From score into sound: questions of scoring in Lully's ballets.
Lully composed the majority of his ballets between 1654 and i671 for performances at the French court. Starting in 1672, when he acquired the directorship of the Academie Royale de Musique, he turned most of his attention to opera, composing approximately one a year until his death in 1687. Even though Lully dominated French musical life for several decades and continued to exercise an influence even after his death, no autograph scores or parts survive for any of his works. All of his operas, starting with Belleldrophon in 1679, were published in full score by Ballard in the years of their performance;' the music for the ballets, on the other hand, survives only in manuscripts that were copied from sources of unestablished provenance 20 or more years after the works were composed. The only sources contemporaneous with the production are the librettos (livrets), which were printed by Ballard for distribution to the spectators. These contain brief descriptions of each entree, the names of some of the performers, the texts of the vocal airs, and verses written in honour of some of the noble participants (see illus.1).
The manuscript scores of Lullys ballets provide almost no information regarding scoring. Instrument names are never written next to the individual lines, as in modem orchestral scores. Only occasionally do pieces bear a tide such as 'Concert de flutes' which provides even a hint of the instrumentation. The livrets, on the other hand, show that various instruments were used in the ballets, including, among others, violons, violes, basses a cordes de boyau, hautbois, flutes,vielles theorbes, clavecins, guitares, castanettes, tambours and petits tambours. Since the livrets were published at the time of the performances, they presumably reflect what the audiences actually heard. However, the scoring information they contain comes in the form of lists of performers in a given entree that, although valuable, are subject to certain limitations. First, the lists mention only those performers-singers, dancer, or instrumentalists-who appeared on stage, but not any musicians who may have been placed elsewhere. (This means that questions of scoring become intertwined with those of staging) Second, these lists often provide the names of the performers, but only vague indications as to what instruments they are playing. (This means that scoring questions become intertwined with archival ones.) Thus, the primary musical materials represent only the starting point for an investigation into who actually played and sang what in these ballets.
Les nopces de village provides a typical example of the problems encountered. This ballet was performed, probably only once, at the chateau of Vincennes in autumn 1663. In this staged rustic wedding the arrival of the bride and groom followed by a succession of wedding guests from the pastry chef to the village lord, the local schoolmaster. and the midwife, each set of characters dancing its own entree. A troupe of gypsies crashes the party; the ensuing fistfight, during which the bride is kidnapped, brings the ballet to a rousing conclusion. In case the entrees left any doubt as to the nature of this work, the ballet is subtitled 'mascarade ridicule'. As was always the case in the ballet de cour, the cast included both professional and aristocratic performers-approximately 30 of each-in 76 different roles. Louis XIV, who was 25 at the time, danced two roles-a village maiden and a gypsy.
If we were to mount a performance of this ballet, we would know, thanks to the livret, exactly how many dancers were needed and what roles they would play; the musical forces are, regrettably, another matter. Exx.1-3 show the three different textures that appear in the scores for this ballet: ex.1 solo voice and bass line (this is the opening vocal air of the ballet, the full text of which may be seen in illus.1); ex.2 an instrumental trio, with two treble instruments and bass (the ritournelle that follows the vocal air); ex.3 a five-part instrumental texture, each line notated in a different clef (the first entree). This last texture represents the clef arrangement of the typical French five-part string ensemble, although as is always the case in Lully's ballet scores, the parts are unlabelled.
The livret confirms that stringed instruments were used in this ballet: the description of the first entree mentions that the bride and groom are led on stage by 'violons' the term that was used generically to indicate all members of the violin family. Given that this same five-part texture is used for all the dances of this ballet, it seems reasonable to conclude that a string band must have formed the basis of the instrumental ensemble. Given also that the Petits violons du roi seem to have performed for ballets even more than the Grands violons did, and because a relatively small ensemble seems more appropriate to a mascarade of this nature, the Petits violons may serve as our model. In this case 18 string players would be required: seven violins and four basses de violon to play the outer parts, and seven violas, divided 2-3-2 to play the inner three parts.
