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From Cicero to Tasso: Humanism and the Education of the Novarese Parish Clergy (1565-1663) *.

The humanistic program of education was one of the most important legacies left by the Renaissance to early modern society; The humane disciplines of grammar, letters, poetry, history, rhetoric, and moral philosophy, inculcated from the authors of classical Greece and Rome, became the intellectual heritage of the educated elite of western Europe. At a time when a minority of the populace was literate and literacy itself meant possession of only rudimentary reading and writing skills, the most promising students pursued Latin grammar and the humanities as the doorways to professional studies and advancement. (1) Among this elite were lawyers, physicians, civil servants, teachers, scholars and, of most interest here, members of the clergy both Protestant and Catholic. At centers as theologically diverse as the University of Wittenberg, the Academy of Geneva, Oxford and Cambridge universities, and the Jesuit Roman College, the classics and the humanities provided future pastors and priests with the literary and rhetorical skills, cultural depth, and moral reinforcement deemed necessary for successful and godly ministry. (2) In the case of the Catholic clergy, the role played by humanist studies can be measured by examining the educational background and the libraries of the parish clergy of the northern Italian diocese of Novara. In the century following the Council of Trent (1545-63) the Novarese parish clergy enjoyed a dramatic increase in educational opportunities with the establishment of schools, seminaries, and colleges in and around their diocese. Their studies were grounded in Latin grammar and the humanities, supported by grammars, dictionaries, and a variety of classical and Renaissance authors. Although the libraries of the priests provide an imperfect record of what they read, a number of priests appear to have developed a lifelong interest in humanist and secular works, and some continued the humanist tradition by taking up positions as schoolmasters in the towns and villages of the diocese.

The diocese of Novara was the western neighbor of the archdiocese of Milan and until the early eighteenth century part of the duchy of Milan. By Italian standards it was large and far flung, extending from the Lombard plain through the region of lakes Orta and Maggiore to the Italian Alps. In the early seventeenth century it included approximately 270 parishes served by over three hundred curates and almost two hundred canons, chaplains, and other priests. (3) Although the city itself had a population of over seven thousand souls, parishes of the surrounding countryside varied in size from several thousand in the larger towns of the plain to slightly over one hundred in the smaller villages of the lakes and mountains. Despite the remote location of many of its parishes, the diocese was in the mainstream of Catholic reform efforts of the sixteenth century. It enjoyed close ties with Milan, being part of the ecclesiastical province of Milan and as such participating closely in the reforms undertaken by Carlo Bo rromeo (1538-84), archbishop of Milan From 1564 to 1584, and a model of pastoral zeal and effective diocesan administration for many of his colleagues in Italy and throughout Europe. (4) Novara was bound by regulations passed by the Provincial Councils conducted by Borromeo, and its bishops were under the influence of the reformer. The most important of these was Carlo Bascape (1550-1615) who had been a collaborator and biographer of Borromeo and had served as general of the Clerics Regular of Saint Paul or Barnabite congregation prior to his appointment to the diocese of Novara in 1593.

One of the key elements of Borromeo's work, followed at Novara, was the development of a system of diocesan seminaries. The Council of Trent had viewed the ignorance and immorality of the Catholic clergy as major reasons for the development and spread of Protestantism in Europe. Its response, long in gestation, was the decree that dioceses establish seminaries for the formation of boys and young men for the priesthood. The authors of the seminary legislation, influenced by the creation of the Jesuit German College in Rome in 1552 and by the legislation (1555-56) of the humanist Cardinal Reginal Pole (1500-58) for clerical education in England, specified that candidates for admission should be at least twelve years of age and competent in reading and writing. Seminarians were to study Latin grammar, sacred Scripture, ecclesiastical books, the homilies of the saints, and the things necessary for the administration of the sacraments, especially confession. (5) Given the importance of ancient Roman authors to the study of Latin grammar, the Council thus gave at least tacit support to the humanist ideal that the classics were the doorway to intellectual and moral formation.

Although most dioceses of Italy and other Catholic lands were slow to establish and endow the new institutions properly, Borromeo created an exemplary network of seminaries and minor seminaries in Milan and adjacent towns. (6) When it came to seminary curriculum, as in so much else, he amplified and clarified what had been set down by the Council of Trent. He too saw Latin grammar and classical studies as fundamental to the intellectual formation of the clergy. His instructions for the seminaries of Milan stipulated that adolescent students, divided into two sections, should study Latin grammar from the textbook of the Portuguese Jesuit Manoel Alvares (c. 1526-83), and should read the Epistolae familiares of Cicero every morning followed by selected poems of Ovid and Virgil in the afternoons, with recitations or repetitions to be made the next day. From grammar they would proceed to the humanities, again divided into two sections, which involved more advanced readings from Cicero and the poets, as well as thr ee lessons a week in Greek grammar. If they made suitable progress in grammar and the humanities, they were to pursue lessons in rhetoric, logic, philosophy, and theology. Those who were not proficient in grammar and letters were to bypass rhetoric and devote all of their time to subjects of more immediate, practical use: cases of conscience or questions for the confessor, catechism, the Scriptures, and ecclesiastical rhetoric. (7)

