Gilbert, translated: Silvanus P. Thompson, the Gilbert Club, and the tercentenary edition of De Magnete.
Translation can have many meanings. In this essay, I examine an act of linguistic translation that constituted two other kinds of translation as well: a movement of a person or object through space or time, and a fundamental change in form or substance. (2) When a group of British "electricians" (physicists and electrical engineers) published in 1900 a tercentenary commemorative translation of De Magnete, William Gilbert's pioneering treatise on magnetism and electricity, they made more than just the meaning of Gilbert's Latin words available to English readers. (3) In going to great lengths to make their On the Magnet virtually identical in appearance to De Magnete, the Gilbert Club transported the sixteenth-century London physician author into their late nineteenth-century world, and at the same time located the origins of their own electrical science in the revolutionary days of Kepler and Galileo. Their literary translation of the text was also a temporal shifting of man, book, and science through three centuries, and an ontological transformation of William Gilbert himself, from an anti-Afistotelian Renaissance philosopher to the father of English experimental science.
This essay is not a formal textual study of the Gilbert Club's translation of the words of De Magnete from Latin into English, which would be an entirely separate project. (4) Nor, of course, is it a study of William Gilbert (1544-1603), the royal physician and early advocate of experimental methodology who was an important English figure in the Scientific Revolution, and who has himself been the subject of recent substantial re-examination. (5) Instead, my analysis draws on the classic literature concerning late nineteenth-century celebrations of national historical traditions, particularly in Britain and on recent work on both commemorations and translations in science in an effort to interpret the meanings of the Gilbert Club's edition of On the Magnet for its contemporary audience. (6) In particular, I examine the central role of Silvanus P. Thompson (1851-1916), the Quaker scientist-engineer who was, as principal of Finsbury Technical College and a noted textbook author, one of the best-known and most-respected figures in British technical education. (7) With his wide-ranging scientific and literary interests, Thompson obsessively collected and publicized information about Gilbert, acted as the driving force behind the Gilbert Club, and coordinated production of the edition. I argue that Thompson was well aware of the competing roles that De Magnete had to play as an authentic document simultaneously of 1600 and of 1900, and that his self-conscious reflections on this tension are evident in the way he chose to present his own contribution to the edition.
The Gilbert Club was officially formed on 28 November 1889. Advertised by a specially printed circular sent to select scientists, engineers, and other enthusiasts, the proposed association was also mentioned in the Times and in the leading British and American scientific weeklies, Nature and Science. (8) By the time of the inaugural meeting, eighty-seven members had already signed up, many of whom were gathered in the chambers of the Society of Arts that afternoon to hear Silvanus Phillips Thompson describe the eminence and importance of William Gilbert of Colchester (1544-1603), the doctor whose early experimental investigations "constituted the absolute starting-point of the science of electricity." (9) Thompson argued that Gilbert's pioneering accomplishments in electricity and magnetism had been unduly neglected by British electricians, and he proposed that a Gilbert Club be formed to remedy this in two ways: by organizing the tercentenary celebration of the publication of De Magnete in 1900 and by underwriting a translation of Gilbert's great work into English for the very first time. This would not be just any translation: the intention of the Club's founders, Thompson and his long-time friend and fellow Quaker, electrical engineer Conrad W. Cooke (1843-1926), was to publish their text as a replica of the original 1600 edition of De Magnete: "as like the original in appearance as it can be made; it will, in fact, be a fac-simile [sic] reprint in everything except the language in which it is reproduced." (10)
The only function of the "Club" itself was to provide a high-profile audience and a willing market for these endeavours--that is, subscribers willing to commit to paying a guinea for the edition upon publication--making it reminiscent of the short-lived Historical Society of Science, which had undertaken similar projects a half-century earlier. (11) As such, the Gilbert Club counted among its first members numerous Fellows of the Royal Society and other prominent scientists in all fields, including Lord Rayleigh, John Tyndall, John Lubbock, Oliver Lodge, and the Presidents of the Physical Society and the Royal College of Surgeons. (12) Leading these luminaries at the inaugural meeting was the most famous living British physicist and current President of the Institution of Electrical Engineers, Sir William Thomson (later Lord Kelvin). Sir William consented to act as the Gilbert Club's nominal President, which was unanimously approved, and this, along with the equally-enthusiastic passage of Cooke's motion describing the Club's formal objects, put the project of resurrecting William Gilbert well on its way. The all-important honorary secretaries, who had called the meeting and upon whose shoulders the work of bringing this project to fruition would really fall, were Silvanus Thompson, Conrad Cooke, and Thompson's Finsbury chemist colleague Raphael Meldola, who was helpful for his connections to Gilbert's native county Essex, but took a less active part in the commemorative activities, possibly because he was also occupied with other projects. (13)
Both Nature and the Times reported on the foundation of the Gilbert Club, and the following month Cooke helped to spread the word with a longer article on Gilbert and his new admirers in a professional journal, Engineering. (14) These accounts help us understand not only the explicitly stated goals of the Gilbert Club, but also why it arose at this time and attracted the interest that it did. First of all, beyond the approaching three-hundredth anniversaries of De Magnete (1900), and Gilbert's death (1903), it was universally recognized that electricity and magnetism were sciences that were just now in the midst of acquiring a vast technological importance, from telegraphy and telephony to electric lighting and power (which were less than a decade old). Nature called them "now all-important subjects," and Cooke opened his article in Engineering by reminding readers that "the whole civilised world is at last awakened to the value of the application of electricity to the use and convenience of man," pointing out its importance not only to the standard of living, but also in creating a new profession, new industries and employment for thousands. (15) According to his advocates, William Gilbert deserved some credit for having made all this possible, and all the more urgently for having been neglected so severely for so long. Since Gilbert had been the first great English scientist, and his work had "constituted the absolute starting point of the science of electricity," it was particularly incumbent upon British physicists to remove the "reproach upon [their] scientific patriotism," and make their forefather's name and work better known. (16)