Illus.1 shows that the mascarade opens with a recit sung by Hymen, the god of marriage, accompanied by a 'harmonie rustique'. In the musical symbolism of the 17th century, terms such as 'harmonie rustique', 'concert champetre', or 'choeur d'instruments rustiques' signify the woodwind instruments that were the inevitable concomitants of bucolic subjects. Indeed, court documents show that the, eight performers named in the livret as making up the harmonie rustique were all wind players in the employ of the king. (The Optere family is undoubtedly more familiar under its more usual spelling of 'Hotteterre') five of the eight appear on the royal books for 1661 as members of the ensemble known as the Hautbois et musettes de Poitou. Judging from the ensembles in which their names appear, the instruments they are listed as playing in other ballet livrets, and the inventories of instruments that some of the royal wind players had in their Possession at their deaths, they must all have been versatile performers on several instruments. So this particular list- of names reveals that eight woodwind players are called for, but not what instruments the eight held in their hands.
The first entree, however, mentions 'hautbois' in addition to 'violons'. Like 'violons', this is a term that in the 17th century was used more broadly than the single word 'oboe' suggests. It could encompass all members of the double-reed family, from treble to bass; in addition it was often used in a general sense, simply to indicate an ensemble of woodwind instruments, but not necessarily any specific ones. The livret does not say whether the oboes in the first entree are the same performers as the harmonie rustique that accompanies the recit, but for reasons having to do with economy of personnel and continuity in the staging, it seems likely that they were. This mascarade, like so many others during the period, was almost certainly performed in a large room, not in a theatre. The chateau of Vincennes had no theatre, thus it is very unlikely that there was any kind of a pit from which the musicians could have played. The brief descriptions of the recit and the first entree (shown in their entirety in illus.1) suggest that the opening numbers of the ballet served not only to introduce the subject of the work, but to set up a mechanism for getting the musicians on stage. For other mascarades of a similar informal nature that were also performed in rooms, not theatres, most notably several composed by Andre Danican Philidor in 1688 and 1700, quite a lot of information about the staging survives. These works make explicit what is only suggested in this livret: the opening number of the work serves as a processional for the instrumentalists and some or all of the singers and dancers that brings them into the performing space. In subsequent numbers the instrumentalists withdraw, clearing a space for the singers and dancers, but remaining within the view of the audience. The opening descriptions in the livret of Les nopces de village appear to suggest a similar procession, which could have occurred during the overture, a binary movement in triple metre that precedes the recit in the musical sources. Furthermore, if the members of the harmonie rustique were moving around the stage as part of the spectacle, it seems much less likely that they would have been changing instruments-picking up a flute for one number, a bassoon for another-than they might have done had they been playing from a pit. In the absence of another list of names in the first entree, the harmonie rustique of the recit and the hautbois of the first entree may probably be construed as the same people.
So it now appears that in addition to the strings, a performance of this ballets would require eight oboes, but it is less dear how such a group fits into the two types of instrumental scoring evident in the ballet. (For the purposes of this paper, the words 'hautbois', 'oboe, or 'bassoon' merely refer to double-reed instruments, without invoking the question of whether these were shawms, Baroque-style instruments, or something in between on the evolutionary scale.) An examination of livrets for Lully's ballets shows that the use of woodwinds in a group, as they are found here, is typical. Eight is a very common number for a wind ensemble, but there are occasionally as few as four or as many as 12. What one does not find in the ballet livrets is anything suggesting a classical orchestral wind section, or even a soloistic role for wind instruments. On the very exceptional occasions when only two instruments of a kind are mentioned in livrets, these turn out not to be part of a mixed ensemble, but some kind of special effect. The score for the Ballet de la raillerie, for example, shows that the two violins, two flutes and two voices mentioned in the livret do not form a six-part ensemble, but echo each other in pairs. The groupings of performers seen in the livrets suggest that wind ensembles functioned to provide blocks of sound--that is, that they played as consorts of like instruments.
Such ensembles were not merely gathered together for the occasional ballet; there were, in fact, three standing oboe bands at court, or, more accurately, three ensembles whose members played the oboe much of the time. The best known of the three bore the official name, dating from the 6th century, of Joueurs de violons, hautbois, saqueboutes et cornets, but was informally known as the 12 Grands hautbois du roi; also attached to the Ecurie (the king's stables) were the six Hautbois et musettes de Poitou, the ensemble that seems to have provided the winds for Les nopces de village. Finally, there were the eight oboes attached to the musqueteers who, in addition to their military functions, played for court entertainments.
