. One copy of the 1639 edition of Barriffe's Military Discipline is inscribed "Ensigne Will. Harvye his: Booke 1660". In 1710 Thomas Cotton similarly claimed his copy of the 1650 edition of Elton. When a "Collection from Col. Elton, Barriff, and others" appeared in Boston in 1701, its publisher explained that they were "the Authors of best Note" and "most in use among us".(82)
No aspect of war escaped these military authors of the earlier seventeenth century. From morale to the functions of pioneers, from victualling to fortification, from the quality of horses suitable for heavy cavalry (good) to that adequate for dragoons (inferior), from orders of march to the "postures" of the pikeman, "there [was] no want of books".(83) When it came to explaining what soldiers should be doing in particular situations, they abruptly descended from theory to the immediate and practical and adapted instruction for "the Tyro or untutored". As Thomas Fisher explained in 1634, his purpose was to "leav[e] all strange and forraine discourses" and instead to "descend willingly to the lowest and meanest capacity".(84) Directions for the use of petards give the flavour of such works. General encouragement -- "good order, and good provision . . . causeth . . . execution to succeed" -- was joined with close instructions for an extremely risky operation. "Two men may easily thrust forward the carriage, and apply the petard to the bridge", runs the text. The accompanying illustration shows two men, alone and exposed, trundling the carriage and petard into place against a closed drawbridge. "When there is a gate between the bridge and the draw bridge, the petard must be hung just at the middle of the bridge", is the first of the detailed options offered to the luckless petardiers (their mortality rate was high). The illustrations for construction and management of the petard and its carriage were equally detailed.(85) In such matters the authority of experience came into its own. Barriffe's readers, for example, were told that they could trust his chapter on "Captaine Wallers Triple firing to the Front" because "This . . . hath had the approbation of good and well experienced Souldiers: who have all acknowledged it to be both sollid and serviceable".(86)
The print education provided for infantry officers was probably the most immediately practical and influential, although cavalry and artillery were not ignored. Drill manuals instructed officers how to teach their men to perform instantaneously and without conscious thought complex exercises and manoeuvres. The fundamental rationale for military drill has not changed over the centuries: the more automatic and skilled the movements, the greater troops' effectiveness in battle and the lower the chances of panic and confusion. Instructions for Musters and Armes of 1631 exemplified the approach of these strictly professional craft manuals. They began abruptly: "First of all, it is to be understood that there are three sorts of distances, to wit, Open Order, Order, and Close Order. Open Order . . . is, when Souldiers both in Ranke and File, stand sixe foot remooved one from another". From there, instruction became more specific: "When you will countermarch to the right hand, The first Ranke of Leaders only must advance one step forward with the right leg, and then turne".(87) Other authors were equally precise. The "tyro" learned how to march, countermarch and wheel, how to keep distances on the march, how to handle musket and pike, how to fire and care for musket and powder, how to recognize, interpret and obey orders, even how to find the square root of large numbers (useful for forming untidy bodies of men into regular battalions). Figures showing the ideal disposition of pikemen, musketeers, officers and sergeants were interspersed with common-sense observations reflecting the realities of action. One such recommended that the command for very close ranks should not be taught, for "when necessity shall require it, [soldiers] wil close themselves but too much of their owne accord, without command".88
This plethora of instruction and explanation must sometimes have strained understanding; it certainly lent itself to satire.(89) Monro's account of the formation of company, squadron and brigade -- still revealing its European origins in its vocabulary of "Rots" and "Rot-masters", "Furers" and "Muster-schrivers" -- offered two dense, demanding pages that presupposed serious and informed attention; unskilled readers may well have foundered.(90) Many works tried to solve the problem visually. Barriffe explained movements through detailed lettered plans that resembled cryptographers' tables. Hexham explained the difference between "files" and "ranks" -- puzzling to the novice -- with pictures of rows of little musketeers and pikemen. Cruso supplemented his verbal directions for complex countermarches with diagram-pictures of rows of tiny soldiers with dotted lines choreographing their movements. Dense text, indeed, often needed such visual aids.(91) It is not surprising that one authority favoured "small Maps" that enabled the written word to be "better conceived and fixed in . . . memories".(92)
Illustrations enhanced the clarity and practicality of explanations of virtually every aspect of military activity. Large-scale plans and panoramic views showed how to lay out a camp or deploy an army in battle formation. Musical notations for "The Posture tune" and "The Falling of Tune" familiarized the musically literate with orders conveyed by fife and drum.(93) Most impressive and, one must suspect, most useful were the elegant, precise and detailed strip cartoons that showed step by step how to use musket, pike and pistol. Cruso offered double fold-out pages, folio size, containing twenty-four numbered pictures of heavily armed horsemen, each some four inches square, that progressed from mounting the horse to drawing, loading and firing the cavalryman's pistols. In thirty-two frames Hexham first showed how a soldier on the march should unshoulder, prepare, fire and reshoulder his musket, and then explained the firing procedure for a stationary soldier. The pikeman was equally well served by thirty-three frames that explained shouldering, checking, charging and trailing his pike.(94) With such helps, it was practicable for any interested man to teach himself how to handle weapons, and the analytic deconstruction of military movements or "postures" set out the steps by which he could pass the knowledge on to others.
It is one thing to establish that the materials for education in military theory and practice were available, but another to establish that they prepared any significant number of those who fought it for the war to come. Inventories of seventeenth-century libraries bear witness to the dissemination of military information, as do reports in letters and diaries of the sharing of printed news and instruction. Some libraries paid little heed to the world outside religion, the classics and the needs of country gentlemen as litigants, parliamentarians or justices of the peace; others, such as those of Sir Robert Harley and his brother James, were cosmopolitan but heavily religious, literary and philosophical. But there were also good Protestant book-buyers like Sir Simonds D'Ewes and Sir Thomas Roe who spent their money on exemplary military works and narratives of international affairs, especially as they bore on Protestant suffering. And occasionally we can trace the rise of particular interests and anxieties, as in the earl of Huntingdon's flurry of military purchases in February 1640.(95) Yet although the reading habits of Sir Simonds D'Ewes or Sir Robert Harley may have influenced responses to military issues in parliament, they had nothing to do with professional conduct of war.