To the extent that they were able, the bishops of Novara followed Borromeo's example by establishing seminaries and setting out their curriculum. Between 1565 and 1581 they employed local endowments for the creation not only of a main seminary at Novara but also of minor seminaries at Varallo in the Sesia valley and the Island of San Giulio on Lake Orta. However, these institutions remained small and poorly financed. In 1593 even the main seminary at Novara enjoyed revenues of only four hundred scudi, far short of the twelve hundred scudi mandated for it by the fifth Provincial Council of Milan (1579). Eager to improve seminary funding, Carlo Bascape followed a tactic already employed by his predecessors, directing the revenues of clericati, small benefices originally intended for the maintenance of clerics in minor orders, towards the new foundations. Although the project took almost his entire episcopate, in 1612 he could finally boast that the requirement of the Provincial Council had been met. He also cap italized on local endowments to create new seminaries at Suna in the lakes region and Borgomanero in the center of the diocese, so that at his death there were five seminaries in Novarese territory, with a total enrollment approaching one hundred students. (8) To give the seminary experience greater focus, he divided the main seminary at Novara into two parts: the seminary where students from the ages twelve to nineteen studied Latin grammar and the humanities and the College of Clerics where more mature students, after they had demonstrated proficiency in Latin, studied cases of conscience, the Roman catechism, and ecclesiastical ceremonies for up to four years. (9) This division lasted until 1624, when the Society of Jesus came to Novara. (10)

Although Bascape's curriculum was grounded in Latin grammar and literature, its objectives were in essence practical, designed to fill the diocese's need for priests capable of administering the cure of souls. The older seminarians focused almost entirely on cases of conscience, the Roman catechism, and ecclesiastical ceremonies, and at least initially Bascape left little room for rhetoric, philosophy, speculative theology, and even the study of the Scriptures, prominent in the Tridentine decrees. (11) Instruction in Greek was absent from his curriculum. Two factors lay behind Bascape's rather restricted program: a lack of suitable instructors and the urgent demand for parish priests in outlying areas of the diocese. However, instruction in the seminary of Novara, with its basis in Latin and the humanities, provided the possibility for further intellectual development. As well, many clerics had the time and money to study outside of the diocese, at Milan, Pavia, and other cities where new seminaries and colle ges were open to them. Bascape and his successors also supplemented seminary instruction with the teaching of the new religious orders of the Catholic Reformation. In 1599 Bascape persuaded his own congregation, the Barnabites, to establish a small college at Novara so that Novarese clerics could attend their classes while living under the rule of the seminary. In 1624 the Jesuits replaced the Barnabites, accepting responsibility for the Scuole Cannobiane, a local foundation named after its principal benefactor, the Abate Amico Cannobio (1532-92). The Jesuits were to be paid six hundred scudi a year from funds administered by the Monte di pieta of Novara, one hundred scudi by the seminary, and three hundred from other sources. In return they were to provide three masters of Latin grammar, humanities, and rhetoric, and lecturers in logic, philosophy, and cases of conscience. (12) The Jesuits, therefore, brought a more complete and diversified program of studies to the seminarians of Novara, one that is often r eferred to as the Jesuit Ratio studiorum. Lessons in rhetoric, logic, and philosophy were now added to grammar and letters at Novara, as the gateways, perhaps, for more specialized training in theology.

As in other Italian dioceses of the time, study at a seminary was not mandatory for clerics seeking ordination and advancement at Novara. (13) By the early seventeenth century Novarese clerics could pursue their studies through a wide and ever expanding network of institutions both within and outside the diocese. In addition to the seminaries and the establishments of the new religious orders at Novara, there remained Latin grammar schools and instructors in the towns of the diocese, schools conducted by the older religious orders, and new colleges and seminaries in neighboring cities. However, in these years the majority of the Novarese parish clergy, approximately ninety per cent of whom were native to the diocese, received at least part of their training at one or more of the diocesan seminaries, with the Barnabites at Novara, or with the Jesuits of the Scuole Cannobiane. (14) Of the 306 priests whose book lists are studied below, brief notes on the studies of 208 are found in the pastoral visitations cond ucted by the successors of Bascape. Of these, eighty-five priests indicated that they had received at least a part of their training at one or more of the diocesan seminaries, thirty-seven at the Scuole Cannobiane, and nine with the Barnabites at Novara. Thirty mentioned simply studies at Novara without specifying an institution, which might have involved study at one or more of the above. Twenty-four priests, the majority not native to the diocese, mentioned only studies elsewhere. (15)

Although a number of these priests stated that they studied Latin grammar and the humanities at the main seminary of Novara, it was more common for clerics to pursue the basic disciplines in the small seminaries of the island of San Giulio, Suna, and Varallo; with priests and other masters who taught in their home towns; or at a variety of institutions outside Novara, most notably the Jesuit Brera college of Milan. Many sojourned at two or even three such locations. (16) In addition to the twenty-four priests who reported studies exclusively outside the diocese, fifty-seven combined studies at Novarese schools and seminaries with time spent at institutions at Milan and, less frequently, Pavia. As well, a number of clerics added rhetoric, logic, and philosophy to their course of studies. The main seminary of Novara, the smaller institution of Borgomanero, and after 1624 the Scuole Cannobiane were the places where more mature seminarians finished with the study of cases of conscience before presenting themselve s for ordination and appointment to parishes, chaplaincies, and canonries. Few pursued more advanced studies in theology and canon law, and of these only a handful received degrees. (17)

The humanist training of the Novarese parish clergy was evident not only in the reports they gave about their education, but also in lists or inventories of books which they were required to present during episcopal visitation. This study is based on 306 such lists from visitations conducted between 1616 and 1663. (18) Among the priests who prepared the lists, 242 were curates of the towns and villages of the diocese, forty-seven were chaplains, fifteen were canons of collegiate churches in the larger towns, and two were clerics in minor orders. Only one of them served in the city of Novara itself. (19) With visitations occurring every ten to fifteen years, some priests would over time submit two or even three lists. In this study, every effort has been made to avoid using two lists from the same priest or cleric. As well, when a list contains duplicate copies of a book, only one is counted. The average length of the book lists was over forty-three titles, with fifteen priests possessing over one hundred book s each and several fewer than ten. In an age when the cost of books was prohibitive for persons who were not in the upper and professional ranks of society, the number and size of the Novarese libraries was remarkable, especially as they were possessions of individual priests. (20) The libraries compare favorably with the seventy-four titles found in the seminary of Fiesole in 1646 and even with the 130 books found in the average parish library of the archdiocese of Turin in the mid-nineteenth century. (21) The Turin libraries belonged to churches rather than to individuals, and were collected over a two-hundred year period, 1650 to 1850.