Administrative records describe the Grands hautbois as a four-part ensemble, and this scoring is confirmed in a volume of music for this group that belongs to the Philidor Collection in the Bibliotheque Nationale. The four parts were called (from top to bottom) dessus de hautbois, haute-contre de hautbois, taille de hautbois and basse de hautbois. These four parts correspond, in both nomenclature and clef usage, to four of the five parts of the Lullian string ensemble; the one string part for which there is no equivalent oboe is the quinte de violon, the one notated on the fourth staff from the top, in the alto clef C3). The four-part oboe band played both for outdoor ceremonies and for indoor entertainments. The most notable example of the use of an oboe band on stage is a mascarade performed at Versailles in 1688 entitled Le mariage de la Grosse Cathos, for which Andre Danican Philidor composed the music. An eight-member oboe band provided an of the instrumental accompaniment for the mascarade: it played in four parts for the dance pieces and to acccompany the choruses, was reduced to a trio texture to accompany the bass airs, and provided a bass line during the other vocal airs and recitatives." In Lully's operas there are several explicit examples of four-part writing for oboes or flutes: in the Prologue to Atys, for example, the 'Entree des Zephirs' alternates phrases between a five-part string orchestra and a four-part oboe band. In fact, it is possible that in 7th-century French theatrical music when the scoring is reduced from the typical five. parts to four, one should consider the possibility that this signals a change in the orchestration from a string to a wind texture, especially if the dramatic situation-a pastoral scene, most probable makes such a change plausible.
If the oboe b;and was a viable theatrical ensemble as late as 1688, then it must have been even more so in the 1660s, when the orchestra as we conceive of it was merely starting to come into being. Concepts of instrumentation in this period appear still to be closely allied to Renaissance consort principles. But in Les nopces de village we confront a problem, because none of the pieces in the ballet is scored in the expected four parts. In the opening recit the oboes could only have played on the three-part ritournelle, presumably two treble oboes and a bassoon, as in the numerous wind trios in Lully's later works. It is not inconceivable that the parts were doubled, thus involving six players, and perhaps a bassoon played the bass fine while Hymen sang. Still, it seems unlikely that all eight members of the harmonie rustique would have played for this number. At the very least, the players assigned to the haute-contre and taille parts would have been silent.
For the five-part piece that follows, for which the livret suggests that both strings and winds played, the score does not reveal whether the oboe band would have played as a four-part ensemble or have expanded to five parts in order to double all the strings." There are several considerations, however, which suggest that the oboe band would have conformed to its normal practice and played in only four parts, leaving the quinte part, the one just above the bass, unreinforced. First, the ballet livrets of this period treat the instrumentalists as members of discrete groups. Wind players are listed separately from string players, while those who play continuo instruments and accompany singers form yet another unit. This compartmentalization on stage reflects the administrative separation between the different ensembles in the king's employ and further suggests that each ensemble had its own integrity and its own performing conventions that would have been respected in varying contexts. Second, it is clear that the quinte part was the least important of the five. When string ensembles played in four parts, as they sometimes did if circumstances limited the number of players available, they simply left out the quinte. Moreover, when Lully's operas were revived in the 18th century, after the orchestral string body had been reduced from five parts to four, the quinte part was, once again, simply omitted. It appears that 7th- and 18th-century musicians did not consider that the integrity of the score was in jeopardy if the quinte part was lacking. Third, and most important, the quinte part in the ballet is not payable by a late 7th-century oboe band: it lies too high for the bassoon and too low for the taille de hautbois, the tenor oboe that plays the third line. The only alternative would be an instrument from another family, possibly a sackbut, which seems an unlikely alternative within a pastoral ensemble.
The oboe band used in the Philidor mascarade mentioned earlier, Le mariage de la Grosse Cathos, provides a possible model for how many players should perform each part. In that band, which also had eight members, there were probably three oboes on the top line, three bassoons on the bottom, one haute-contre and one taille.
One must hesitate before projecting these figures 25 years back in time, but it is already clear that for Les nopces de village there had to be at least two treble oboes, since two are required by the ritoumelle to the recit. Also, the heavy reinforcement of the outer voices seems in keeping with what is known about the practices of the Grands and Petits violons.