Evidence that links literature and practice, like evidence as to who bought the books, is random and circumstantial. Nevertheless the steady production of military books of all kinds throughout the 1620s and 1630s suggests that authors, from that prolific hack Gervase Markham to the old Low Countries veteran turned military instructor Thomas Fisher, judged that there was a promising market.(96) Nor was it confined to gentry class or military caste; it extended to the middling and urban sort, as citizen-oriented military works of the late 1630s revealed. John Roberts's Great Yarmouths Exercise of 1638 described a day-long "Action . . . according to our modern Discipline" that ranged throughout the town and engaged its whole artillery company as actors and the rest of the inhabitants as participatory audience. It must have been a great day, part well-orchestrated field exercise, part spectacle, one that demonstrated both "modern practice" and military conventions ranging from treatment of prisoners to etiquette of drum and parley. Town worthies, members of the artillery company, and "a world of Spectators" were associated in the theory and practice of "the Art Military", and publication spread the story beyond Great Yarmouth.(97) Barriffe's Mars, his Triumph of 1639, a triumph celebrated in the Merchant Taylors' hall in London, was performed by "Gentlemen of the Artillery Garden" before an attentive and socially mixed audience. This stirring account of a mock battle between Christians and Turks demonstrated the latest in military skills, named many of the citizen participants (thus whetting their appetite for purchase), and was printed in sufficient numbers to supply every member of Barriffe's own company -- probably several hundred -- with a copy.(98) In addition to such works designed for a general and popular audience, specialized publications appealed to interests of gunners (linked, it seems, to more frivolous attractions of "Artificial Fireworkes"), mathematicians, surgeons and engineers.(99)
Country and town alike shared military knowledge. While it is risky to argue that those to whom books were dedicated actually read them, Cruso's dedications in The Complete Captain and A Treatise of Modern War to seven named deputy lieutenants of Norfolk and to Sir Thomas Glemham (a professional soldier, later a distinguished Royalist commander) as colonel of a Suffolk regiment, suggest at least that copies found their way to those counties. We are on firmer ground when we note that he not only dedicated A Short Method for the Easie Resolving of any Militarie Question (an early exercise in decision theory) to Philip Skippon but translated both that work and The Art of Warre at Skippon's request, and addressed the volume in which both appeared to the Lord Lieutanant of Norfolk and to artillery and military companies in general and especially that of Norwich. On that occasion personal interest and regional dissemination appear to have gone hand in hand.(100)
With the coming of war to Britain, publication and readership grew, but new circumstances only served to emphasize continuities of military literature and education. Change was evolutionary. Scottish war and Irish rebellion precipitated recycling of existing works, a process that gained momentum after 1642 as old publications were reissued and updated. A book on military surgery, published in 1628 for use at La Rochelle, was revised and enlarged in 1639. New and expanded editions of Hexham appeared in 1642 and 1643. Fisher's Warlike Directions, for officers "not yet setled, or rightly grounded in the Arte of Warre", had a second edition in 1643 and a third in 1644.(101) A third edition of Barriffe's Military Discipline of 1643 showed the process of modernization and adaptation, for the stocky pikeman and musketeer of the earlier frontispiece, whose clothing and weapons showed their Low Countries origins, were streamlined into fashionable contemporary soldiers whose clothes and arms are those we know from Civil War portraits. Five editions between 1635 and 1648 attest to the book's reputation and usefulness.(102)
Although it remains much more difficult to find evidence about the consumption of military literature than about its production, there are occasional gleams of light. Sir John Gell apparently valued Styward's Pathwaie to Martiall Discipline sufficiently to carry it into action (if, that is, we accept that the stain on the book is Gell's blood). More certainly, we know that in the 1620s he lent a "training book" to his Derbyshire neighbour Peter Frescheville, who returned it with the recommendation that "this book of Arms should [be] brought to the Mus[ter]s".(103) Young Edward Harley's bookseller's bill for March 1642 offers more tangible evidence. More than a third of some thirty named works are directly military. Stalwart authorities already discussed are prominent: Monro's Expedition and the Swedish Discipline, Hexham's "Military Discipline" and Cruso's Cavallrie are all there; so are Machiavelli and Cataneo on the art of war; Caesar's commentaries and the siege of Breda link its ancient and modern practice. And Markham's Souldiers Accidence, Fisher's Warlike Directions and Cruso's Art of Warre provided practical help for the novice officer on topics from drill to building forts. The foundations for his speedy transformation from young man about Lincoln's Inn to parliamentary colonel had been well laid.(104) It is speculative but probable that he was not unique in his intellectual preparation for what was to come.
"The Souldier and the Scholler" met in the pages of these "Ammanuens[e]s of the Sword". Their labours hardly provided a full substitute for experience, but as one writer observed, his readers were now "skilfull, at least in the Theory of a Souldier".(105) In a tongue-in-cheek introduction that combined admiration for educative value with wry recognition of the reality of war (his poem appeared in 1650), a Captain Jervis praised the contribution of military authors to the practice of war:
Till now we did but butcher Victories,
And were but sloven Deaths-men; whilst our eyes
Were wanting to our hands, we fell upon
A Miscellaneous Execution:
So that it griev'd the slain, that they must die
Without a method, and disorderly:
But now we have attain'd the handsome skill
By order, method, and by rule to kill.(106)
In the 1620s and 1630s relish of English peace drew its savour from knowledge of war, kept safely distant by the Channel yet never so safely as to allow confidence and relaxation. The presence of Englishmen in Europe in many capacities -- as long- or short-term soldiers, as travellers, merchants, chaplains -- integrated foreign experience into the consciousness of kin and friends at home. Sometimes indeed narratives had a lighter side: Monro recorded moments of simple tourist pleasure, the earl of Arundel kept his eyes peeled for art as well as diplomatic advantage.(107) Yet the context remained that of the horrors of war. The literature that refiected European experience confirmed the civic value of military preparedness. Interest in current history, military expertise, scientific principles and heroic lives was not confined to a "baronial" or traditionally military class. Rural and urban; noble and citizen, male and female, the English -- from the London turner Nehemiah Wallington to the Essex matriarch Lady Barrington, from William Whiteway in Dorset to poor William Gell's parents in Derbyshire -- had grown familiar with many of the component parts of war.
By the time their own war broke out, military literature had joined professional experience in preparing a generation for much of what was to come. This is not of course to argue that a trained shadow army waited in the shires, prepared for effective action. The chaos and disasters of the early months of the war make any such notion patently absurd. Indeed no army of the 1640s could be described as an efficient war machine. It can be claimed, however, that there was a core of professionals, of trained citizen-soldiers, and of intellectually prepared civilians, available to both sides, who could seed their armies and were ready to train soldiers, lead regiments, companies, even files, according to modern European practice. In turn their soldier-pupils handed on their expertise to new cohorts of officers and men, with a consequent transition from old professional to new professional dominance in army structure, of a kind familiar in other wars that involve the whole nation and are of long duration. Later observers commented on the end-product without reflecting on its beginnings.(108) In England in the 1640s the professionals who returned to fight at home were joined by the performers and readers of artillery-garden doings, consumers of military literature like young Edward Harley, and country worthies like the gentry of Kent or Norfolk to whom Rogers and Cruso addressed their work.