In addition to vying for the attention of the general public, however, the Gilbert Club also had an important role to play for its own members, by providing common ground in unruly times. Exactly because the challenges of electrical technology were new, the commercial stakes were high, and theories were constantly being revised, controversies and disputes were common in the engineering community. It was frequently difficult to judge the correct approach to problems faced in rapidly-developing telecommunications and power-generation technologies, or even to know what principles could be validly invoked to explain the phenomena observed. (17) Historians of electrical engineering controversies in this period have described a fundamental conflict between "practical men," engineers like W.H. Preece of the Post Office, who was repsonsible for the national telegraph and telephone systems, and university-trained "theoreticians," such as Oliver Lodge, who were followers of Maxwell's advanced mathematical approach to electricity and magnetism. (18) In 1887, Silvanus Thompson himself had participated in a lengthy and acrimonious exchange with Preece over the invention of the telephone, and in 1888 Preece and Lodge had a highly-publicized showdown at the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. (19) Yet the following year, when the Gilbert Club was formed, Preece and Lodge were among the first members. In July 1890, Thompson brought Preece as an invited guest to a meeting of the Sette of Odd Volumes, a whimsical literary dining club that he and Cooke had recently joined. Thompson delivered a long, specially-prepared lecture on Gilbert, and exhibited his collection of rare early works by Gilbert and his contemporaries. (20) In response, Preece "paid very high tribute" to Gilbert and to his followers, Thompson and Cooke, alike. (21)
In the uncontroversial terrain of distant history, then, representatives of both "theory" and "practice" could find common cause. This was why Sir William Thomson, the future Lord Kelvin, was the Club's perfect figurehead president. As Cooke explained, Thomson "more than any one else is the representative fo the combination of abstract mathematical electricity and magnetism with their applications to the service of man," and, like Gilbert, he was always careful to ground his theories in experimental evidence. (22) For very similar reasons, the figure of Michael Faraday (1791-1867), whose contributions had made him the more immediate father of British electrical science, was also highly influential in this period: all varieties of electrical engineers could identify with his legacy of basic theory combined with practical experimentation. Faraday's name thus served as a useful rallying point at times when consensus was sorely needed, such as during the establishment of units of electrical quantities; symbolically, his portrait was chosen in 1899 for the official seal of the Institution of Electrical Engineers. (23)
If the promotion of William Gilbert represented a similar opportunity for consensus and professional unity, a translation of his work was especially necessary because the new generation of electrical engineers was being trained in scientific and technical rather than classical subjects and thus would not have the opportunity to read De Magnete in the original Latin. It is no coincidence that Thompson, as principal of Finsbury Technical College, oversaw a revolutionary (for England) educational curriculum aimed at training young men for direct entry into technical jobs, and thus appreciated the need to make their own scientific heritage available to them through other means. (24) This was accomplished in the same way for public and professional audiences alike: by the careful recovery and cultivation of historical slivers of information that helped to provide an imaginative connection to the "real" Gilbert of long ago. Whether in promoting national pride, or reconciling quarrelling engineers, the strategy was the same.
It must be remembered that the activities of Silvanus Thompson and the Gilbert Club occurred in exactly the period that has been characterized by the "invention of tradition." From roughly 1870 to the First World War, and especially in Britain during Victoria's jubilees of 1887 and 1897, the monarchy and other institutions mined their past for symbols and ceremonies which could be used to generate popular support and social cohesion. (25) When embellished with details that seemed to demonstrate their antiquity, rituals acquired authenticity and thus authority, replacing that which was being lost to modernization and cultural fragmentation. Faced with rapid change, social disruption, and growing secularization, late Victorians (or at least some of them) turned to national history as a source of continuity, and of reassurance about a common British identity. Scientific heroes were certainly perfectly capable of being commemorated for specific national ends, as competing German and Polish celebrations of Copernicus show. (26) In London, the increasingly widespread adoption of electrical technologies, such as telephone and urban lighting systems from the late 1870s onwards, was one source of upheaval in established patterns and practices; all the better, then, if the birth of electricity with Gilbert in the distant past could be made into a stabilizing force for the present.
There was just one problem with elevating William Gilbert to the pantheon of England's intellectual heritage: the scarcity of any authentic information about him. Other than his two published books, De Magnete and a posthumously-edited collection of treatises under the name of De Mundo nostro Sublunari Philosophia Nova (1651), essentially none of Gilbert's own papers and artifacts had survived, having been destroyed at the Royal College of Physicians in the Great Fire of 1666, or simply lost through neglect over the years. (27) Although Gilbert's status had long been appreciated by previous writers on electricity and magnetism--the important eighteenth-century natural philosopher Joseph Priestley wrote that Gilbert "may justly be called the father of modern electricity," and the pioneering mid-nineteenth-century historian and philosopher of science William Whewell said his work on magnetism "contains all the fundamental facts of the science, so fully examined indeed, that even at this day we have little to add to them"--very few details of his life were known, and not even his signature, much less a portrait, was available. (28) To commemorate William Gilbert, then, the Gilbert Club would first have to create him.
The task of supplying the necessary authentic details of Gilbert's life was taken up enthusiastically by Silvanus Thompson, who invested great effort in his searches for artifacts such as signatures, books, portraits, coats of arms, contemporary references to Gilbert, and even his correct year of birth (1544, not 1540)--canvassing libraries foreign and domestic, the British Museum, and the Public Record Office. (29) An avid rare book collector, Thompson eventually owned rive copies of De Magnete. By the time of the Gilbert tercentenary in 1903 even Thompson felt as though he might have overextended himself, writing that "I have spent so much time (& money) over Gilbert during the last few years, and so much time over London University reform, that I have seriously touched my financial position, and shall have to abandon these unremunerative delights." (30) Another historian of electricity wrote to him, "Goodness me--still at Gilbert! I thought he had been thoroughly done for." (31) Thompson's assiduity was extreme in Gilbert's case, but not atypical; he had earlier undertaken an ambitious project to attempt to gain recognition for an alternative inventor of the telephone, and in the 1890s he was also engaged in researching and writing a well-received and influential biography of Michael Faraday. (32) Thompson's success in turning up samples of Gilbert's handwriting, and a copy of Aristotle with Gilbert's name in it, provided an important physical basis for the commemorative efforts to come.