The Novarese lists were prepared in response to episcopal instructions that each parish priest keep books necessary in the administration of the cure of souls. For example, Bascape instructed parish priests to obtain copies of the Bible, the Roman catechism, the decrees of the Council of Trent and of the Provincial Councils of Milan, and other religious works filling into four categories: summas of cases of conscience, collections of sermons, devotional treatises, and commentaries or paraphrases of the gospels and psalms. (22) The lists were reviewed during pastoral visitations, and priests were instructed to remedy any deficiencies. (23) The Bible, the Roman catechism, and the decrees of Trent and of the Provincial Councils of Milan each appeared on well over two hundred of the 306 lists.

Although the priests were not requested to list the secular or profane titles in their libraries, they did from time to time include books of this nature, the majority works of classical Latin authors or other books used in the study and teaching of grammar and the humanities. Accounting for approximately twelve percent of all titles, secular works were a matter of secondary concern to the episcopal visitors, hence underrepresented on the Novarese book lists. (24) Of the 306 lists reviewed, only 151 included secular titles, while a number simply referred to the possession of unnamed libri grammatici. Of the 151, only forty-six priests owned ten or more secular titles: twenty-five listed between ten and nineteen, thirteen from twenty to twenty-nine, three from thirty to thirty-nine, and five over fifty. The longest list came from Bartolomeo Manino, curate of the small village of Pisogno in the region of Lake Orta, during the visit of 1639. Manino's library included over three hundred titles, with approximately 120 of a secular nature. He was then over sixty years old, and of his education we know only that he had studied cases of conscience at the seminary of Novara. (25) The second longest list belonged to Francesco Cacino, canon of the collegiate church of Omegna, who in 1646 possessed almost 250 books, one hundred secular in nature. Cacino had studied grammar at Omegna, the humanities at Milan, and cases of conscience at the College of Clerics of Novara. (26)

The secular books possessed by the Novarese priests can be divided into a number of categories. Grammars, dictionaries, and classical authors -- the works most likely to have been of service in the Latin grammar class -- appeared with a good deal of frequency. Works of philosophy and law were also relatively common. Works by Renaissance and contemporary writers appeared less frequently, unless valued for pedagogical reasons. Although it will be impossible to mention all of the secular titles on the Novarese lists, many of which appeared on only one occasion, the study of these books provides an important window into the cultural world of the Novarese parish clergy of the seventeenth century. Since the priests rarely gave the place and date of publication of the works which they possessed, in the study which follows reference is made to the first known editions of their books. (27)

Humanist pedagogy began with the study of Latin grammar, not as an end in itself, but as a preparation for the classical authors, rhetoric, poetry, history, and moral philosophy. (28) Since late antiquity the study of Latin was facilitated by a number of texts which were written entirely in Latin and used by the grammar teacher. The most popular Latin grammar in Novara in the seventeenth century was De institutione grammatica (Lisbon, 1572) by Manoel Alvares, which appeared on twenty-two lists. Alvares taught Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and rose to become rector at the Jesuit college of Evora. (29) As noted above, his grammar was recommended for the seminaries of Milan, and Jesuit schools adopted it by the late sixteenth century. (30) It would certainly have been used in Novara's Scuole Cannobiane. Fifteen priests possessed a grammar text by the Flemish humanist Joannes Despauterius (c. 1460-1520), possibly the Prima pars grammaticae (1512), the Rudimenta (1514), or the combined edition entitled Commentarii gra mmatici (1537). (31) Girolamo Cafaro (sixteenth century) of Salerno was found on five lists. His Grammatices epitome, first published in 1545, was a short, elementary manual. (32) Other Latin grammars appeared on one or two lists only, including one book simply described as a Donato, the sixth-century Institutiones grammaticae by Priscian, (33) the Regulae grammaticales of the great Renaissance pedagogue Guarino Guarini of Verona (1374-1460), the Grammatica -- probably the Rudimenta grammaticae (1473) -- of the scholar, Papal secretary; and later bishop, Niccolo Perotti (1429-80), (34) and either the Della lingua romana (1540) or the elementary Latin grammar Priscianello (1550) by Francesco Priscianese. The Donato might have been one of a variety of texts, including the Ars minor of Aelius Donatus, the fourth-century Roman grammarian and teacher of St. Jerome, or the manual called the Ianua or gateway which predated the fourteenth century and was still in widespread use in sixteenth-century Italy. (35) Also w orthy of special note are the grammars of the Florentine scholar Francesco Priscianese because they used the vernacular to teach Latin, an experiment which did not take hold in Italy until the eighteenth century. (36)

Latin dictionaries were frequently found on Novarese book shelves. Sixty-three priests possessed the Dictionarium latinum (1502) by Ambrogio Calepio of the Hermits of St. Augustine (c.1435-c.1509/10). (37) Compiled from classical and Renaissance authors, it was familiarly referred to as il Calepino. Fourteen priests possessed a short Latin-Italian dictionary by Pietro Galesini (c. 1520-90) who also wrote lives of the saints and translations of the Greek fathers and had served as a collaborator of Carlo Borromeo at Milan. (38) Eighteen lists included the Nizolius, sive thesaurus ciceronianus (1536) by Mario Nizolio (1498-1566), who had an appointment to teach the humanities at Parma, while six referred simply to a Ciceronian dictionary. (39)