So it would appear that two instrumental ensembles performed in Les nopces de village-a five-part string band and a fbur-part oboe band. We are, regrettably, completely in the dark as to how they functioned in relation to each other. The only bits of information about instrumentation in the entire livret are those shown in illus.1. We can infer a little more from the key structure: all of the pieces in the ballet are in G, either major or minor, but the oboes, particularly the haute-contre de hautbois, function more happily in G major than G minor. In those pieces that are workable for both groups, it seems perfectly plausible that the string and wind ensembles could have played simultaneously-the statement in the first entree that the bride and groom are led by the violins and oboes suggests as much-or they may have played in alternation. Perhaps the two ensembles, playing sometimes together, sometimes in alternation, were used to extend the very short dance pieces, which range in length from 10 to 26 bars (or double that number if each section is repeated once). Certainly, numerous repetitions must have been essential in order to accommodate all the action described in the livret. The most egregious case occurs in the last entree, in which A troupe of gypsies arrives, intending to profit from the opportunity provided by the wedding, and while some of them dance, others, mingling with the company under the pretext of telling fortunes, pick the pockets of one of the bourgeois. The alert sergeant catches them in the act, and with the help of the vintners, tries to lead them to prison. The other gypsies leave off dancing to come to the aid of their companions. The rest of the assembly enters the fray on the side of the Law, and in the midst of this disorder, the young men kidnap the bride. Meanwhile the quack doctor with his strap and the tricksters with their wooden swords randomly strike the gypsies, the judges, the bridegroom and finally themselves, thus emptying the stage" The mere 19 bars Lully provided for an this would seem to need a lot of stretching, and a good raucous oboe band would certainly come in handy to help fill out the accompaniment to these shenanigans.
Let us now move from the instrumental scoring to the vocal, and to the recit by Hymen that opens the ballet. (There is one additional vocal air in the ballet, a patter song in Italian that Lully composed for himself in his role as the village schoolmaster. it is for a bass and contains brief interjections by a four-part chorus of schoolboys, who then dance a bourree with their teacher.) As illus. 1 shows, the role of Hymen, the god of marriage, was sung by a certain Monsieur Blondel. His part is notated in the soprano clef, and ranges from d'to e". Such a voice assignment for a man, a god no less, might raise some eyebrows today, but was it exceptional in France in 1663? Lionel Sawkins has shown that men did, indeed, sing soprano parts at the French court, and Lois Rosow has pointed out the appearance of male sopranos in the chorus at the Paris Opera. There were, according to their research, three types of male soprano-boys, castratos imported from Italy and falsettists. In the case of Monsieur Blondel, the first two categories may safely be eliminated: had he been a boy, he would have been identified in the livret as a page, as were other boys who sang in the ballets. As for the second, 'Blondel' is decidedly not an Italian name; moreover, castratos sang in the royal chapel, but rarely on the French stage. Thus he must have been singing falsetto in this role. So the question becomes one not so much of scoring as of affect: did Monseiur Blondel sing Hymen straight, or was the part conceived rather in a humorous vein?
It has already been pointed out that this ballet is styled a 'mascarade ridicule', on the title-page; perhaps the subtitle alone answers the question. However, the fact that men did sing soprano seriously at this time, in combination with the text of this recit- which on the surface is not ridiculous; although it certainly could be performed tongue-in-cheek-opens the door to doubts about the style of performance the role demands. It is possible to conceive of at least two different interpretations of this role, one in which Hymens idealization of the pastoral world is undermined only by subsequent events, the other in which the ridiculousness of his words becomes apparent immediately.
(It is worth noting in passing that a similar kind of question comes up for dancers as well as singers. 17th-century male dancers were trained to dance female roles and were often caused upon to do so in serious works, costumed in such a way as to disguise their gender. But there are some works in a lighter vein-this one being a prime example-for which one wonders if the mere fact of having a man play a woman's role was intended to provoke laughter. In Les nopces de village all of the danced parts, including female roles such as the bride and the midwife, were performed by men.)
One approach to investigating Hymen's characterization is to identify the other roles for male sopranos in Lully's ballets in order to establish what kind of affect they may have had. A comparison of the names of singers found in the livrets with the music they sang shows that the vast majority of the many soprano roles in Lully's ballets were performed by women. (I have included in my survey most of Lully's ballets and comedy-ballets up to 1670; a soprano part is defined as one notated in either treble or soprano clef) Only six solo roles call. for a male soprano, on the basis of which it is possible to make a few observations. (1) Such roles occur only in works of a comic character, these being the Ballet des plaisirs (1655), Les nopces de village (1663), and two of the comedy-ballets Lully wrote with Moliere, Monsieur de Pourceaugnac (1669) and Le bourgeois gentilhomme (1670). (2) All of the roles are for male characters-male sopranos never portray women. (3) Although some of the sung texts could be interpreted in a serious way, the dramatic situation is such as to cast them in a comic, or even burlesque, light. The classic case is the famous opening scene of Le bourgeois gentilhomme, in which a hopelessly inept student, singing soprano, attempts to perform a languorous love song. Shortly after he finally bumbles his way through it, the song is performed properly by a female soprano. (4) The three male singers who performed these six roles all normally sang something other than soprano parts.