Specifically military instruction had prepared officers and men to act according to rank and function, to handle arms and to go into action together. A more general literature, through narratives of Europe, rendered the horrors of uncontrolled war disturbingly familiar, and haunted memory. When Birmingham was burned in 1643 one gentleman confessed to "the deepest Apprehensions . . . as presenting to my view a picture of the present estate of Germany, and as by a prospective strewing me (not very farre off) the Scene translated from thence hither".(109) When precarious restraint between native enemies threatened to break down, atrocity rhetoric warned of "animosity and cruelty" destructive of "charity, compassion and brotherly affection" in terms recalling earlier "German" literature.(110) In 1644 a moderate appeal for peace drew its title from the literature of the Thirty Years War. The Teares of Germany had become England's Teares, for "[t]he German . . . hath now a Co-partner in his miseries". The frontispiece, in place of serene William Style in his ordered and idyllic house and garden, depicts a forest in which a melancholy gentleman has sought the shelter of the British oak. He faces a title-page that laments England's "present wars which . . . cannot be parallelled by any precedent age".(111)
It will by now be evident that England was neither "utterly unprepared" for war in 1642 nor unshakably civilian in her halcyon days. It is also evident that pre-war military preparation had little to do with feudalism or chivalric romance. This is not to deny that readers from the earl of Essex to London apprentices relished Amadis de Gaul, but "Stagecoach", "Gunfight at the OK Corral" and "High Noon" may have been equally relished by officers and men of a later age, without their qualifying as formative influences on war in Korea or Vietnam.(112) Enjoyment of tales of a heroic past, mythical and historical, does not necessarily render them models for action, although it may contribute to personal nostalgia for a nobler age. Englishmen in 1642 had other terms of reference when faced by the reality of war. For professional soldiers as well as for their countrymen who knew Europe only at second hand, the images of Europe's war, formed in their own days of peace, helped form conduct to soldiers and civilians, and argued for restraint and the wisdom of heeding "the warnings of Germany".(113) England's halcyon days had seen the rise of military professionals experienced in modern war through service abroad. They had also seen the preparation of future soldiers, fostering skills at home in men whose military education owed as much to the written word as to the artillery garden. England's halcyon days had prepared the country that took up arms in 1642 for the technical practice of war and for the moral issues that would confront individuals, armies and society. (*) I am very grateful to Geoffrey Parker for comments and criticism of an earlier version of this article. (1) [P. Vincent], The Lamentations of Germany: Wherein, as in a Glasse, We May Behold her Miserable Condition, and Reade the Woefull Effects of Sinne (London, 1638, S.T.C. 24761), pp. A3-4. (2) The German History Continued: The Seventh Part (London, 1634, S.T.C. 23525.7), ch. 11, p. 1 (some chs. are separately paginated); Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino (hereafier H.E.H.), Bridgewater MS. 6879 (unfoliated; last folio of MS.). Recogrution of England's good fortune was not new, but it grew more intense in the 1630s. For the 1620s, see Samuel Buggs, Miles Mediterraneus: The Mid-land Souldier bound with Philemon Holland, A Learned, Elegant and Religious Speech Delmered unto his Most Excellent Maiestie (London, 1622, S.T.C. 4023; 13593), publisher's preface, n.p.: "(alas) wee see all Christendome be up in Armes, besides our selves"; and Thomas Jackson, Judah Must into Captivitie: Six Sermons on lerem. 7.16 (London, 1622, S.T.C. 14301), pp. 95, 97, 105-6. See D. L. Smith, "The Fourth Earl of Dorset and the Personal Rule of Charles I", Jl. Brit. Studies, xxx (1991), pp. 271-2: Dorset acknowledged England's happy and blessed "dissimilitude" from "[o]ur neighbour countrys". For shadows on this picture of fortunate England, see ibid, pp. 277-85; and G. Parry, "A Troubled Arcadia", in T. Healy and J. Sawday (eds.), Literature and the English Civil War (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 38-41, 46-50. For Clarendon's famous assessment of the "Blessings" and "Tranquillity" of the 1630s, see Edward Hyde, earl of Clarendon, The History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1702-4), i, pp. 59-60. And see K. Sharpe, The Personal Rule of Charles I (New Haven, Conn., 1992), pp. 608-11 on "Halcyon days?", and pp. 603-25 generally for discussion of "felicity" and infelicity in the 1630s. (3) See the picture of the king with his Iyre, surrounded by tranquilly happy animals, on the lid of a virginals built for Elizabeth of Bohemia: A. Cobbe, "Charles II's Virginals?", Country Life, clxxxvi (27 Feb. 1992), pp. 40-1. (4) Daniel Featley, Roma Ruens, Romes Ruine (London, 1644), n.p., "To the unknown reader"; R[ichard] H[arwood], The Loyall Subiect's Retiring-Roome: Opened in a Sermon at St Maries, on the 13th Day of Iuly . . . 1645 (Oxford, 1645), p. 2. Nostalgia was not confined to Royalists; see the Presbyterian Eleazar Gilbert, The Prelatical Cavalier Catechized, and the Protestant Souldier Incouraged: By a Missive Sent to King Charles in the Name of the Protestants beyond Seas (London, 1645), p. 27, on preservation of England's unmatched wealth, beauty and virtues as reason for compromise between warring parties. I owe the latter citation to Ian Green. (5) The portrait of William Langley of Style is in the Tate Gallery, London. Although it can be read in complex iconographical terms, it is also legitimate to take it at face value. For Waller, see Sir WiHiam Waller, Divine Meditations upon Several Occasions (London, 1680), Meditations 5, 12-20, and passim. Compare (also in the Tate) Dobson's portrait of Endymion Porter, the country gentleman enjoying his sporting guns and his classical statuary before "the idylll [was] shattered by civil war" (the Tate's gloss on the picture); and see the nostalgic description of Raglan Castle's former "fair", "delightful" beauty, recollected after it was slighted and destroyed in 1646: Historical Manuscripts Commission (hereafter H.M.C.), Twelfth Report: Appendix, Pt. IX (London, 1891), Beaufort MSS., pp. 2-3. (6) Clarendon, History, i, p. 421; in mid-1642 Clarendon judged England to be "unapt" as well as "uninclined to War". And see Tho[mas] Sprat, The History of the Royal-Society of London, for the Improving of Natural Knowledge (London, 1667), p. 73 (I owe this citation to Paul Hardacre); Edward N. Luttwak, "Au-dessus de la melee" Times Lit. Supplement, 29 Jan. 1994 (review of L. Freedman et al. (eds.), War Strategy and International Politics); compare G. M. Trevelyan, History of England (New York, 1928), p. 408, on "that most civilian of societies". (7) J. S. A. Adamson, "The Baronial Context of the English Civil War", Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc., 5th ser., xl (1990), p. 120, and also pp. 94, 102-5, 117; J. S. A. Adamson, "Chivalry and Political Culture in Caroline England", in K. Sharpe and P. Lake (eds.), Culture and Politics in Early Stuart England (London, 1994), pp. 161-97, and esp. pp. 182-93. Cf. Clarendon on officers enrolled for service against the Scots in 1639: "as good and experienced Officers, as were to be found at that time in Christendom": Clarendon, History, i, p. 91. Note also his comments passim on veteran officers and domestic training. (8) See, however, I. Roy's illuminating discussion, "The Profession of Arms", in W. Prest (ed.), The Professions in Early Modern England (London, 1987), pp. 181-219, esp. pp. 181-2, 187-94; and cf. I. Roy, "The English Civil War and English Society", in B. Bond and I. Roy (eds.), War and Society: A Yearbook of Military History (New York, 1975), pp. 27-8; and I. Roy, "The Army and