On a rainy July day in 1890 a special meeting of the Gilbert Club was held in Colchester, Gilbert's birthplace, in conjunction with the Essex Field Club, in which Thompson's colleague and Gilbert Club co-secretary Raphael Meldola was an active member. (33) Some fifty delegates dutifully visited the house in which Gilbert was said to have been born, viewed the Holy Trinity church in which he was buried, and examined the memorial tablet erected there by his relatives. Later, in the evening, Silvanus Thompson gave an illustrated lecture on Gilbert's experiments; modern electrical technologies were also exhibited, including incandescent lights powered from a generating station across the road. These events demonstrate well what the Gilbert Club, or at least Thompson, was trying to do: to situate Gilbert in the national past and at the same time to connect him in a positive way to the most modern elements of contemporary society. The relationship between viewing authentic relics of Gilbert and being able to appreciate his current significance was expressed in Thompson's later description of the family house in Colchester as "the very Mecca to which all electricians would go to make a pilgrimage." (34) This idea played on one of his favourite seventeenth-century texts, which claimed that Gilbert's reputation would be everlasting, just like "Mahomet's Tombe at Mecha," because both were eternally supported by a lodestone. (35) Colchester itself in the late nineteenth century was an especially appropriate place in which to go about inventing a tradition, because it was home to the celebrated Oyster Feast, an old private ritual that was just at this time being reinvented and promoted as a massive public spectacle. The celebration of William Gilbert (or Gilberd as he is locally known) fit perfectly with Colchester's municipal transformation in this period and its recasting of its identity in terms of a selectively-narrated glorious past. (36)
Despite this initial success, it remained clear that the most important project by far was still the translation and facsimile edition of De Magnete in time for its tercentenary in 1900. After all, it was the book itself that was to be the main link between the past and present Gilberts. It seems evident that Thompson and Cooke had a well-developed idea of what they wanted the finished volume to look like: samples of the title page (dated 1890) and a translated interior page, showing the antique font and layout designed to match the Latin original perfectly, had already been included with the initial circular of November 1889 (see Figures 2 and 3). Their printer, the Chiswick Press, initially under the direction of Charles Whittingham the younger, had been known since mid-century as the leader in old-face typography and specialty printing; they cast their own antique type-faces, had an extensive collection of initials and ornaments, and could also arrange special paper and binding for any private printing job. (37) Despite this planning, though, it appears that production began to fall behind schedule very soon, probably in no small part due to the enormous teaching, research, and administrative load borne by Thompson, in addition to his proclivity for taking on additional projects like the Faraday biography already mentioned. In September 1891, Cooke wrote to Thompson asking, "What is happening to Gilbert's book? We really ought to do something for the subscribers. It will soon be two years since our inaugural meeting, and twenty months since the last meeting, and some of the subscribers have already paid their subscriptions. How do matters stand? and when shall we have something to show?" (38) The answer to Cooke's question was that it would take the rest of the decade before the Gilbert Club had a book to give its members. In the meantime, something transpired that was far worse than a mere delay: a rival translation appeared. (39)
[FIGURES 2-3 OMITTED]
Engineering, the same journal in which Cooke had proudly described the ambitions of the Gilbert Club three years before, trumpeted the news in December 1892, in no uncertain terms. "We are very glad to see the announcement that a reliable translation of Dr. Gilbert's 'De Magnete' will shortly be published in New York," the note began;
A special interest attaches itself to this forthcoming publication. Some years ago, we forger exactly how many, we heard a good deal of a so-called "Gilbert Club," though why called so we never understood. One announced purpose of this 'club' was to prepare a translation of the great work of Dr. Gilbert.... Much talk went forth, especially from Mr. Sylvanus [sic] P. Thompson, as to what was to be accomplished, and how this translation was to be better than any translation of any other book that had ever been seen before, until we began to expect that it would far outshine the original work. But time passed and we heard nothing, except that the difficult work was progressing.... We believe that one of the intended features of the work was that each chapter of the translation was to commence with a facsimile reproduction of the great initial letter of the original. As a large number of these are varying designs of the letter "Q," the delay may be caused by the difficulty of finding English equivalents commencing in the same way. Meantime Mr. Mottelay, of New York ... has completed and is publishing his translation, which will render the further struggles of Mr. Thompson with the letter "Q" wholly unnecessary. (40)
Thompson responded to this news with disbelief, because he had briefly met Mottelay in person the year before, and had not been told of any such plans. The bulk of his wrath, however, was directed at the American publishers, John Wiley, which he said had earned an "evil notoriety" for their "pirated editions," making them a tainted source that the Gilbert Club could safely ignore. (41) Unfortunately for Thompson, the controversy continued in the pages of British and American engineering journals for several months, getting him involved in a personal dispute with James Dredge, a co-editor of Engineering who had previous ties to the Wiley family. (42) Thompson tried in vain to explain that his concern was aesthetic rather than moral or intellectual, and that Wiley's low-quality unauthorized editions of John Ruskin's works proved that an American De Magnete could not conceivably compete with the specialty-printed limited-edition facsimile that the Gilbert Club planned to issue to its subscribers. (43) Such niceties were lost on most commentators, though, and a negative view of Thompson soon prevailed, especially in America. According to the New York Times, Thompson was "a rather noisy scientist" who "talks as if the copyright in Gilbert's mediaeval book rested in him." (44)
This affair, in which the consensus was that Thompson was "so evidently in the wrong," was still fresh in reviewers' mind when Mottelay's translation appeared in the spring of 1893; as Science pointed out, the "rather acrimonious discussion ... has attracted even more attention to this book than it would otherwise have received." (45) Thompson's friend in the Sette of Odd Volumes, the bookseller Bernard Quaritch, was in fact the London publisher of the competing edition, which Thompson himself reviewed in the Electrician, picking apart Mottelay's scholarship but refusing to comment on the merits of the translation "for reasons that will be appreciated." (46) He did grudgingly adroit, though, that the physical quality of the volume was better than expected, which "comes as a surprise and a pleasure." Nature chose to remain silent on the issue of hurt feelings, but the pointed reference to the Gilbert Club's Colchester field trip in its brief review of the Mottelay translation was comment enough. (47) Nevertheless, the two rival translators did eventually became friends and collaborators, with Mottelay visiting Thompson to see his library in 1909 and assisting in the preparation of the hand list to Thompson's rare book collection in 1914. (48) Still, the question remains why, in 1893, Thompson and the Gilbert Club did not simply cancel their project, as the writer in Engineering (quite probably Dredge himself) so helpfully suggested: "abandon [the] search after English equivalents with 'Q,' and return their guineas to those hopeful subscribers who paid in advance--so long in advance--for the still invisible 'De Magnete'. (49)"