Books dealing with Italian appeared less frequently. Eleven lists included the late medieval compilation Fior di virtu. The Fior di virtu was written by an unknown author, probably between 1300 and 1323, and contained forty chapters on the virtues and vices. It served as a primary reader in the vernacular. (40) The Prose della volgar lingua (Venice: G. Tacuino, 1525) by the Venetian humanist and cardinal Pietro Bembo (1470-1547) appeared on five lists. (41) The Prose contained an Italian grammar and lexicon as well as an important discussion of the relative virtues of Latin and Italian and an account of the origin, history, and proper nature of the Tuscan vernacular. Also valued for the study of the vernacular was Ludovico Dolce (1508-68), a prolific author whose Osservationi nella volgar lingua (Venice: G. Giolito de' Ferrari, 1550) and Il Ragazzo, comedia (Venice: F. detto le Imperador, 1559) appeared on four lists. (42)

The Novarese lists suggest that the priests enjoyed only a smattering of Greek, Hebrew, and modern languages other than Italian. Four lists included the Institutiones in linguam graecam (Louvain: R. Rescius, 1530) by Nicolaas Cleynaerts or Clenardus (1495-1542), a humanist and university teacher from Brabant, while two contained a Greek alphabet, and one a Greek syntax. (43) Two priests possessed a Hebrew grammar by the Jesuit theologian and cardinal Robert Bellarmine (1542-1621), probably the Institutiones linguae hebraicae ex optimo quoque auctore collectae. (44) The Vocabulario de los dos lenguas toscana y castellana by Cristobal de Las Casas appeared on one list, as did a reference to a French grammar. (45) Only one priest listed a Greek lexicon, supporting the conclusion that few of the Novarese priests pursued Greek.

Classical Latin authors were frequently found in the libraries of the Novarese priests, often listed among libri grammatici or Latin works related to the classroom. Cicero (106-43 B.C.) was by far the most popular. (46) Sixty-four priests listed at least one of his works, and many possessed two or more. Twenty-one priests mentioned unspecified works, thirty-two his letters (in most cases the Epistolae familiares), twenty-nine his Orations, twenty-one the De officiis, and four the Tusculanae disputationes, a philosophical work on the conditions of happiness. Eighteen priests possessed the pseudo-Ciceronian Rhetorica ad Herennium, which possibly indicated that they had taken a class in rhetoric. Cicero was valued for his moral insights, for his dedication to civic affairs, and above all for his mastery of the Latin language.

After Cicero the Latin poets were the most popular classical authors. Virgil (70-19 B.C.) appeared on a total of forty-seven lists. Although in most cases no title was given, one can assume the Aeneid followed by the Eclogues and Georgics. Horace's (65-8 B.C.) Satires appeared on twenty-nine lists, and Ovid's (43 B.C.-18 AD.) works, notably the Metamorphoses and Fasti, on nineteen. The Satires of Juvenal (c. 60-after 128 A.D.) were found on four lists and Martial's (c. 40-103/4 A.D.) Epigrams on seven.

Historians, valued for the moral lessons which they taught and as models of good style, were well represented on the Novarese lists, supporting the argument that history became an important part of the Latin curriculum during the Renaissance. (47) Sallust (86-35 B.C.), author of De Catalinae coniuratione and the Bellum Iugurthinum, was found on twenty lists, followed by Quintus Currius Rufus' (first century A.D.) Historia Alexandri magni and Julius Caesar's (100-44 B.C.) Commentaries, both cited on fifteen lists. The Facta et dicta memorabilia (30-37 A.D.) of Valerius Maximus -- nine books giving short historical anecdotes illustrating the virtues and vices, popular from the Middle Ages on -- appeared on fourteen lists, while nine priests possessed unspecified books from Livy's (59 B.C.-17 A.D.) history of Rome ab urbe condita. Other historians of note were Flavius Josephus (37/8-after 93 A. D.), author of De antiquitate Judaeorum and the Bellum Iudaicum, who was found on eleven lists, Plutarch (c. 46-c. 120 A.D.) whose Lives appeared on six lists, and Eusebius (c. 260-340 A.D.) whose Historia ecclesiastica appeared on five. One priest possessed the Histories and Annals of Tacitus (56/7 A.D.-[+] 117 A.D.).

A variety of other classical works were also found on the Novarese lists. Dramatists were popular with the Comedies of Terence (193 or 183-159 B.C.) appearing on twenty-three lists, the Tragedies of the Stoic philosopher Seneca (c. 4 B.C.-95 A.D.) on six, and the comedies of Plautus (c. 250-184 B.C.) on four. The influence of classes in rhetoric was evident in that seven priests listed the Rhetoric of Aristotle (384-22 B.C.) and five the Institutio oratoria of Quintilian (c. 35-95 A.D.). The Natural History of Pliny the Elder (23/4-79 A.D.), still valued as a compendium of natural science, appeared on nine lists. Not surprisingly there were few works by Greek authors other than Aristotle, and these were readily available in Latin translation. Aesop's fables appeared on ten lists, Homer's Iliad and Odyssey on one, and the oratars Demosthenes (384-22 B.C.) and Isocrates (436-338 B.C.) on two and one list respectively.