its Critics in Seventeenth Century England", in B. Bond and I. Roy (eds.), War and Society, ii (New York, 1977), pp. 143-4. (9) Fairfax's justification for the execution of Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle after the fall of Colchester included their being "mere soldiers of fortune": British Library, London (hereafter Brit. Lib.), Harleian MS. 2315, fo. [11.sup.V]. (10) See e.g. J. Wilson, Fairfax (New York, 1985), pp. 7-9; J. Adair, Roundhead General: A Military Biography of Sir William Waller (London, 1969), pp. 22-5; Sir William Waller, "Recollections", printed in The Poetry of Anna Matilda (London, 1788), pp. 108-9. (11) Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fo. 28, and see fos. 25, 26, 36, on the difficulties of integrating pay and conditions of "new" amd "old" regiments. On fraternization of English and Scottish officers in Germany, see [Robert Momro], Monro his Expedition with the Worthy Scots Regiment . . . Levied in August 1626 . . . and Reduced . . . to One Company in September 1634 (London, 1637, S.T.C. 18022), pt. 2, p. 85; on rarity of service with "Catholique Potentates", see ibid, p. 75; and cf The Relation of Sydenham Poyntz, 1624-1636, ed. A. T. S. Goodrick (Camden Soc., 3rd ser., xiv, London, 1908), pp. 75-6, 145; P. R. Newman, Royalist Officers in England and Wales, 1642-1660: A Biographical Dictiomary (New York, 1981), pp. 146-7, 153 (Henry Gage, Richard Gerard). (12) For English regiments in Dutch armies with some estimates as to their strength, see [John Cruso], Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie: or, Rules and Directions for the Service of Horse, Collected out of Divers Forrain Authors Ancient and Modern (Cambridge, 1632, S.T.C. 6099), between pp. 66-7 and 104-5; for troop strengths and colonels for four regiments sent to Denmark, 1627-8, see Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fos. 105-6; and Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1628-9, p. 31, for estimates of charges for 6,000 men serving the king in Denmark and for an additional 11,000 troops. (13) Henry Hexham, The Principles of the Art Militarie: Practised in the Warres of the United Netherlands (London, 1637, S.T.C. 13264), n.p., dedication to the earl of Holland. On the composition of Elizabetham armies abroad, see S. Adams, "A Puritan Crusade? The Composition of the Earl of Leicester's Expedition to the Netherlands, 1585-1586", in The Dutch in Crisis, 1585-1588: People and Politics in Leicester's Time (Papers of the Annual Symposium, 1987, Werkgroep Engels-Nederlandse Betrekkingen/Sir Thomas Browne Institute, Leiden, 1988), pp. 7-34, and esp. pp. 8-14. (14) G. E. C[okayne], The Complete Peerage, 13 vols. (London, 1910-59), xii, p. 259; Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 30,305, fos. 29-33, for correspondence of members of the Fairfax family between Germany and England in the 1620s. For an example of the way in which the professional mantle passed to new generations, note that im the disastrous Re expedition Monck served as ensign to one of Vere's captains, Sir John Burroughs, before passing on to Dutch service: Dictionary of National Biography, "George Monck". (15) Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fo. 110. (16) See e.g. Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fos. 63, 71, 91, 95-6, 98; and note Essex as "the Darling of the Sword-men" in 1639: Clarendon, History, i, p. 91. (17) See lists of regimental officers in 1624 and 1627: Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fos. 29-[33.sup.v], [50.sup.v]-51, 104-6. (18) National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth, Chirk MS. F7442. (19) Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fos. 81, 93. (20) One officer solicited a new job m 1625 on the grounds that "business waxeth cold in these parts": Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fo. 79. For employment of professionals to train at home and for movement between England and the Contiment, see also fos. 81, 93, 95; Clarendon, History, i, p. 49. (21) E.g., the elaborate monument in Canterbury Cathedral to Lieutenant-Colonel William Prude, killed at Maastricht in 1632. It joined that to Sir Thomas Thornhurst, killed at the Isle of Re in 1627. Humbler soldiers may have lacked visible memorials, but reports of their deaths prompted public dismay as well as private grief. See e.g. Barrington Family Letters, 1628-1632, ed. A. Searle (Camden Soc., 4th ser., xxviii, London, 1983), pp. 101, 253. Mortality owed as much to disease as to battle, while random accident also took its toll, e.g. tbree companies, their colonel Sir Thomas Conway and his lieutenant-colonel were lost at sea en route to Denmark: Monro his Expedition, pt. 2, p. 13. (22) See R. Cust, "News and Politics in Early Seventeenth-Century England", Past and Present, no. 112 (Aug. 1986), pp. 62-6. Note Charles I's instructions of January 1626 "for exercising the trained bands", which provided that the "printed books" previously "sent down" be supplemented by "experienced soldiers . . . sent from the Low Countries": Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fo. 81. (23) Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fo. 116. For examples of detailed and knowledgeable private newsletters from Germany, see ibid, fos. 152-[153.sup.v] (from Frankfurt, July 1633); Add. MS. 46,189, fos. 27-[28.sup.v] (events around Leipzig, 1631, "from the Palsgrave's son's tutor to my Lord of Holland"). Hard or "authentical" news was distinguished from soft news based only on "common report". (24) Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fo. 116; Derbyshire Record Office, Derby, GeH MSS. D258 60/68 (i); Barrington Family Letters, ed. Searle, p. 101, amd see pp. 41, 79, 151, 243, for exchange of European and military news; see also Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fos. 138, 143, 152-153V; H.E.H., Bridgewater MS. 6569 (facsimile), and see MS. 6475 for evidence of campaign news sent regularly to a female correspondent in the 1620s. For interest in and dissemination of war news outside London, see e.g. William Whiteway of Dorchester: His Diary 1618 to 1635 (Dorset Record Soc., xu, Dorchester, 1991), pp. 23-6, 158-9; Diary of Walter Yonge, Esy. (Camden Soc., xii, London, 1848), pp. 82-5, 95, 99, 116-17; H.E.H., Bridgewater MSS. 6514, 6540 (facsimfle); J. Eales, Puritans and Roundheads: The Harleys of Brampton Bryan and the Outbreak of the English Civil War (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 92-4; D. Willen, "Godly Women in Early Modern England: Puritanism and Gender", gl. Eccles. Hist., xliu (1992), p. 578. For discussion in London in 1638, and weighing of the value of informants, see Public Record Office, London, C.1151N8/8826, John Finet to Viscoumt Scudamore, 20 Dec. 1638: of a report of Protestant success at Breisach, Finet concluded, "[B]y yesterday no man could say he had seen a letter (unless perhaps of some merchant and that at random) that did positively affirm it". (25) The Diary of Sir Simonds D'Ezves (1622-1624), ed. E. Bourcier (Paris, 1974), pp. 69, 75, 97, 117, and passim. See also Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 70001, fo. 112; Barringtom Family Letters, ed. Searle, pp. 200-1. (26) Francis Rogers, A Sermon Preached on September the 20. 