Exactly because there was no obviously necessary reason for the Club's translation project to continue, the fact that it did is highly illuminating. Fundamentally, Thompson believed that his edition was something more than a mere English-language text of Gilbert's work. One indication of this difference is clearly apparent in the complaint made by the petulant column in Engineering, that the Gilbert Club was primarily concerned with the aesthetic appearance of its publication in making the initial capitals match. The key thus is not that Gilbert Club edition was meant to differ from other translations, but that it was supposed to be identical to Gilbert's original book--the one published in 1600--in every possible respect (although an index was added to the English version and the list of printer's errors removed). (50) Recall the original statement of the Club's purpose, that their volume would be, "as like the original in appearance as it can be made; it will, in fact, be a facsimile reprint in everything except the language in which it is reproduced." (51) This fit with Thompson's aims of using the edition simultaneously as an authentic artifact of the historic Gilbert and as a way of reaching out to modern readers; the visual appearance of the book was part of its content and meaning. However, the project of making the two editions identical even went beyond using the same typeface and ornamental designs: Thompson and his colleagues went so far as to pretend that the English itself had been written and printed in 1600 rather than 1900, adding an affected "k" to the end of words like "magnetick." Explaining why deliberately archaic language had been used, such as "orbe of magnetick virtue" instead of "sphere of influence," Thompson wrote: "This choice has been determined by the desire to adopt such an English phrase as Gilbert would himself have used had he been writing in English." (52)
When the Gilbert Club folio finally reached the hands of subscribers in 1901 or perhaps 1902, bearing the symbolic publication date 1900, it was warmly received in both Nature and in the Times Literary Supplement. The reviewer in Nature "envied" the members of the Gilbert Club for having the chance to own "this splendid volume," while the TLS admired the "sumptuous" reproduction of all "the decorative headings, colophons, and printers' marks with which books were embellished in an age more leisurely than ours," and the quality of the sheets, "printed from beautifully clear old-faced type upon thick hand-made Van Gelder paper." (53) Only two hundred and fifty copies were printed. (54) Subscribers had their choice of two bindings: half-holland, at the price of 1/1/6 [pounds sterling], or whole limp vellum at 1/12/6 [pounds sterling]; by May of 1903 there were still copies available to anyone wishing to join the Club, such as the telegraph engineer and science historian J.J. Fahie, then living in Italy, whom Thompson reassured: "membership in the Club means nothing more than this--that you become one of the guarantors to take a copy. The 'club' has no other responsibilities." (55)
While the translation was generally credited mainly to Thompson (and has been ever since), he tried to correct this impression by drawing attention to the assistance he had received from nine other collaborators. (56) In fact, back in 1892 he had claimed that "it is not my fault that the work is not already published," the rough translation having been "all but complete two years ago," and that progress was limited by members of the "Editorial Committee" who could only donate so much of their time to the revisions. (57) It was his own extensive research, though, that led to the writing and inclusion of sixty-four pages of detailed Notes on Gilbert's text, nominally a separate publication under Thompson's own name (dated 1901), but which were printed in the same style and bundled together with the commemorative edition, and were part of the reason its distribution was delayed. (58) By the end of 1915, as Thompson was winding up the Club's affairs, he reported that some thirty copies of the English edition of De Magnete remained, mostly unbound, and that these should either be sold to a dealer or given to libraries; of the Notes, 120 copies remained, valued at 10/- each, which were his own property. (59) Thompson also noted that the outbreak of war had prevented him and Meldola from proceeding with plans to dispose of the remaining copies of On the Magnet; indeed, he did not live to see the end of the war.
In order for the Gilbert Club edition to function as a link to the past, it had to resemble an object of the past as closely as possible. A modern edition like Mottelay's simply would not do: it had no value as an icon and lacked "charm," as Thompson's biographers (his wife Jane and daughter Helen) put it, possibly connoting power as well as prettiness. (60) One might be tempted to reach the conclusion that, on these grounds, the Club should have reproduced the original edition of 1600 instead. But of course that text was in Latin, and the main reason for the deplorable neglect of Gilbert had always been that his work did not exist in English, despite the fact, ironically, that a translation had been called for by Gilbert's friend William Barlow as early as 1616. (61) In order to meet their goals of enhancing and spreading Gilbert's reputation, and of increasing British "scientific patriotism," it was absolutely necessary that the Gilbert Club edition be in English.
What the Gilbert Club really wanted then, to meet all their needs, was an English edition from 1600, much as Barlow had wanted even at the time, as Conrad Cooke pointed out back in 1889. They did not want a new edition so much as, in Cooke's own words, "a facsimile reprint." But a "reprint" of what? There was no English text from 1600, so none could be "reprinted." Of course, Cooke did not really mean a literal reprint, since he qualified his statement with "except the language in which it is reproduced." This is a very large exception indeed. However, his statement is revealing of what the Club's promoters had in mind and it was something along these lines, simultaneously old and new, that Silvanus Thompson tried to produce. Important evidence for Thompson's response to this tension comes from his handling of the part of the project which was more flexible, namely the notes he prepared for separate publication. Specifically, the three epigraphs that Thompson chose for his Notes say a great deal about his attitude to the translation and what he thought it meant.
The longest epigraph, and the only one that Thompson provided a full citation for, comes from the preface to a 1598 English translation of an Italian work on painting. It begins:
I find that you have used in this your translation greate art, knowledge and discretion. For walking as it were in golden fetters (as al Translators doe), you notwithstanding so warilie follow your Auctor, that where he trippeth you hold him up, and where he goeth out of the way, you better direct his foot. You have not only with the Bee sucked out the best juyce from so sweete a flower, but with the Silke-worme as it were woven out of your owne bowels, the finest silk; and that which is more, not rude and raw silke, but finely died with the fresh colour of your own Art, Invention, and Practise. (62)
If there is one problem common to all reproductions of texts, whether translations, reprints, or both, it is that the meaning of the original can never be truly recaptured outside of the original context. In different contexts, even superficially identical texts have different meanings. (63) And in the nineteenth century, there were already several examples of contemporary scientific translations that had agendas quite different than those of their source texts, in such contested areas as divine design and evolutionary theory. (64) Thompson recognized that it was impossible to make Gilbert intelligible to a late-nineteenth-century audience, with a late-nineteenth-century understanding of electricity and magnetism, without sometimes making it seem like Gilbert was a nineteenth rather than a sixteenth-century thinker. This was equally a problem with Mottelay's translation, as some perceptive reviewers noted: the use of a modern term such as "force" or "energy," inevitably made Gilbert seem to be saying things that he assuredly was not. (65) With this first epigraph, however, Thompson acknowledged that the late nineteenth-century English De Magnete was indeed partly his own work, not only Gilbert's.