Among the Renaissance and contemporary authors possessed by the Novarese priests, the only ones found with some frequency were those who served as models of literary style. Paolo Manuzio (1512-74), son of the Venetian printer Aldo, was the most popular. (48) His works, most notably his Latin and Italian letters, appeared on twenty-one lists. As well five priests credited him with the Adagia, really the work of Erasmus of Rotterdam but printed in a truncated version under Paolo's name since the days of the Council of Trent. (49) Also popular was Aldo Manuzio the Younger (1547-97), Paolo's son, whose Eleganze della lingua toscana e latina (1580) and Locutioni di Terenzio (1585) were cited on twenty-four lists. (50) Ten priests possessed the Silva di varia lecion (Seville 1540) by Pero Mexia (1499-1551) of Seville, a miscellany drawn from ancient and sixteenth-century sources including Erasmus and available in an Italian translation, (51) while up to three owned Lorenzo Valla's (1407-57) Elegantiae linguae latin ae, which was based on a wide variety of authors and became the most important Renaissance guide to Latin usage. (52) Fourteen priests possessed works by the Spanish humanist Juan Luis Vives (1492-1540), with two specifically mentioning his Colloquia sive latinae linguae exercitatio (Paris, 1540). The Colloquia was a collection of twenty-five dialogues based on situations from schoolboy life used for teaching Latin grammar and vocabulary. It enjoyed over fifty editions. (53) Also present were manuals for Latin and rhetoric by four Jesuits: De arte rhetorica libri tres, ex Aristotele, Cicerone, et Quintiliano praecipue deprompti by Cypriano Soarez on ten lists, (54) De particulis latinae orationis by Orazio Torsellini (1544-99) on four to six lists, (55) the Generale artificium orationis cujuscunque componendae, longe facilimum by Joannes Voellus on four lists, (56) and the Progymnasmatum latinitatis, sive dialogorum libri quattuor... (Ingolstadt, 1588-94) by Jakob Pontanus or Spanmuller (1542-1626) on at leas t two. (57)

Works of logic and philosophy were also relatively well represented in the libraries of the Novarese parish clergy; reflecting the fact that many had studied philosophy at the Scuole Cannobiane and the Brera college. Aristotle, the gateway to the study of Thomistic theology; was the most prominent here, as thirty-three priests listed one or more of his works, but only three the works of Plato. Eight priests listed unspecified works of Aristotle and fourteen the Organum quam logicam appellant. Aristotle's Physics appeared on eight lists, Ethics on six, De anima on three, and Rhetoric, mentioned above, on seven.

After works of Aristotle, commentaries on Aristotle and works on logic were the philosophical texts most commonly found. One priest possessed the commentary of the Dominican Tommaso de Vio or Cardinal Cajetan (1468-1534) on De amina, and one that of the Jesuit Vincenzo Filiucci (1566-1622) on the Ethics. (58) Eight priests listed philosophical works by Javelli or Chrysostom of Casale (+ post 1538), a Dominican known for his commentaries on Aristotle. (59) Works on logic included the Summulae logicales of Petrus Hispanus who became Pope John XXI (+ 1277) and the Dialectica of the Jesuit Cardinal Francisco de Toledo (c. 1533-96), cited on five and ten lists respectively. (60)

Approximately eighty other Renaissance and contemporary authors appeared in the Novarese libraries, many only once. Although there were exceptions, these titles tended to rest mainly in the hands of the forty-six priests who listed ten or more secular books in their libraries. This relatively small group of priests seems to have been moved by training in the humanities and by intellectual curiosity to seek out and read secular books beyond the fare offered during their student days. Their libraries suggest that their interests were broad and encompassed not only the scholarly but also the popular literature of the day, covering a spectrum ranging from poetry, oratory, history, and geography, to comedy and the burlesque.

Works of poetry in the Novarese libraries can be divided into the categories of epic and lyric. Epic poetry was represented by two of the greatest poems of the Renaissance, the Orlando furioso (Ferrara: G. Mazzocchi del Bondeno, 1516) by Ludovico Ariosto of Ferrara (1474-1533) and the Gerusalemme liberata (1575) by Torquato Tasso (1544-95), the former on two and the latter on three lists. (61) Ideally suited to the society of the court, both poems combined chivalric romance with the classical insights of Renaissance humanism. In addition Tasso's Re Torrismondo (Bergamo: C. Ventura, 1587), a tragedy based on concealed identities, incest, and friendship betrayed, appeared on two lists, and Sette giornate del mondo creato, an epic based on the book of Genesis, on one list. Also worthy of mention among the epic poets is Jacopo Sannazaro (1457/8-1530) of Naples, whose Italian pastoral romance Arcadia (Venice, 1502) and De partu Virginis, a heroic treatment of the nativity in Latin, were found on four lists and two lists respectively. (62)

Lyric poetry, oratory, and collections of letters were also valued by the Novarese clergy. Although none of the priests listed Dante, Petrarch (1304-74) was cited on seven lists for his Rime, De remediis utriusque fortunae, and other works. (63) Less famous was Dionigi Atanagi (c.1504-73), a writer and poet who served as secretary to cardinals at Rome. He published various collections of letters including De le lettere facete et piacevoli di diversi grandi huomini (Venice: B. Zaltieri, 1561) which appeared four times. (64) Also among the poets was Tommaso Caraffa, whose Poetiche dicerie, overo vaghissime descritioni e discorsi academici (Viterbo: E. de' Rossi, 1633) appeared on four lists and Fioretti poetici on one. (65) Luigi Groto (1541-85), the blind poet, orator, and playwright known as il Cieco d'Adria, was cited on nine lists for such works as Rime and Orationes. (66) The Lettere diverse of the poet Bernardo Tasso (1493-1569), father of Torquato and himself a courtier, secretary, and author of the chiv alric epic Amadigi, appeared four times. (67)

Also found were publications by Giovanni Francesco Loredano the Elder and the Younger. One priest possessed a comedy entitled Li vani amori (Venice: all'insegna della Speranza, 1588) by Loredano the Elder (+1590) (68) Two others had one work each by the younger Giovanni Francesco (160761): the romance L'Adamo (Venice: Grisei, 1640) and an edition of the discourses of the Academy of the Incogniti, which Loredano helped found. The presence of these two works is interesting because Loredano and his associates were at various times under suspicion for heterodox views on such matters as the immortality of the soul and sexual morality. However, Loredano's status as a Venetian patrician who played a prominent role in affairs of state protected him from ecclesiastical censure and he extended that protection, when he was able, to members of his literary circle. For example, the Novelle amorose, first published by Loredano and members of the Academy of the Incogniri between 1641 and 1651, were only placed on the Index librorum prohibitorum in 1683. (69) Therefore the Novarese priests of the period 1616 to 1663 would not themselves have invited negative attention by owning his works.