Mr le Gros, who sang a serenade filled with double entendres to his fickle mistress in the Ballet des plaisirs, must have had quite a high voice since he was normally assigned parts notated in either alto clef (C3, the usual clef for the high tenor voice known as the haute-contre) or mezzo-soprano clef (C2). These generally ranged from a to c", but in the serenade in the Ballet des plaisirs he was required to sing yet another fourth higher, in a part that covers the octave from f' to f".
The remarkable Jean Gaye, who performed in many of the comedy-ballets, seems to have been capable of singing anything, although Prunieres calls him a baritone. Parts are notated for him in five different clefs-bass, tenor, alto, mezzo-soprano and soprano. In two different places in Monsieur de Pourceaugnac he switches in the space of a breath from performing a solo for soprano to singing bass in a duet or trio.
As for Monsieur Blondel, from the eight solo or small ensemble parts he sang in Lully's ballets up to 1670, it is apparent that he was a tenor. His parts are always notated in tenor clef and have a range of c to f'. He was also a member of the royal chapel choir, where he was classified as a taille or tenor.Les nopces de village is the only work in which he was assigned a soprano part. The choice of Blondel, who here had to sing a full octave higher than he normally did, was undoubtedly intended to make the poor vinage Hymen sound utterly ridiculous as soon as he opened his mouth.
Although the gaps in the evidence surrounding Les nopces de village do not permit unambiguous conclusions regarding the music, forces Lully used in its performance or how they were deployed, it is at least possible to edge closer to answering questions about the scoring. The ballet appears to call for eight double-reed players, 18 strings, a bass who can dance, and a tenor willing to sing soprano. It also presumably requires chordal instruments to realize the continuo in the two vocal airs, although none is mentioned in the livret. As more of Lully's ballets undergo individual scrutiny, it will become easier to achieve a broader view of his instrumental and vocal practices and to transform the notes on the page into sound.
(1) Jean-Baptiste Lully. The collected works, general ed. C. B. Schmidt (New York, forthcoming). (2) The Ballard scores are 'full' in the sense that they contain an of the vocal and instrumental lines that are to be heard. Although they sometimes mention instruments, the instructions are not always clear or complete; numerous questions regarding Lully's orchestration in his operas remain unresolved. The most extensive study of the subject is J. Eppelsheim, Das Orchester in den Werken Jean-Baptiste Lullys (Tutzing, 1961); see also J. de La Gorce, 'Some notes on Lully's orchestra', Jean-Baptiste Lully and the music of the French Baroque: essays in honor of James R. Anthony (Cambridge, 1989), pp.99-112. (3) The problems posed for the new Lully edition by this source situation are discussed in various articles in the French Baroque newsletter, i-ii (1983, 1984); J. R. Anthony, 'Towards a principal source for Lullys court ballets: Foucault vs Philidor, Recherches sur la musique francaise classique, xxv (1987), PP-79-104; J. R. Anthony, More faces than Proteus: Lully's Ballet des muses', Early music, xv (1987), pp.336-44; R. Harris-Warrick, 'Towards an edition of Lully's ballet Les nopces de village' (unpublished). (4) A list of the 18 members of the Petits violons appears in the livret of Lully's ballet Le carnaval, mascarade (Paris: Robert Ballard, 1668), although it does not show how the instrumentalists were distributed over the five parts. Membership lists for the ensemble from the Etats de la France for 1692 to 1694, however, show that the ensemble still had 18 members and provide the distribution given here: see La Gorce,'Some notes', p.111. (5) See the payment records for the musicians of the Ecurie during this period in M. Benoit, Musiques de cour: chapelle, chambre, icutie, 1661-1773 (Paris, 1971), pp.3ff. (6) Benoit, Musiques, p.4.  