Thompson took his second epigraph from William Caxton, the late fifteenth-century pioneer of English printing and an important figure to Thompson, who was ever the enthusiast of early books and their impact on book design in the work of William Morris. (66) The quotation reads: "This booke is not for every rude and unconnynge man to see, but for clerkys and very gentylmen that understand gentylness and scyence." To the casual reader, this seems apt enough; the Gilbert Club edition was indeed aimed at gentlemen who understood "science" (albeit in a different sense). In fact, however, there is much more to the epigraph than meets the eye, once its source (not given by Thompson) has been determined. It comes from the preface to Caxton's Eneydos, his 1490 translation of a French version of Virgil's Aeneid. (67) Its thematic context is exactly the linguistic difficulties of translation, especially when a considerable amount of time or distance separates the source text from the receiving culture. In his preface, Caxton explained how varied the English language itself was and how it could be difficult for two people to understand each other even when they both believed they spoke the same language. As a result, Caxton had to make a careful balance, to the best of his ability, between the technical, obscure, or foreign terms that his best-educated readers expected and the common language of everyday use.
This was very much the same problem that Thompson faced: if he attempted to render Gilbert's Aristotelian terminology literally, the result would have been incomprehensible, but if the translation was too free it would unreasonably distort the sense of the original and introduce blatant anachronisms. It is worth noting that, although there was very little change in the design of the Gilbert Club edition between the sample page shown in the 1889 circular and the same page in the 1900 volume, substantial differences exist between the two translations. Where the proposal page refers to "polarity," the finished version chooses instead "verticity," a reflection of the fact that Gilbert had to coin many of his own terms and that it would not always be wise to render them directly into modern scientific "equivalents," a problem Mottelay had already encountered. (68) However, when it came to explaining Gilbert's significance to contemporary audiences, such as in illustrated lectures, Thompson did not hesitate to employ current terms, freely equating the untranslated term "versorium" (a swinging needle), for example, with the modern electroscope. (69)
Finally, the third quotation that Thompson chose as an epigraph to his text is from Chaucer, who as the first great English poet was a natural counterpart to Gilbert, seen (however anachronistically) as the first great English scientist. (70) The passage reads: "For out of olde feldes, as men seith/ Cometh al this newe corn fro yeer to yere;/ And out of olde bokes, in good feith,/ Cometh al this newe science that men lere." (71) Once again, Thompson's meaning seems clear enough at first glance, De Magnete being the old book out of which the important new science of electricity has come. Once again, however, a look at the context of these lines, from Chaucer's Parliament of Fowls (circa 1383), reveals that there is more to the story. In the next stanza, we learn that the specific old book in question in the poem is Cicero's "Dream of Scipio." Chaucer goes on to describe the part of that book which was most important to Renaissance natural philosophers: the Pythagorean idea of the music, or harmony, of the nine celestial spheres. Through this seemingly straightforward quotation, Silvanus Thompson was able to remind readers of Johannes Kepler, Gilbert's important contemporary, admirer, and fellow Copernican, who was inspired both by the music of the spheres and by De Magnete in developing his explanation of elliptical planetary orbits (which he thought were connected to magnetism), one of the key achievements of the Scientific Revolution. (72) Thompson's choice of epigraph thus comments not only on his 1900 edition and the contemporary relevance of electrical science, but is also plausible in the context of 1600, when "newe science" was also being inspired by "olde bokes."
None of the three quotations chosen by Thompson betrays the recent origins of the Gilbert Club's project: all three are in English and date from before 1600, so each would have been just as appropriate for a seventeenth-century translation of De Magnete. And Silvanus Thompson was not only a voracious reader, a keen researcher, and a devoted collector of old books (including works of Kepler among many others), he was also very fond of composing verses, playing word games, solving literary mysteries, and finding apt quotations for an occasion, as exemplified by his membership in the "Sette of Odd Volumes." (73) Taken together, the epigraphs show that Thompson was well aware of the difference between the context of 1600 and the context of 1900. De Magnete and On the Magnet were not really the same book by the same author, but the nearest Thompson could come to acknowledging this without undermining the purpose of the Gilbert Club edition was to express his observations in pre-1600 prose.
The Gilbert Club's translation of De Magnete functioned in two ways: as a physical, visual text that was a symbol of the sixteenth century, helping to support the invented tradition of Gilbert as the English father of electricity; and as a nineteenth-century text, promoting pride and unity among British electrical scientists and engineers. Both of these functions were related to the revolution in electrical science and technology that was underway in the late Victorian period, to the social and economic effects of that revolution on a variety of levels, and indeed to the overall changes in British society that were occurring, in which the Gilbert Club played but a very small part. Silvanus Thompson, as the chief architect of the Gilbert Club, saw well the ways in which these two aspects of the English On the Magnet existed in harmony, but also in constant tension: after all, there was a certain incongruity in claiming a Renaissance philosopher as the father of a heavy power industry that even Faraday would have had trouble recognizing. (74) Translation, in this case, was also multiplication, for bringing Gilbert into the late nineteenth century entailed writing his book anew, even though it was simultaneously necessary to conceal this change by making the volume a visual mimic of its source text. While translations of modern works, intended for actual scientific use, commonly modified the meaning of the original by adding or omitting textual material, the function of On the Magnet was ornamental and its meaning lay in its claim to be exactly the same as the venerable De Magnete: "nothing but a translation, and that the best possible." (75)
Fortunately for Thompson, the peak of popular interest in William Gilbert came in 1903 with the tercentenaries of the deaths of both Gilbert and Elizabeth I. Thompson and his collection of Gilbert artifacts played a significant role in the Elizabethan tercentenary celebrations on 23 March 1903 at the Royal Geographical Society, which saw the establishment of Gilbert as an equal to Drake and Raleigh as a founder of the first English Empire, because of his magnetic contributions to navigation. (76) He was compared favourably to Shakespeare, Spenser, and Bacon, securing his place in the elite group of founders of British culture and power, "the men who made great the age of Queen Elizabeth, who added lustre to the England over which she ruled." (77) The Institution of Electrical Engineers contributed to this project by commissioning a special painting showing Gilbert (who had been a royal physician) demonstrating his experiments to Queen Elizabeth and her court, including Raleigh, Drake, and William Cecil Lord Burghley. This imagined scene was a perfect example of late Victorian invented tradition; as Thompson explained to assembled dignitaries in London on 10 December 1903, the exact tercentenary of Gilbert's death, the artist A. Ackland Hunt had "been faithful even to the historic costumes of the period and to the best that could be done in portraiture to bring back with historic accuracy the episode it commemorates." (78) The painting was presented as a gift to the town of Colchester at this special meeting, and the mayor, himself an electrician, pledged that it would hang ever after in the new town hall, which was itself a centerpiece of civic historical pageantry. (79)
One of Thompson's favourite and most frequently-quoted references to Gilbert came from a John Dryden poem that celebrated English scientific prowess: "Gilbert shall live, till loadstones cease to draw,/ Or British fleets the boundless ocean awe." (80) This couplet suggested that there was a transcendental connection between Gilbert, magnetism, and British maritime power, which was of course just as much a source of pride and confidence in 1900 as it had been in 1600. To achieve this apparent timelessness, however, to establish Gilbert's place in the annals of British triumph, and to make him real to contemporary scientists and engineers, required great effort on the parts of Silvanus E Thompson, Conrad Cooke, and other members of the Gilbert Club. In reward, they saw their depiction of Gilbert gain wide acceptance, although, to be sure, they did not face the same challenges as commemorators of a complex contemporary figure like Charles Darwin. (81) Rather, their project of translating William Gilbert into the late nineteenth century, based on the translation and "facsimile" edition of his book De Magnete, was also a translation of Gilbert himself, bringing him forward through three centuries, and giving him a new identity as the founder of the burgeoning electrical industry and profession.