Other contemporary orators included Marc-Antoine Muret (1526-85), a French humanist who fled to Italy in 1554 on charges of immorality. Muret taught at Venice, Padua, Ferrara and finally Rome, where he was favored by Gregory XIII and became an ecclesiastic in 1576. He wrote numerous commentaries, orations and letters. (70) His Orationes appear on three lists, with one unspecified reference. Meanwhile two priests possessed the Orationi (Genoa: G. Pavoni, 1622) of Agostino Mascardi (1590-1640), who pursued a stormy career as a professor of rhetoric, secretary to cardinals, and writer. However, none of the Novarese priests claimed to possess Mascardi's Dell'arte historica (Rome: G. Faciotti, 1636), a work of deep historiographical insight. (71)

A number of important Renaissance collections appeared on the Novarese lists. Three priests possessed the Emblemata (Augsburg: Steyner, 1531) of Andrea Alciato (1492-1550), the famous Milanese legal scholar. In later editions the work presented over two hundred emblems, each of which consisted of a woodcut emblem, a motto, and a poem designed to illustrate the virtues and vices of humanity? (72) Giovanni Boccaccio's (1313-75) Genealogia deorum gentilium appeared on two lists, while one priest possessed De asse et partibus eius (1515) by the French humanist Giullaume Bude (1467-1540). Both writers helped reconstruct the ancient world, Boccaccio by providing a repository of Greek and Roman mythology and Bude by establishing the weights, measures, and values of the Romans. (73) Unspecified works of the Neapolitan humanist Giovanni Pontano (1429-1503) appeared on three lists. (74)

Although Il libro del cortegiano (Venice: A. Torresani, 1528) by Baldassar Castiglione was not cited, works on manners and etiquette attracted some interest. One priest possessed the Galateo of Giovanni Della Casa (1503-56) a poet, stylist, and disciple of Pietro Bembo. Cast in the form of a dialogue, the Galateo described the proper conduct expected of individuals in a wide variety of circumstances, and became synonymous in Italy with good manners. (75) Also found were two references to La civil conversatione (Venice, 1581), a book of manners and how to live in society by Stefano Guazzo (1530-93) of Casale Monferrato who served at the court of the Gonzaga. A number of priests also possessed Della Casa's Rime e prose (three references) and copies of Guazzo's Dialoghi piacevoli (Venice: G.A. Bertano, 1586) and letters. (76) Three priests possessed Le vinti giornate dell'agricoltura e de' piaceri della villa (Venice: G. Percaccino, 1569), a dialogue on agriculture and the joys of rural living by Agostino Gallo of Brescia (1499-1570). (77)

Contemporary historians made only a modest impression on the Novarese clergy, surprising given the place of classical historians in their libraries. Worthy of mention are the works of Francesco Sansovino (1521-83), a son of the Florentine architect and sculptor Iacopo Tatti called ii Sansovino. Sansovino edited the works of Dante, Boccaccio, Ariosto, and Bembo, and wrote a world chronicle and a history of the Ottoman sultans. Three of his works appeared once each on the Novarese lists: his treatise on the art of letter writing entitled Del Secretario...libri quattro... (Venice, 1564), Dell'historia universale dell'origine et imperio de' Turchi (Venice, 1560-61), and his letters. (78) One priest possessed the Historia d'Italia by Francesco Guicciardini (1483-1540), (79) and one Leonardo Bruni's (c. 1370-1444) De bello italico adversus gothicos libri IV, an adaptation of Procopius (c. 500 to after 562 A.D.). (80) One list included a history by Paolo Giovio (1486-1552), perhaps the Historiarum sui temporis libri XLV (Florence, 1550-52). (81)

Civil law, medicine, and works on healthy living were also of interest to the Novarese priests. Eight mentioned books of civil law, notably the Institutes of Justinian which were the standard introduction to civil law and in the Novarese libraries were usually held in conjunction with books of canon law. A number of priests also listed formularies for notaries. Works dealing with medicine and health included the Trattato della natura de' cibi et del beri (Rome, 1583) by Baldasar Pisanelli possessed by five priests and the Tesoro della sanita (Venice: A. Muschio, 1586) by Castore Durante da Gualdo on four lists. (82) Meanwhile two priests listed the Aphorisms of Hippocrates (460c. 370 B.C.), (83) one the Recetario of Galen (c. 129/130-c. 199/200 A.D.), (84) and one the Dispensatorium of Valerius Cordus (1515-44), a highly regarded description of medically useful plants and minerals and guide to pharmacological prescriptions. (85)

Travel books and works of geography and cosmology were also to be found on the Novarese book lists. The most popular was the Trattato nuovo delle cose maravigliose dell'alma citta di Roma... (Rome: B. Zannetti, 1610) by the Servite friar Pietro Martire Felini (t1613) which was valued as a guide to pilgrims and appeared on eight lists. (86) Five priests possessed other works attributed to the same author. Geography and cosmology were represented by John of Holywood (+1244 or 1256), Alessandro Piccolomini (1508-78), and Giovanni Lorenzo d'Anania (c. 1545-1607/1609). John of Holywood (Sacrobosco), who spent most of his academic career at Paris, wrote the Tractatus de sphaera, a standard textbook on astronomy which was printed forty times between 1500 and 1547 and frequently thereafter. (87) The work appeared on two Novarese lists. Piccolomini, bishop of Patras and coadjutor to the bishop of Siena, wrote La sfera del mondo (Venice, 1552) which appeared on three lists. He was a writer, Aristotelian philosopher, an d theologian who taught ethics and wrote sonnets in the style of Petrarch. (88) Giovanni Lorenzo d'Anania wrote L'universale fabrica del mondo, overo cosmografia (Naples, 1573) which also appeared on three lists. The work reflected the geographical and cosmological knowledge of the day, including the new world but maintaining a geocentric view of the universe. (89)