1632: In the Cathedrall Church of Christ at Canterbury, at the Funerall of William Proud, a Lieutenant Colonell, Slaine at the Last Late Siege of Mastricke (London, 1633, S.T.C. 21175), passim. (27) J. Philolaus, A Serious Aviso to the Good People of this Nation, Concerning that Sort of Men, called Levellers (London, 1649), p. 3. I owe this quotation to Steven Zwicker. (28) On "the Dons" see Sir Dud ey Carleton to the earl of Essex, Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fo. 67. For persistence of anti-Catholic fears as an element in national consciousness, see L. CoHey, "Britishness and Otherness: An Argument", Jl. Brit. Studies, xxxi (1992), pp. 318-21. English response to the Thirty Years War was not uniform. Aside from well-known divisions over foreign policy, e.g. between interventionist parliament and cautious court, or French and Spanish factions within the court, or more and less interventionist supporters of the Protestant cause, there were also those who exploited the opportunities offered by English neutrality for commerce with Catholic powers, e.g. in the carrying trade (including carriage of the silver sinews of war from Dover to the Spamsh Low Countries). See Smith, "Fourth Earl of Dorset", pp. 272-6; Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fo. 9; H. Taylor, "Trade, Neutrality and the 'English Road', 1630-1648", Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd ser., xxv (1972), pp. 239-40, 252-60; J. S. Kepler, "Fiscal Aspects of tbe English Carrying Trade during the Thirty Years War", Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd ser., xxv (1972), pp. 264-70. (29) After 1618 a surge of sermons warned of England's need for preparedness. E.g. I. Leech, The Trayne Souldier: A Sermon Preached before the Worthy Societie of the Captaynes and Gentle Men . . . in the Artillery Garden (London, 1619, S.T.C. 15364), p. 54: "I desire not to sit like an omnious [sic] Raven upon the house-top, croaking out . . . fatall presages of . . . evill that may come upon the Land". Nevertheless, he warned, "Spaine and Rome, they have heretofore confederated against England"; so when "we heare of great preparations that others make abroad . . . it cannot be amisse for us to have an eye to our owne safetie" (pp. 50, 57). (30) [Thomas Barnes], Vox belli: or, An Alarum to Warre (London, 1626, S.T.C. 1478), pp. A2, 14. Compare the view of war of Nehemiah Wallington, a London turner: Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 21935, fos. 80[V]-81[V], and passim. I am grateful to Paul Seaver for lending me his film of this manuscript. And see William Gouge, Gods Three Arrowes: Plague, Famine, Sword, in Three Treatises, 2nd edn. (London, 1631, S.T.C. 12116). (31) See the volume containing [Vincent], Lamentations of Germany  together with: [L. Brinckmair], The Warnings of Germany: By Wonderfull Signes, and Strange Prodigies Seene in Divers Parts of that Countrye between the Yeare 1618 and 1638 (London, 1638, S.T.C. 3759); Lacrymae Germaniae: or, The Teares of Germany: Unfolding her Woefull Distresse by Jerusalems Calamity (London, 1638); and The Invasions of Germanie: With An the Civill, and Bloody Warres Therein (London, 1638). And see Clarendon, History, i, p. 88: "the whole Nation was sollicitous to know what pass'd weekly in Germany, and Poland, and all other parts of Europe", even as it ignored Scotland. Cf. Sir Edward Walker, Historical Discourses, upon Several Occasions (London, 1705), p. 215, who believed that only eyewitnesses could truly comprehend "the Calamities . . . of Germany". (32) German History Continued, ch. 2, pp. 11-12, 49-51; and see ch. 4, p. 56; Germany was "the miserable Theater, whereupon all other nations played their bloudy Tragedies, and thus must needs come to utter wine"; [Vincent], Lamentations of Germany, pp. 26, 29, 48-50, 53, 56-7, and illustrations passim. (33) For modern discussion of the realities of the Thirty Years War in Germany, see e.g. H. Kamen, "The Economic and Social Consequences of the Thirty Years War", Past and Present, no. 39 (Apr. 1968), pp. 44-61; C. R. Friedrichs, "The War and German Society", in G. Parker, The Thirty Years' War (London, 1984), pp. 208-15. And note I. Roy's comparative study, "England Turned Germany? The Aftermath of the Civil War in its European Context", Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc., 5th ser., xxviii (1978), pp. 127-44. (34) Only exceptional cases such as the "poore little Village. . . which hath been pillaged eight and twenty times in two yeeres, and twice in one day" merited comment: William Crowne, A True Relation of All the Remarkable Places and Passages Observed in the Travels of the Right Honourable Thomas Lord Howard, Earle of Arundell and Surrey . . . 1636 (London, 1637, S.T.C. 6097), pp. 5, 9, 12-14, 37-8, 46, 58. (35) [Vincent], Lamentations of Germany, p. 35. (36) Ibid., pp. 33-4; see also Crowne, True Relation, p. 39. (37) Dogs would not touch the "mangled members" of a learned minister cut to pieces near Freiburg: [Vincent], Lamentations of Germany, pp. 26, 29; and see [Brinckmair], Warnings of Germany, pp. 49-50. (38) [Vincent], Lamentations of Germany, p. 30, and for a litany of atrocities, see pp. 3-13, ch. 3, "Of Tortures and Torments". For other characteristic "atrocities", see e.g. [Brinckmair], Warnings of Germany, p. 52. See also The Swedish Intelligencer (in three parts, bound together but with separate titles and pagination; London, 1632-3, S.T.C. 23522, 23524, 23525), passim: the demand for European news is suggested by the fact that the first part of the Swedish Intelligencer, as presented here, was "Newly Revised, and Corrected"; a third "augmented" edition was issued in the same year. (39) The language used and incidents recounted, like the taboos invoked and social reversals deplored, would repay detailed analysis. See e.g. the appalling report of the fate of Hochstadt in Swabia: German History Continued, ch. 4, pp. 49-51, which prefigured English accounts of the Irish rebellion. (40) [Vincent], Lamentations of Germany, p. 11. Note Sir Thomas Barrington's characterization of the Swedish general Tott as a "careless and bestiall man. . . a salvage beast . . . crewel!"; admittedly Barrington believed him to be treacherously responsible for the deaths of English and Scottish troops: Barrington Family Letters, ed. Searle, p. 243. (41) [Vincent], Lamentations of Germany, p. 33. Reprisal, as always, raised awkward problems: although the Swedes burned 2,000 Bavarian villages "in revenge of the Palatine cause", in Protestant eyes they remained better than the Imperialists. For a private correspondent's report of such Swedish retaliation, see Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fo. 143. (42) [Vincent], Lamentations of Germany, n.p., "Preface Exhortatory". Note the Dorchester collection of 1635 for relief of the Palatinate -- to offset the effects of Protestant "protection" of inhabitants who had "suffred far more under the Swedes and French who came to helpe them, then ever they did under the Spaniards and Imperialists, so that they longed for their Government again": William Whiteway of Dorchester, p. 158. (43) See [Vincent], Lamentations of Germany, p. 63, on "scarres" for future generations from the war's "wounds". On disease, see ibid, pp. 61-2: Vincent claimed that in 1635 some towns in Swabia had no inhabitants left; that only 400 people survived (out of 30,000) in the surrounding countryside; that in Bavaria there were not enough living to bury the dead; and that 124,000 died in the bishopric of Mainz. (44) See generally Monro his Expedition. For examples of varied military publication, see: I[ohn] C[ruso], The Art of Warre: or, Militarie Discourses. . . by the Lord of Praissac: Englished by l. C. (Cambridge, 1639, S.T.C. 7365.8), published with A Short Method for the Easie Resolving of any Militarie Question; [Cruso], Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie; Hexham, Principles of the Art Militarie. (45) For these early newspapers and magazines, see J. Frank, The Beginnings of the English Newspaper, 1620-1660 (Cambridge, Mass., 1961), pp. 3-16; M. Eccles, "Thomas Gainsford, `Captain Pamphlet'", Huntington Lib. Quart., xlv (1982), pp. 259-70, describes the career of an indefatigable early newsman. For evidence of public demand, note the multiple printings of the Swedish Intelligencer (see n. 38 above). Authors took pains to establish the authenticity of their accounts, however highly coloured. They claimed expert and eyewitness authority, named their sources and distinguished hard from soft news. See e.g. [Vincent], Lamentations of Germany, title page ("Composed by. . . an eye-witnesse"); Invasions of Gerntanie, title page ("Faithfully collected out of good, and credible Originalls"); Monro his Expedition, pt. 2, p. 46 ("I have knowne by experience"); Swedish Intelligencer, ii, pp. 25, 77; iii, pp. 118, 142; and see u, pp. 62, 68, for warnings against false news; cf. Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,189, fo. 28. (46) William Gouge, The Dignitie of Chivalry: Set Forth in A Sermon, Preached before the Artillery Company of London, Iune xiij. 1626, 2nd edn. (London, 1631 bound with Gods Three Arrowes), pp. 429, 407; and see The Swedish Discipline: Religious, Civile and Military (London, 1632, S.T.C. 23520; bound with the Swedish Intelligencer [London, 1632-3], the first two parts, "Revised, Corrected, and augmented", S.T.C. 23523, 23524a), pp. A2-A3, "To All Gentlemen Practitioners and Lovers of Armes". (47) Robert Ward, Anima'dversions of Warre: or, A Militarie Magazine of the Truest Rules, and Ablest Instructions, for the Managing of Warre (London, 1639, S.T.C. 25025), "The Epistle" (to the earl of Warwick and Lord Maynard). (48) Buggs, Miles Mediterraneus, p. [A3v.], dedication to the soldiers of the newly formed Coventry "Military Garden", inaugurated in the presence of James I in 1622. (49) John gingham, The Art of Embattailing an Army: or, The Second Part of Aelians Tacticks (London, 1629, S.T.C. 162); Williams Barriffe, Military Discipline: or, The Young Artillery Man (London, 1635, S.T.C. 1506); Ward, Anima'dversions of Warre, "Epistle Dedicatorie", n.p. Barriffe's eponymous artillery man was an habitue of an artillery garden, not a cannoneer. The minister William Gouge reassured his audience of amateur, part-time soldiers that they were "imployed in [their] calling": their military exercises were a "necessary vocation. . . whereby Polities are preserved": Gouge, Dignitie of Chivalry, p. 431, and see pp. 407, 428. Note also Tho[mas] Adams, The Souldiers Honour (London, 1617, S.T.C. 127), p. B2: "Be you but ready for warre, and I durst warrant you peace". (50) Ward, Anima'dversions of Warre, "Epistle Dedicatorie", n.p.; G. Markham, The Second Part of the Souldiers Grammar: or, A Schoole for Young Souldiers (London, 1639), p. 45 (bound with The Souldiers Exercise (London, 1639, S.T.C. 17390), but separately paginated). (51) J. R. Hale, "The Military Education of the Officer Class in Early Modern Europe", in J. R. Hale, Renaissance War Studies (London, 1983), p. 233. For the volume and nature of English publications, see Maurice J. D. Cockle, A Bibliography of Military Books up to 1642, 2nd edn. (London, 1957). (52) Matthew Sutcliffe, The Practice, Proceedings and Lawes of Armes: Described out of the Doings of Most Valiant and Expert Captaines, and Confirmed by Ancient, and Moderne Examples, and Precedents (London, 1593, S.T.C. 23468); Sir John Smythe, Certain Discourses Military, ed. J. R. Hale (Ithaca, N.Y., 1964), p. Ivi. For controversy resulting from Smythe's advocacy of continued use of the bow and for his later publication (1594/5) of Instructions, Observations and Orders Military, see Certain Discourses Military, ed. Hale, pp. xlvii-lxxxii. (53) [Cruso], Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie, n.p., "To the Reader". For insistence on the intellectual, scientific character of much military literature, see e.g. John Roberts, The Compleat Cannoniere: or, The Gunners Guide, [2nd edn.] (London, 1639, S.T.C. 21092), pp. 1-2, on the "principalls of Philosophy" embodied in his work. (54) Ward, Anima'dversions of Warre, n.p., Edmund Plumme, "To our Countrymen imployed in Forraine Service". (55) Richard Elton, The Compleat Body of the Art Military: Exactly Compiled, and Gradually Composed for the Foot, in the Best Refined Manner, According to the Practice of the Modern Times, 2nd edn. (London, 1659),prefatory poem by Johannes Hunnings. Elton's book reflected Civil War experience, the first edition appeared in 1650. (56) [Cruso], Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie, n.p., "To the Reader". (57) See frontispieces to Cyrupaedia: The Institution and Life of Cyrus, the First of that Name, King of Persians, trans. [Philemon Holland] (London, 1632, S.T.C. 26068); [Io. gingham], The Tactiks of Aelian: or, Art of Embattailing an Army after ye Grecian Manner (London, , S.T.C. 161). The modern general may be Prince Charles, to whom gingham dedicated the book. It has been suggested that he is Maurice of Nassau, but he wears the Garter, and one of Charles's titles to which the dedication drew attention was "Knight of the . . . Garter". (58) Hale, "Military Education of the Officer Class", p. 232; he comments that: "The relevance of classical to contemporary warfare was sometimes queried but never denied". John gingham, noting ancient and modern similarities, dismissed arguments that "the policies used by ancient Generals match or sute not with our moderne Warres": The Historie of Xenophon: Containing the Ascent of Cyrus, trans. Joh[n] gingham (London, 1623, S.T.C. 26064), n.p., "Epistle Dedicatorie". (59) Bingham argued that modern war did not offer lessons in either long marches or pitched battles; these could be learned, however, from Xenophon's narrative of Cyrus' long march and retreat and from the precepts of Aelian: Historie of Xenophon, trans. gingham, n.p., "Epistle Dedicatorie"; gingham, Art of Embattailing, n.p., "The Epistle Dedicatory"; and see J. M. Hill, "The Distinctiveness of Gaelic Warfare, 1400-1750", Euro. Hist. Quart., xxii (1992), p. 329. The campaigns of Gustavus Adolphus were to overtake gingham's observations. (60) Note the conjunction of ancient and modern in J. C[ruso], The Complete Captain: or, An Abridgement of Cesars Warres, with Observations upon them; Together with a Collection of the Order of the Militia of the Ancients; and a Particular Treatise of Modern War: Written By the Late Great Generall the Duke of Rohan: Englished by g.c. (Cambridge, 1640, S.T.C. 4338). And see Historie of Xenophon, trans. gingham (unpaginated; 12 pp. following p. 146); [Bingham], Tactiks of Aelian; [Bingham], Art of Embattailling. For gingham's -- and Aelian's -- reputation, see [Cruso], Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie, pp. 30, 98; J.S., Fortification and Military Discipline in Two Parts (London, 1688), pt. 2, p. A2. For Maurice of Nassau's admiration for Aelian, see Cockle, Bibliography of Military Books, p. 71; for Lambert, see W. H. Dawson, Cromwell's Understudy: The Life and Times of General John Lambert (London, 1938), plate facing p. 432. Note also Thomas Gainsford's "Observations of State, and Military Affairs for the Most Part Collected out of Cornelius Tacitus", a manuscript compendium of political and military wisdom presented to Sir Thomas Egerton: H.E.H., Bridgewater MS. 6857 (facsimile). (61) Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fo. 11. Besides three "military" peers, Essex, Oxford and Leicester, the committee included well-connected professionals like Sir Edward Cecil, Sir Horace Vere and Sir Edward Conway. Bingham's presence was a striking nod to purely professional reputation. (62) See e.g. [Cruso], Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie, pp. 20, 24, and "To the Reader"; among the experts Cruso admired were Ludovico Melzo, Giorgio Basta and Johann Jacobi von Wallhausen. Cockle recorded translations of the first two in 1632 but noted that the books, if printed, were lost: Bibliography of Military Books, pp. 96, 161. For the cosmopolitan dissemination of their works, see ibid, pp. 161, 185-6. In 1685 the duke of Ormond's library contained "Infanterie de Walhausen". H.M.C., Manuscripts of the Marquess of Ormonde (new ser., vii, London, 1912), p. 515. (63) The Free Schoole of Warre: or, A Treatise, whether it be Lawfull to Beare Armes for the Service of a Prince that is of a Divers Religion, trans. W[illiam] B[edell] (London, 1625, S.T.C. 21758), pp. B iii(2), F iii(2). The original author, Paolo Sarpi, was defending Italians who served in Dutch armies in order to learn from the greatest commander of the age. (64) Theorique and Practise of Warre: Written to Don Philip Prince of Castil by Don Bernardino de Mendoza: Translated out of the Castilian Tonge into Englishe by Sr. Edwarde Hoby Knight (n.p., 1597, S.T.C. 17819). This work combines the genres of advice manual for princes and technical manual for officers. Hoby provided an anti-Catholic, anti-Spanish counterpoint in his marginal notes. I am grateful to Linda Lamont for introducing me to Hoby/Mendoza. See Cockle, Bibliography of Military Books, p. 88, on two translations of Herman Hugo's The Siege of Breda in 1627 (S.T.C. 13926, 13926a); see also pp. 126-7 on Hexham's use of the examples of Maurice of Nassau and his successor Frederick Henry, prince of Orange, and his reproduction of "recipes" and texts of European artillery and engineering experts. (65) C[ruso], Art of Warre, pp. 82-3; [Cruso], Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie, pp. 22-4. The Art of Warre closely follows the text of Les discours militaires du Sieur du Praissac (Paris, 1623; this rare edition is in the Huntington Library), although with some omissions and variations. (66) Hexham, Principles of the Art Militarie, "Appendix", pp. 3-8 (for Dutch-Spanish protocols prisoners); Ward, Anima'dversions of Warre (title). (67) Edw. Davies, The Art of War, and Englands Traynings: Plainely Demonstrating the Dutie of a Private Souldier. . . and the Martiall Lawes of the Field (London, 1619, S.T.C. 6326), p. 130; when first published in 