(1) An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1999 meeting of the Canadian Society for the History and Philosophy of Science. I am very grateful to Hannah Gay, Sungook Hong, and Ian Stewart for their helpful comments on various drafts, and to Graeme Gooday for sharing his forthcoming Dictionary of National Biography (2nd edition) entry on S.P. Thompson. The reports of three anonymous Canadian Journal of History/Annales canadiennes d'histoire referees were also invaluable in improving this article. For assistance with archival materials, I thank Anne Barrett (Imperial College), Lenore Symons and Sarah Barnard (Institution of Electrical Engineers), and staff in the manuscript divisions at the British Library and the New York Public Library. Thompson's letters in the J.J. Fahie Papers are quoted with permission of the Archives of the Institution of Electrical Engineers. Rasearch for this project has been supported in part by SSHRC and the Killam Trust at Dalhousie University, and by an Ontario Graduate Scholarship at the University of Toronto.
(2) For example, when Quince tells the suddenly donkey-headed Bottom in A Midsummer Night's Dream, "thou art translated" (scene III, act i, lines 118-19).
(3) William Gilbert of Colehester, De Magnete, magnetisque corporibus, et de magno magnete tellure; Physiologia nova, plurimis et argumentis, et experimentis demonstrata (London, 1600) was translated by S.P. Thompson and the Gilbert Club as On the Magnet, magnetick bodies also, and on the great magnet the earth; a new Physiology, demonstrated by many arguments and experiments (London, 1900; reprinted with an introduction by D.J. Price, New York, 1958).
(4) Sec D.H.D. Roller, The De Magnete of William Gilbert (Amsterdam, 1959) for a detailed analysis of the original text, and some comments on the translations.
(5) For excellent guides to the current understanding of Gilbert, sec S. Pumfrey, Latitude and the Magnetic Earth (Cambridge, 2002); S. Pumfrey, "William Gilbert," in P. Harman and S. Mitton (eds.), Cambridge Scientific Minds (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 6-20.
(6) E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger (eds.), The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1983); P.G.Abir-Am and C.A. Elliot (eds.), Commemorative Practices in Science: Historical Perspective on the Politics of Collective Memory, in Osiris, n.s.14 (1999); N. Rupke, "Translation Studies in the History of Science: The Example of Vestiges," British Journal for the History of Science [hereafter cited as BJHS] 33 (2000), 209-22; S.L. Montgomery, Science in Translation: Movements of Knowledge through Cultures and Time (Chieago, 2000).
(7) The standard biography, by his wife and a daughter, is J.S. Thompson and H.G. Thompson, Silvanus Phillips Thompson: His Life and Letters (London, 1920). For a recent view, sec H. Gay and A. Barrett, "Should the Cobbler Stick to his Last? Silvanus Phillips Thompson and the Making of a Scientific Career,'" BJHS, 35 (2002), 151-86; sec also A.C. Lynch, "Silvanus Thompson: Teacher, Researcher, Historian," IEE [Institution of Electrical Engineers] Proceedings, 136A (1989), 306-12; J. Grieg, Silvanus P Thompson: Teacher (London, 1979); J[ohn] P[erry], "Silvanus Phillips Thompson, 1851-1916," Proceedings of the Royal Society, 94A (1918), xvi-xix.
(8) C.W. Cooke, R. Meldola, and S.P. Thompson, "Objects of proposed Gilbert Club" (Nov. 21, 1889), in T. Jeffrey et al. (eds.), Thomas A. Edison Papers: A Selective Microfilm Edition, Part III (Bethesda, Maryland, 1993), reel 125, frame 756112; also available in the Edison Papers online digital edition at <http://edison.rutgers.edu>, Document 1D = D8912ABK1. For the meeting announcement, sec Times (London), 21 Nov. 1889, p. 10; Nature, 41 (1889), 84; Science, 14 (1889), 403. Sec Figure 1 herein.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
(9) Cooke, Meldola, and Thompson, "Objects," p. .
(10) [C.W. Cooke,] "William Gilbert, of Colchester," Engineering, 48 (London, 1889), 730. Cooke's authorship of this article is given by Thompson and Thompson, Silvanus Phiilips Thompson, p. 227. Sec also W.M.M., "Conrad William Cooke," Journal of the Institution of Electrical Engineers, 66 (1926), 1203; and [Anon.], "Obituary: Mr. Conrad W. Cooke," Electrical Review, 98 (1926), 109; H. Gay, personal communication.
(11) A.N.L. Munby, The History and Bibliography of Science in England: the first phase, 1833 45 (Berkeley, Calif., 1968).
(12) Cooke, Meldola, and Thompson, "Objects," p. . Lodge is not mentioned in this precirculated document but was included in the newspaper accounts among some three dozen other names.
(13) H. Gay, "No 'Heathen's Corner' here: The failed campaign to memorialize Herbert Spencer in Westminster Abbey," BJHS, 31 (1998), 41-54.