Among the more eccentric entries on the Novarese lists were writings of Anton Francesco Doni (1513-74). Doni, a one-time monk turned satirist and social critic, helped produce a translation of Thomas More's Utopia and set down a utopian vision of his own. His Mondi celesti and Inferni (1552-53) appeared on four lists. The Mondi celesti included Doni's bleak account of a perfect state based on communal labor and a community of wives. Mothers gave up their children and deformed infants were ruthlessly drowned at birth. There were no family ties, and in this way the anguish caused by love and death was eliminated. Doni's Inferni, meanwhile, consigned to hell not only prostitutes and soldiers but also lawyers, physicians, and theologians. (90) The Novarese lists also included compositions which were popular among the common people. Among these were works by the poet and song writer Giulio Cesare della Croce (1550-1609) who wrote hundreds of short plays and songs. One priest possessed three of his works including Le sottilissime astuzie di Bertoldo (Milan, 1606) and Le piacevoli et ridicolose semplicita di Bertoldino, figliuolo del gia astuto et accorto Bertoldo (Bologna and Modena, 1608). (91) These novelle, which told of the cunning and tricks of the fictitious peasant Bertoldo and the foibles of his simple son, were his most important works.

The history of the development of Novarese educational institutions and the record of secular books in the libraries of the parish clergy point to a number of conclusions. In the early seventeenth century Novarese priests benefited from a steady increase in educational opportunities. With a choice of schools, seminaries, and colleges open to them, both inside and outside of the diocese, many enjoyed a solid scholarly preparation which placed them among the literate elite of northern Italy. Although few obtained degrees, the Novarese priests had moved in the direction set for them by the Council of Trent, by Borromeo, and by their own bishops. Their education was based on the humanist program which began with the study of Latin grammar, supported by a number of published textbooks, and proceeded to the humanities, rhetoric, and history, emphasizing the best of classical models from Cicero and Virgil to Quintilian. Their training in classical Latin was supported by the purchase of dictionaries, collections of l etters, and guides to good style which had been produced by Renaissance and contemporary scholars since the time of Petrarch. They were expected to read and write in the Latin language. Although few of the priests studied Greek, Hebrew, and modern languages other than Italian, their humanistic background did not exclude the study of Aristotelian philosophy or eventually of Thomistic theology. The Jesuit Ratio studio rum included logic and philosophy, and a number of the Novarese priests were able to pursue these disciplines at the Brera college and at the Scuole Cannobiane.

Did the humanistic training of the Novarese clergy greatly influence their reading habits and life styles once they took up their parishes and chaplaincies? The Novarese book lists provide an imperfect record of the secular reading of the clergy, but do suggest that between twenty and forty priests -- those with the larger collections of secular books -- had the time and inclination to pursue a variety of literary interests, even when they were posted to the smaller villages of the diocese. The interests of this small group were wide, ranging from the epics of Ariosto and Tasso, through lyric poetry, oratory, and letters, to the more earthly comedies of Giulio Cesare della Croce. However, the intellectual priorities of the majority of their fellow priests probably focused more on the requirements of the cure of souls than on secular reading. Parish priests were expected to spend time in study, but in three specific areas. At Novara as in other dioceses in the province of Milan and beyond they were required to assemble each month in congregations where they discussed cases of conscience and other matters pertinent to the cure of souls. They were also expected to study the Scriptures, spiritual books, and collections of sermons for their own spiritual edification and in order to prepare the Sunday and feastday homilies demanded of them. Finally, they were to give children and youth of their parishes lessons in Christian doctrine on Sundays and feastsdays, and this too must have involved some preparation. These duties fell especially to parish priests, but chaplains and canons were required to contribute to the life of the parish as well.

Many parish priests probably did not find time to return to their school books or to take up secular reading, at least not as a part of their regular duties. However, there was one task which many of them accepted, both for pay and out of charity; which would have required the use of their secular books. In the seventeenth century a growing number of priests taught the rudiments of reading and writing to boys in the towns and villages of the diocese. The practice was already found before the Council of Trent, and many of the clerics included in this study were first exposed to letters by local priests. With educational standards rising, priests became available to teach reading, writing, arithmetic, and the rudiments of Latin grammar to boys in arrangements more or less formalized with their communities. In the years 1616 to 1618 fourteen parish priests and fifteen chaplains are known to have taught boys in the parishes where they served. Individual teachers often taught around twenty boys in this way. (92) L acking formal training as educators, they without doubt fell back upon the lessons and the books which they had once used as pupils. By the mid-eighteenth century, when there were three times as many clergy in the diocese as there had been in the 1610s, the role of schoolmaster usually fell to chaplains rather than parish priests: at least 129 chaplains and nine parish priests taught the basic skills in the period 1758 to 1763, in what came close to a system of elementary education. (93) Although many of their students would pursue ecclesiastical careers themselves, the proliferation of these chaplain schoolmasters ensured that the humanist program had a direct and widening impact on the people of the diocese.

* I wish to thank the three RQ readers whose comments have done much to improve this article. Financial support was provided by the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the University of Saskatchewan, and St. Thomas More College. Abbreviations: ASDN = Archivio Storico Diocesano di Novara; BL Cat = British Library General Catalogue of Printed Books to 1975, 1979-87; BN(F) Catalogue general des livres imprimes de la Bibliotheque Nationale. Auteurs, 1897-1981; CE = Contemporaries of Erasmus: A Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation, 1985-87; DBI = Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, 1960- ; DHGE = Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie ecclesiastiques, 1912- ; DSB = Dictionary of Scientific Biography, 1970-79; DTC = Dictionnaire de theologie catholique, 1923-46; EI = Enciclopedia Italiana di scienze lettere, ed arti, 1949-50; Enc. Ren. = Encyclopedia of the Renaissance, 1999; LTK = Lexikon fur Theologie und Kirke, 1957-65.