1618 the work was shorter and more modest in its pretensions: Military Directions: or, The Art of Trayning: Plainely Demonstrating how every Good Souldier Ought to Behave Himselfe in the Warres: Very Necessary and Profitable for the Much Ignorant, and Unexpert Youth and Traine-men of this Kingdome (London, 1618, S.T.C. 6327). I am grateful to Linda Levy Peck for refering me to Davies. (68) A. Gil, The New Starr of the North, Shining upon the Victorious King of Sweden (London, 1632, S.T.C. 11879.4), pp. 22-4; William Barriffe, Military Discipline, 2nd edn. (London, 1639, S.T.C. 1507), p. 367. An actual "new star" became metaphorically Gustavus himself. (69) Barriffe, Military Discipline (1639), pp. 368-73. The 1635 edition did not contain the chapter on the Swedish brigade. (70) Swedish Discipline, n.p., "To the Christian Reader"; Elton, Compleat Body of the Art Military, n.p., prefatory poem by Captain John Hinde of the Christ Church (London) military meeting. (71) Monro his Expedition, "Certaine Observations worthy the younger Officer his consideration, being short and practicall for his Hignesse speciall use", pt. 2, pp. 193, 196-8, 200. (72) Swedish Intelligencer, iii, pp. 90-1. (73) Monro his Expedition, pt. 2, pp. 206, 211-12; Swedish Intelligencer, iii, p. 93. (74) C[ruso], Art of Warre, p. 82. (75) Ibid., pp. 131, 123-50. (76) E.g., Cruso, following du Praissac, allowed his captain summary power to kiH a rebellious soldier; English articles of war and practice were more cautiously legalistic: ibid., p. 130; cf. Lawes and Ordinances of Warre, Established for the Better Conduct of the Army by . . . the Earle of Essex (London, 1642), pp. B-[B[v], 28, "Of Duties toward Superiours and Commanders", arts. 2, 5, 6, 8, and "Of Administration of Justice", art. 1; "Dundee Court-Martial Records, 1651", ed. G. Davies, Miscellany of the Scottish Hist. Soc., 2nd ser., xix (1919), pp. 33-6. Pre-war and Royalist articles refrained from granting du Praissac's arbitrary power. Royalist articles provided more specific protection than Parliamentary, for they expressly withheld the power of life and death from regimental courts martial as well as individual officers: the regiment's "Court of Warre . . . shall not proceed to sentence of death . . . but only in the Generall and great Court of Warre, to be held for that Army": Military Orders and Articles Established by his Maiesty: For the Better Ordering and Government of his Majesties Army (Oxford, 1643), p. 5. (77) Swedish Discipline, n.p., "To the Christian Reader". (78) Barriffe, Military Discipline (1639), pp. 367-77, with interleaved diagrams. (79) Ibid., p. 257. (80) E.g., William Neade's "double-armed man", whose weapon combined pike and bow. See Smythe, Certain Discourses Military, ed. Hale, pp. lii-lv, on this and other survivals from the past; [Cruso], Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie, pp. 29-30. In 1624 D'Ewes watched a demonstration of the "new practice of pikemen having bowes ioyned to ther pikes", and as late as 1633 Charles I issued a proclamation favouring the weapon: Diary of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, p. 190; Smythe, Certain Discourses Military, ed. Hale, p. liv-lv. See also M. C. Fissel, "Tradition and Invention in the Early Stuart Art of War", Jl. Soc. Army Hist. Research, lxv (1987), pp. 133-47. While some pundits agreed respectfully to differ, others were more contentious: books on infantry "exceed rather in number then in weight", said Cruso severely: Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie, p. 98, and see p. 30. (81) J.S., Fortification and Military Discipline, pp. A2-2[v]. (82) [Nicholas Boone], Military Discipline: The Compleat Souldier, or Expert Artillery-Man: Containing the Several Postures and Exercises of the Musket & Fire-lock, with Various Beats of the Drum, Necessary for Young Souldiers (Boston, 1701), p. A3. The fly leaf is inscribed, "Joshua Bayley His Book Anno 1704. . . A Book of Military Discipline". All of the inscribed copies noted above, as well as a copy of the 1659 edition of Elton ("Thomas [?] Griffith 1661") are in the Huntington Library. (83) [Cruso], Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie, pp. 29-31, 98. (84) Ibid., n.p., "To the Reader"; T[homas] F[isher], Warlike Directions: or, The Souldiers Practice, 2nd edn. (London, 1643), "Preface", pp. A2-2.[v]. This second edition corrected typographical and engraver's errors of the first edition of 1634 (S.T.C. 10918.5). (85) C[ruso], Art of Warre, pp. 56-7, and 50-61. (86) Barriffe, Military Discipline (1635), p. 254; all editions 1635-43 included this chapter (variously as ch. 91 or 93). Compare John Roberts's recipe for cooling ordnance "growne hot with overmuch fiering", explicitly based on his experience at Bergen: Compleat Cannoniere, p. 36. (87) Instructions for Musters and Armes, and the Use Thereof: By Order from the Lords of His Maiesties Most Honourable Privie Counsaile, Whitehall the 27. of July 1631 (London, 1631, S.T.C. .7684), pp. A3-3.[v]. This was an official publication for domestic use, but it differed little from manuals derived from foreign practice. Note also Charles I on the "plain and exact rules . . . in printed books" that would help trained bands to master "the true modern use of arms and order of soldiers": Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 46,188, fo. 81. (88) The Exercise of the English, in the Militia of the Kingdome of England (n.p., ), p. 3, bound with R.M., A Compleat Schoole of Warre: or, A Direct Way for the Ordering and Exercising of a Foot Company (London, 1642), see both passim; Barriffe, Military Discipline (1639), pp. 308-9; C[ruso], Art of Warre, pp. 196-202. On the uses of mathematics, see tables and sample problems (e.g. how to form armies of uneven size into "square battailes" by use of square roots) in Roberts, Compleat Cannoniere, pp. 4 and 2-23. (89) As in The Country Captaine (probably by the duke of Newcastle), in which Captain Underwit ordered his servant to buy "all the bookes [that] can bee bought, of martial! discipline which the learned call Tacticks". Much knockabout comedy ensued, both in the form of metaphorical confusion (as in the purchase of "Swordsalve" and "Buckler of faith"), and of a stream of incomprehensible and contradictory commands. [Wm. Cavendish], The Country Captaine, and the Varietie: Two Comedies, Written by a Person of Honor (London, 1649), pp. 5, 25, 50-1. (90) Monro his Expedition, pt. 2, pp. 183-5. Similar signs of foreign ancestry were not uncommon, e.g. the advice that, when planning to surprise a stronghold, it was useful to know when soldiers left to gather "corn or grapes": C[ruso], Art of Warre, p. 59; see also Barriffe's use of "Rots" in Military Discipline (1639), pp. 367-77. (91) Military Discipline (1639), pp. 308-9 and passim; Hexham, Principles of the Art Militarie, pp. 21-2; C[ruso], Art of Warre, pp. 170-1, 196-7. (92) F[isher], Warlike Directions, p. A2[v], and see pp. 67-93 passim; cf. p. 43 for the opacity of the written word alone. (93) [Cruso], Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie, following pp. 66, 104, and see also e.g. pp. 38-41, 52-3, for information by combined text and plan; for music, see William Barriffe, Mars, his Triumph: or, The Description of an Exercise Performed the XVIII of October 1638 in Merchant-Taylors Hall by Certain Gentlemen of the Artillery Garden, London (London, 1639, S.T.C. 1505, bound with Military Discipline (1639)), pp. 10, 15. (94) Hexham, Principles of the Art Militarie, pp. 11-19 (the facing pages explain each set of pictures); [Cruso], Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie, between pp. 38 and 39; compare the equally fine and elaborate illustrations, forty-eight for the musket and thirty-six for the pike, in Instructions for Musters and Armes. Robin Bates has suggested that these strip cartoons created "almost the first animated movie. . . If you run [one] through your fingers, it really does seem `animated"'; I owe this observation to Geoffrey Parker. (95) For the libraries of Sir Robert Harley and his brother James, see Brit. Lib., Add. MSS. 70001, between fos. 230 and 231; and 70109, Misc. 54, see also the purchases of Edward Harley early in 1642, and Sir Robert Harley's book bills for 1648-51: Bodleian Library, Oxford (hereafter Bodl. Lib.), MS. Eng. hiss. c.308, fos. 76, 77. Inventories, being retrospective, are usually uninformative about purchase dates, whereas booksellers' bills can indicate current