(14) The fullest account is Times (London), 29 Nov. 1889, p. 7; see also Nature, 41 (1889), 112; Science, 14 (1889), 421; Cooke, "William Gilbert," p. 730.
(15) Nature, 41 (1889), 84; Cooke, "William Gilbert," p. 717.
(16) Times (London), 21 Nov. 1889, p. 10; Cooke, " William Gilbert," p. 730.
(17) For several good case studies, see S. Hong, Wireless: From Marconi's Black-Box to the Audion (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 2001).
(18) B.J. Hunt, The Maxwellians (Ithaca, New York, 1991), chapters 7 and 8; B.J. Hunt, "Practice vs. Theory': The British Electrical Debate, 1888-1891," Isis, 74 (1983), 341-55; Hong, Wireless, pp. 36-41.
(19) Hunt, Maxwellians, pp. 138-40, 168-74; E.C. Baker, Sir William Preece, F.R.S., Victorian Engineer Extraordinary (London, 1976), pp. 197-200.
(20) The lecture was published as S.P Thompson, Gilbert, of Colchester; an Elizabethan Magnetizer (Sette of Odd Volumes, Opusculum 22, 1891).
(21) Sette of Odd Volumes, The Year-Boke of the Odd Volumes: An Annual Record of the Transactions of the Sette, 3 (London, 1891), p. 25, entry for 4 July 1890. Copy in Special Collections, Killam Library, Dalhousie University. This was before the great controversy caused by Marconi's patenting of wireless telegraphy in 1897; the young Italian's invention was championed by Preece, but strongly opposed by Lodge, Thompson, and the rest of the Maxwellian community, who felt that Marconi had appropriated the work of others. Hertz's German discovery of electromagnetic waves in 1888, however, may have been a source of the British national feeling that nourished reverence for Gilbert.
(22) Cooke, "William Gilbert," p. 730; on Thomson sec C. Smith and M.N. Wise, Energy and Empire: A biographical study of Lord Kelvin (Cambridge, 1989); Silvanus Thompson was later to write Kelvin's authorized biography: The Life of William Thomson, Baron Kelvin of Largs, 2 vols. (London, 1910).
(23) G. Gooday, "Faraday Reinvented: Moral Imagery and Institutional Icons in Victorian Electrical Engineering," History of Technology, 15 (1993), 190-205.
(24) On technical education, see Gay and Barrett, "Should the Cobbler Stick to his Last?," pp. 160-69; Grieg, Silvanus P. Thompson, pp. 23-26.
(25) D. Cannadine, "The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the 'Invention of Tradition', c. 1820-1977," in Hobsbawm and Ranger, Invention of Tradition, pp. 101-64.
(26) O. Gingerich, "The Copernican Quinquecentennial and its Predecessors," in Abir-Am and Elliot, Commemorative Practices, pp. 37-60.
(27) Thompson, Gilbert, of Colchester, pp. 40-41. See also S. Kelly, The De Mundo of William Gilbert (Amsterdam, 1965); a forthcoming translation of De Mundo by Stephen Pumfrey and Ian G. Stewart will be the first.
(28) J. Priestley, The History and Present State of Electricity (3rd edition, London, 1775), p. 5; W. Whewell, A History of the Inductive Sciences (3rd edition, London, 1857), III, 37. "Modern electricity" was of course a very different thing in Priestley's time.
(29) Thompson and Thompson, Silvanus Phillips Thompson, pp. 226-39; see also "William Gilbert of Colchester," Electrical World and Engineer, 42 (1903), 480.
(30) Institution of Electrical Engineers, Archives, London, J.J. Fahie Papers, S.P. Thompson to Fahie, 8 May 1903, SC MSS 009/2/144/4.
(31) P.F. Mottelay to S.P. Thompson, May 1903, quoted in Thompson and Thompson, Silvanus Phillips Thompson, p. 238.
(32) S.P. Thompson, Philipp [sic] Reis: Inventor of the Telephone (London, 1883); S.P. Thompson, Michael Faraday: His Life and Work (London, 1898); Gay and Barrett, "Should the Cobbler Stick to his Last?," p. 172; Gooday, "Faraday Reinvented," p. 197.
(33) Nature, 42 (1890), 279; H. Gay, "No 'Heathen's Corner here," and personal communication. The Meldola papers are now held at the archives of Imperial College, London.
(34) Institution of Electrical Engineers, "The Gilbert Tercentenary Commemoration" [minutes], Journal of the Institution of Electrical Engineers, 33 (1903-04), 71.
(35) T. Fuller, The History of the Worthies of England (London, 1662), p. 352; quoted in Thompson, Gilbert, of Colchester, p. , a lecture delivered the evening before the field trip to Colchester.
(36) D. Cannadine, "The Transformation of Civic Ritual in Modern Britain: The Colchester Oyster Feast," Past and Present, 94 (1982), 107-30.
(37) New York Public Library, Manuscripts Division, Chiswick Press Records, Box 3, Clippings and Printed notices, various publicity pamphlets from 1892 onwards. A letter from Cooke to the Press's managing partner also survives in Box 1, Cooke to Charles Jacobi, 8 Feb. 1894, but it is not clear whether it refers to the Gilbert Club or possibly to the Sette of Old Volumes, which also used the Chiswick Press. Unfortunately, there appear to be no other records relating to the Gilbert Club's project, either in this collection or in the much larger one at the British Library. Sec J. Ing, "A London Shop of the 1850s: The Chiswick Press," Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, 80 (1986), 153-78.
(38) Cooke to Thompson, 21 Sept. 1891, quoted in Thompson and Thompson, Silvanus Phillips Thompson, pp. 229-30.
(39) W. Gilbert, (trans. P.F. Mottelay), On the Loadstone and Magnetic Bodies (New York, 1893; reprinted, 1958); announced in "American Notes," The Electrician (London), 30 (1892), 135.
(40) "Gilbert's 'De Magnete'," Engineering, 54 (1892), 790. In fact, only a small number of the initial capitals are Q are in the original Latin, and even fewer were preserved in the translation.
(41) S.P. Thompson, "Gilbertiana" [letter to the editor], Electrician, 30 (1892), 170.
(42) J. Dredge, [Letter to the Editor, 20 Dec. 1892], Electrician, 30 (1892), 223; J. Dredge, [Letter to the Editor, 3 Jan. 1893], Electrician, 30 (1893), 286-87. John Wiley's son Osgood had been sent to London by Thomas Edison to work with Dredge in 1888-89, in connection with Edison's magnetic ore separator; see many documents relating to this in the Thomas A. Edison Papers, Part III.