See R. Harris-Warrick and C. G. Marsh, Musical theater at the court of Louis XIV. the Example of Le mariage de la Grosse Cathos' (Cambridge, forthcoming). (8) For an exploration of the organological characteristics of these instruments in 17th-century France, see B. Haynes, Lully and the rise of the oboe as seen in works of art, Early music, (1988), pp.324-38, and R. Harris-Warrick, 'A few thoughts on Lully's hautbois', Early music, xviii (1990), pp-97-l06. (9) M. Benoit, Versailles et les musiciens du roi (Paris, 1971), pp.220-25, 234-6. (10) "F-Pn Res. F. 671: Partition de plusieurs marches et batteries de tambour . . . recueilly par Philidor l'aine. . . l'an 1705. For a study of this manuscript, see S. Sandman, Wind band music under Louis XIV: the Philidor Collection, music for the military and the court' (PhD diss., Stanford U., 1974) (11) "See Harris-Warrick and Marsh, Musical theater. The dance notation for this mascarade shows the presence of nine 'hautbois' on stage, but the score reveals that on, of the nine had to be a drummer. (12) See N. Zaslaw, 'When is an orchestra not an orchestra?, Early music, xvi (1988), pp.483-95. (13) It is also possible, of course, that the winds only doubled the outer voices in the five-part texture. This would mean that by 'hautbois' Lully intended not a four-part oboe band, but merely treble oboes and bassoons, and that in the ritournelle the instruments might have been distributed 3-3-2 or 2-2-4, yielding 6-0-0-0-2 or 4-0-0-0-4 in the dance pieces. According to Eppelsheim (Das Orchester), a core of strings with oboes and bassoons doubling the outer parts provided the standard sonority of Lully,s orchestra. But, as I have previously argued ('A few thoughts', p.105), merely conforming to normal practice would not produce the desired pastoral effect. If oboes are to function emblematically in this ballet, a change in sonority is necessary. (14) I am very grateful to Bruce Haynes, who played through the score of this ballet with his oboe band, for the information regarding playability. (15) Italian choreographies by Caroso and Negri from the beginning of the 17th century generally require several repetitions of the music in order to accommodate all of the dance; see examples in E Caroso, Nobilta di dame, trans. J. Sutton (Oxford, 1986). A significant number of early 18th-century French choreographies require that binary pieces be played twice through with full repeats (i.e. AABBAABB), and at least two choreographies require three repetitions AABBAAB-BAABB); see M. E. Little, 'Problems of repetition and continuity in the dance music of Lully's "Ballet des Arts", Jean-Baptiste Lully. Actes du colloquel/KongreBbericht, Saint-Germain-en-Laye-Heidelberg 1987 (Laaber, 1990), pp.429-30. (16) 'Une troupe de Bohemiens & de Bohemiennes pretendent aussi profiter de cette occasion, & tandis qu'une partie d'entre-eux dansent; les autres se meslans dans la Compagnie sous pretexte de dire la bonne avanture, coupent la bourge d'un des Bourgeois. Le Sergent habile en son mestier, les surprend sur le fait, & se faisant aider des Messiers, les veut mener en prison; leurs compagnons quittent la danse pour les venir secourir: Toute l'Assemblee se leve pour prester main-forte a la Justice: & dans ce desordre les valets de la feste enlevent la Mariee, pendant que l'Operateur avec sa sangle, & les deux Farceurs avec leurs epees de bois, frapant confusement sur les Bohesmiens, sur les Juges, sur le Marie; & enfin sur eux-mesme, rendent le Theatre vuide: Les nopces de village (Paris: Ballard, 1663), pp.7-8. (17) L. Sawkins, 'For and against the order of nature: who sang the soprano?', Early music, xv (1987), pp.315-24. (18) L. Rosow, 'Performing a choral dialogue by Lully', Early music,
xv (1987), pp.325-35. (19) 'From my dress, from my face/you will easily know/that I am only a village Hymen./Those from the court have as their lot/more beauty and better attire;/but in this peacefull grove/love, honour, and I live in greater security./All the pleasures of the first epoch/came in their banishment/to take refuge under this fortunate shade./Those from the court . . .' (20) Oeuvres completes de J.-B. Lully: les comedies-ballets, iii, ed. H. Prunibres (Paris, 1938), p.vi. (21) Benoit, Musiques, P.21. (22) The thorny issue of continuo practices in the French theatre is beyond the scope of this paper; for Lully's ballets the difficulties are compounded by contradictory evidence among the sources, almost all of which postdate the performances by years (see note 3 above). Regarding French operatic practice, see G. Sadler, 'The role of the keyboard continuo in French opera, 1673-1776', Early music, viii (1980), pp.148-57, and J. de La Gorce, Vorchestre de l'Opera et son dvolution de Campra a Rameau', Revue de musicologie, lxxvi (1990), pp.24-8.
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|Title Annotation:||Jean-Baptiste Lully, French Baroque II|
|Date:||Aug 1, 1993|
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