concerns. I am grateful to Sears McGee for information on Sir Thomas Roe's library. For Huntingdon's library, containing e.g. Markham's "soldiers accedence and grammar bound in blew paper", the Swedish Intelligencer, the Swedish Discipline and the Lamentations of Germany see H.E.H Hastings Inventories, Box 1, Item 13, fos. 18 ff.; Hastings F[inancial] 12, Items 10 and 38, and for Feb. 1639/40 see F[inancial] 13, Item 46 (I owe these citations to James Knowles). For D'Ewes, see A. G. Watson, The Library of Sir Simonds D'Ewes (London, 1966), pp. 180, 193-4, 259; for the Barrington family, see M. E. Bohannon, "A London Bookseller's Bill: 1635-1639", The Library, xvii (1938), pp. 423, 428. See also the inventory of the duke of Ormonde's library (1685): H.M.C., Manuscripts of the Marguess of Ormonde, pp. 513-25; and the catalogue of the Yelverton library: Brit. Lib., Hargrave MS. 107, compiled in 1694 but containing many books published between 1600 and 1640, e.g. fos. 19-40 passim: among the multilingual works on European war and military arts were translations of Sarpi's Free School of Warre (1625) and Hugo's Siege of Breda (1627; see notes 63, 64 above), and "Historia delle Guerre di Germania inferiore" (1634). Note also political/legal interests reflected by "Elector Palatine's Protestation" (London, 1637), and "De Jure Electoralis Gentis Palatino-Bavarae" (1637). (96) See Cockle, Bibliography of Military Books, pp. 82-3, 86-7, on Markham's The Souldiers Accidence and The Souldiers Grammar (1625-7 and 1643); Fisher, after twenty-six years in the Low Countries, became instructor to the trained bands of Kent: ibid, p. 99. (97) Iohn Roberts, Great Yarmouths Exercise in a Very Compleat and Martiall Manner Performed by their Artillery Men. . . According to the Modern Discipline of our Age (London, 1638, S.T.C. 21093), p. [A2[v]] and passim. (98) Barriffe, Mars, his Triumph, pp. 2, 9 (for lists of participants); and see pp. 7-8: the spectators -- "Nobility, Aldermen and Gentry" -- listened attentively to the prefatory speech that reminded them: "The time has been, the rugged mayne was cross / To both the Germanies with care and cost / To finde a Souldier, whose experience might / Teach our Commanders how to form a fight. / But now, that trouble's sav'd". Barriffe claimed in 1639 that he printed Mars, his Triumph because spectators' demand for copies was so great that manuscript transcriptions were becoming corrupted (n.p., "The Epistle"); the work was reprinted in 1645 and 1661: Cockle, Bibliography of Military Books, p. 114. In 1642 Barriffe was to become sergeant-major of John Hampden's regiment: A Catalogue of the Names of the Dukes, Marquesses, Earles and Lords, that Have Absented Themselves from Parliament . . . As Also, A List of the Army of his Excellency Robert, Earle of Essex (n.p., 1642), p. 12. (99) Roberts, Compleat Cannoniere, title page; and see entries in Cockle, Bibliography of Military Books, pp. 90-1, 93, 102, 105-6, 111-12, 116. (100) See dedications in C[ruso], Complete Captain and Treatise of Modern War, and in Art of Warre and Short Method for the Easie Resolving of any Militarie Question. (101) F[isher], Warlike Directions, title page; Cockle, Bibliography of Military Books p. 99, and see pp. 91 (on Woodall's Viaticum: The Path-way to the Surgions Chest), 99, 107-9; see also pp. 82-3, 86-7, on reissues and retreadings of Gervase Markham's works from 1625 to 1643. (102) A sixth edition appeared in 1661. See Pollard and Redgrave, S. T.C., 1506-1507 and Wing, S. T. C., B 917-20; Cockle, Bibliography of Military Books, pp. 103-5. There were two editions in 1643 and another in 1647/8, each of which had two printings. (103) Derbyshire Record Office, Gell of Hopton MSS, D3287, Peter Frescheville to John Gell, 21 Aug. 1624; Thomas Styward, The Pathwaie to Martiall Discipline (London, 1582, S.T.C. 23414). This edition of Styward included [Luis Gutierrez de la Vega], A Compendious Treatise Entituled, De re militari (London, 1582, S.T.C. 12538). Gell's copy of the combined edition is among the Gell of Hopton MSS, D3287; a slip in the book reads, "[T]he stain is blood & may [sic] have been from [Gell's] doublet when he was wounded". This appears to be a case of an old-and partly Spanish-work still valued in a new age. (104) Bodl. Lib., MS. Eng. hist. c.308, fo. 76. Harley's account of the siege of Breda may have been another work by Henry Hexham, A True and Briefe Relation of the Famous Seige of Breda (Delft, 1637, S.T.C. 13265). G. Markham's The Souldiers Exercise (London, 1639, S.T.C. 17390) incorporated The Souldiers Accidence (London, 1625, S.T.C. 17388), and the two parts of The Souldiers Grammar (London, 1626-7); on their publishing history, see Cockle, Bibliography of Military Books, pp. 82-3, 86-7. The laconic "Cruso of building forts" (price one shilling) must refer to Cruso/du Praissac on "building, defending, and expugning forts and fortified cities" (title page), not to Cruso's Castrarnetation of 1642. Harley's total bill was 6 18s[pounds]. 6d., of which Hexham's Principles of the Art Militarie alone acccounted for nearly 10 per cent. The thirty-odd named items also included "three treatises rolled" and a quire of paper. (105) Captain Samuel Jervis, prefatory poem in Elton, Compleat Body of the Art Military; Swedish Discipline, p. [A2[v], "To the Christian Reader". Compare Historie of Xenophon, trans. Bingham, n.p., "Epistle Dedicatorie". (106) Prefatory poem in Elton, Compleat Body of the Art Military. Jervis's regiment was despatched to Ireland in 1649. C. Firth and G. Davies, The Regimental History of Cromwell's Army, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1940), ii, p. 655. Another of Elton's introductory "poets" revealingly linked English and non-English authorities: "Barriff did bravely, Barriff's dead, yet lives . . Machivell, Markham, Hexham, Weymouth, Ward,/ Aelian, Bingham, Roberts, Cruso, Gerrard,/ And divers other, honour'd Sons of War,/ Their famous, learn'd Tractates extant are": Elton, Compleat Body of the Art Military, n.p. (107) F. C. Springell, Connoisseur & Diplomat: The Earl of Arundel's Embassy to Germany in 1636 (n.p., 1963), p. 240, Arundel to William Petty, from Nuremberg, May 1636: "a most myserable Countrye, and nothing by ye way to be bought of any momente, heere in this towne beinge not one scrach of Alb: Duers paintinge in oyle to be sold. . . nor of Holbien nor any other grease mr."; and see Crowne, True Relation, pp. 17-24, 29-37. (108) See Sprat, History of the Royal-Society, p. 73: pre-war soldiers were, to Sprat, stock braggart veterans, whereas "the whole business of fighting, was afterwards chiefly perform'd by untravell'd Gentlemen, raw Citizens, and Generals, that had scarce ever before seen a Battel". See G. E. Aylmer, Rebellion or Revolution? England 1640-1660 (Oxford, 1986), p. 48, on professional elements in armies at the start of the war and change in "composition and leadership" on both sides as the war progressed. (109) "A Letter Written from Walshall by a Worthy Gentleman to his Friend in Oxford, Concerning Burmingham", in Four Tracts Relative to the Battle of Birmingham Anno Domini 1643, [ea. L. Jay] (Birmingham, 1931), p. 21. The fate of Magdeburg remained a paradigm of war that spared neither civilian nor soldier. See e.g. Pond's Almanack for the Yeare of our Lord Christ 1649 (Cambridge, 1649), p. A4. (110) Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 11,331, fo. 76[v], and see fos. 75[v]-76; Bodl. Lib., MS. Add. D. 114, fos. 148-9. (111) [James Howell], England's Teares, for the Present Wars (London, 1644), pp. A3-A3[v], 3-4, and frontispiece. (112) V. F. Snow, "An Inventory of the Lord General's Library, 1646", The Library, 5th ser., xxi (1966), p. 120; Margaret Spufford, Small Books and Pleasant Histories: Popular Fiction and its Readership in Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 73 (the reading of a London apprentice, recalled in 1673), 233-4; for Bunyan's early fondness for the genre, see ibid, pp. 6-8. (113) See Barbara Donagan, "Codes and Conduct in the English Civil War", Past and Present, no. 118 (Feb. 1988); and Barbara Donagan, "Atrocity, War Crime and Treason in the English Civil War", Amer. Hist. Rev., xcix (1994), pp. 1137-66, passim.
|Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback|
|Publication:||Past & Present|
|Date:||May 1, 1995|
|Previous Article:||The formation of the English gentry.|
|Next Article:||An Indian penal regime: Maharashtra in the eighteenth century.|