(43) S.P. Thompson, "Gilbertiana" [letter to the editor], Electrician, 30 (1892), 256. Space precludes a fuller analysis of this controversy, tied to contemporary debates about international copyright.
(44) H.F., [Report of London correspondent], New York Times, 8 Jan. 1893, p. 1; "American Notes," Electrician, 30 (1893), 368.
(45) R.A.F., "William Gilbert of Colchester, On the Loadstone and Magnetic Bodies," Science, 21 (1893), 291.
(46) S.P. Thompson, "Reviews," Electrician, 30 (1893), 504-505.
(47) "Our Book Shelf," Nature, 47 (13 Apr. 1893), p. 556.
(48) Thompson and Thompson, Silvanus Phillips Thompson, p. 246.
(49) "Gilbert's 'De Magnete'," p.790.
(50) D.J. Price, "Editor's Introduction," in W. Gilbert, On the Magnet (reprint, New York, 1958), p. ix.
(51) Cooke, "William Gilbert," p. 730.
(52) S.P. Thompson, Notes on the De Magnete of Dr. William Gilbert (London, 1901; included in the facsimile reprint of the Gilbert Club translation, New York, 1958), p. 3.
(53) R.T. G[lazebrook], "The First Magnetician," Nature, 66 (10 July 1902), 249; Times Literary Supplement (London), 23 Jan. 1903, p. 22.
(54) Gilbert, On the Magnet, [printer's note], p. .
(55) IEE Archives, Fahie Papers, S.P. Thompson to J.J. Fahie, 8 May 1903, SC MSS 009/2/144/4.
(56) S.P. Thompson, "The First Magnetician" [reply], Nature, 66 (17 July 1902), 272.
(57) Thompson, "Gilbertiana" (30 Dec. 1892), p. 256. Possibly some of the contributors' enthusiasm flagged after the appearance of the Mottelay translation.
(58) S.P. Thompson, Notes on the De Magnete of Dr. William Gilbert (London, 1901).
(59) Imperial College Archives, London, Silvanus P. Thompson collection, item 608, "Memorandum concerning the affairs of the Gilbert Club," Nov. 1915. This document incorrectly gives 1891 as the foundation date of the Gilbert Club. The Club's papers, in a "wooden box," may have been given to the treasurer, Dr. H. Laver of Colchester.
(60) Thompson and Thompson, Silvanus Phillips Thompson, p. 230.
(61) W. Barlow, Magneticall Advertisements (London, 1616), p. B2r; quoted in Cooke, "William Gilbert," p. 730.
(62) J. Case, "To his friende R. H. of New Colledge" [prefatory letter], in J.P. Lomatius (trans. R. H[aydcocke].), A Tracte Containing the Artes of curious Painting, Carving & Building (Oxford, 1598).
(63) For a provocative, fictional, but nearly contemporary parallel to the Gilbert/Thompson relationship, see J.L. Borges (trans. A. Bonner), "Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote," in E.R. Monegal and A. Reid (eds.), Borges: A Reader (New York, 1981), pp. 96-103.
(64) Rupke, "Translation studies," pp. 210, 221-22; J. Harvey, "Almost a Man of Genius": Clemence Royer, Feminism, and Nineteenth-century Science (New Brunswick, New Jersey, 1997), pp. 62-79, on the French translator of Darwin; Montgomery, Science in Translation, covers the problem generally.
(65) "Early Magnetical Science," The Nation (New York), 58 (1894), p. 142; sec also p. 124.
(66) Gay and Barrett, "Should the Cobbler Stick to his Last?," p. 179; Thompson and Thompson, Silvanus Phillips Thompson, p. 248.
(67) W. Caxton, Eneydos (Westminster, 1490); W. Caxton, "Prologue to his Translation of Eneydos," in K.R. Bartlett and M. Gynn (eds.), Humanism and the Northern Renaissance (Toronto, 2000), p. 275.
(68) Cooke, "Objects," p. ; Gilbert, On the Magnet, p. 139.
(69) Thompson, Gilbert, of Colchester, pp. 32-33.
(70) Pumfrey, "William Gilbert," pp. 6-7.
(71) G. Chaucer, (ed. D.S. Brewer), The Parlement of Foulys (Manchester, 1972), Poem, lines 22-25. All three epigraphs are printed on the verso of the title page, in this order: Chaucer, Case, and Caxton. Thompson, Notes, p. [iii].
(72) On Gilbert and Kepler, sec S. Pumfrey, Latitude, pp. 213-23, and references pp. 248-49.
(73) Thompson and Thompson, Silvanus Phillips Thompson, p. 249; Grieg, Silvanus P. Thompson, p. 27.
(74) Gooday, "Faraday Reinvented," p. 193.
(75) "'Notes," Electrician, 30 (3 Mar. 1893), p. 499; Rupke, "Translation studies," p. 210. In this case, the local context that conditioned reception was separated from the place of original production by chronology rather than geography.
(76) S.P. Thompson, "William Gilbert and Terrestrial Magnetism," Geographical Journal, 21 (1903), 611-18; "Sylvanus Thompson on Gilbert," Electrical World and Engineer, 41 (1903), 618.
(77) Thompson, "Gilbert and Terrestrial Magnetism," p. 618.
(78) Institution of Electrical Engineers, "Gilbert Tercentenary Commemoration," p. 69; "The Tercentenary of Dr. Gilbert," Engineering, 76 (1903), 839; "The Gilbert Tercentenary," Nature, 69 (1903), 162.
(79)Institution of Electrical Engineers, "Gilbert Tercentenary Commemoration," p. 72. Cannadine, "Transformation of Civic Ritual," pp. 117-198.
(80) J. Dryden, "To My Honor'd Friend ...", in W. Charleton, Chorea Gigantum (London, 1663), lines 25-26. For example, used as an epigraph in Thompson, Gilbert, of Colchester; Thompson and Thompson, Silvanus Phillips Thompson, p. 226.
(81) J. Moore, "Charles Darwin lies in Westminster Abbey," Biological Journal of the Linnean Society, 17 (1982), pp. 97-113; P.G. Abir-Am, "Introduction," in Abir-Am and Elliot, Commemorative Practices, pp. 1-33.
Brian C. Shipley
Dalhousie University and Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey
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|Publication:||Canadian Journal of History|
|Date:||Aug 1, 2003|
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