(1.) For estimates of literacy rates in the Renaissance and early modern era see Houston, 116-54; Cressy, 1-103; and Grendler, 1989, 403-10. Bireley, 121-46, discusses the role of education in the Catholic Reformation.

(2.) Studies on the formation of ministers and priests are provided by Karant-Nunn, Maag, O'Day, O'Donohoe, and Strauss.

(3.) Deutscher, 1989, 383-86.

(4.) Borromeo formally became archbishop of Milan in 1564, after serving as administrator from 1560 (Boer, xiv). For essays on his pastoral and administrative activity, see Headley and Tomaro, eds.

(5.) Section 23, Decree concerning reformation, chapter 18, in Canons and Decrees, 175-79; O'Donohoe, 163-64.

(6.) For the situation in Lombardy and Borromeo's seminary system see Toscani, 1986, 226-32; and Negruzzo, 2001. A summary of recent research on seminaries throughout Italy is in Toscani, 2000. For the development of seminaries in France see Hoffman, 74-78.

(7.) "Institutiones ad universum seminarii regimen pertinentes, ab Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo D.D. Carolo S. Praxedis Cardinali, Archiepiscopo Mediolani confectae," in Acta ecclesiae mediolanensis, 947-69, especially 948-50. E.M. Riviere, 1914, "Alvates, Alvres, Manuel" in DHGE 2:col. 867.

(8.) Negruzzo, 2000, 53, reports that in 1628 the seminary of Novara had approximately fifty seminarians, Borgomanero twenty, and the Island of San Giulio twenty-four.

(9.) "Regole del seminario de' chierici di Novara," in Bascape, 1609, 599-615; Deutscher, 1981, 304-05; and Negruzzo, 2000, 45-50.

(10.) ASDN, Libro delle ordine del Seminario di Novara [1593-1656], 31v.

(11.) "Deutscher, 1981, 305-10.

(12.) Lizier, 57-59; Deutscher, 1989, 391-94.

(13.) Toscani, 1986, 225-26; O'Donohoe, 163.

(14.) Although many of the priests had surnames which were well established in their communities, the author felt it was prudent to base conclusions about places of origin on statements made by the priests themselves during visitation. Of the 306 priests included in this study, 114 stated that they came from towns of the diocese, while only eleven said they came from outside the diocese. For a broader sampling with a similar conclusion on place of origin, see Deutscher, 1989, 387. The personal profiles (status personalis) and book lists of the priests are found in ASDN, Acta visitationis, vols. 65-138, 141-71, and 180-82.

(15.) Seventeen of the remaining priests indicated only that they had studied in the larger towns of the diocese, or with priests and other public teachers. Six indicated only that they had studied cases of conscience by themselves, presumably after a more guided instruction in grammar and the humanities.

(16.) Of the 208 priests who gave information on their studies, 172 indicated the locale where they had studied grammar and the humanities. Since many studied at two or more venues, the numbers overlap. Sixty priests indicated that they had studied grammar and the humanities at schools or with priests in the towns of the diocese, thirty-one at one of the minor Novarese seminaries, twenty-three with the Jesuits at Novara, twenty-two at the main seminary of Novara, and thirty-four simply at Novara, which might have included study at the seminary or with the Jesuits. Twenty-seven studied grammar at the Brera college, and thirty-six at other institutions outside the diocese such as the Barnabite colleges of Milan and Pavia, Milanese seminaries and, in one case each, Rome, Turin, and Florence.

(17.) In the discussion which follows, of the 306 priests whose book lists were studied, four held degrees in theology, two in canon law, and one in natural philosophy. Among these were Giovanni Battista Rocato, curate of Tornaco in 1617, Giacomo Antonio Malandere, chaplain at Vespolate in 1628, and Giovanni Maria Rosari, vice-curate of Mercurago in 1660. ASDN, Acta visitationis 72:321r; 122:71r-72v; and 166:52r-v.

(18.) ASDN, Acta visitationis, vols. 65-138, 141-71, and 180-82.

(19.) Francesco Pelliciari, canon of the cathedral of Novara, was educated partly at Novara and partly at the seminary of the diocese of Vercelli. In 1617 his book list of 116 titles included twenty secular works, mainly classical authors, grammars, and dictionaries. ASDN, Acta visitationis 76:210r, 215r-16r.

(20.) Houston, 185-91, discusses the cost of books and the limited size of libraries of the sixteenth century. Although prices fell with time, book ownership remained concentrated in the middling to upper ranks of society well into the seventeenth century.

(21.) For Fiesole see Comerford, 1998, 678-80, and for Turin see Allegra, 91-223. Allegra's study is based on fifty-seven parish libraries.

(22.) Bascape, 1613, 63.

(23.) See for example the status personalis of Antonio Comolo, curate of Comignano in the vicariate of Borgomanero, who was reprimanded in 1617 for failing to have all the required books and for not being well versed in cases of conscience. ASDN, Acta visitationis 75:446r-v.

(24.) Books of use in the cure of souls accounted for almost 88% of the titles appearing on the Novarese book lists. The main categories of spiritual books included cases of conscience and confessors' manuals, 21.7%; devotional works, 16.3%; collections of sermons, 13.4%; decrees of Trent, provincial councils, and diocesan synods, 7.8%; the Bible and scriptural studies, 6.2%; lives of saints, 5.5%; catechisms, 5%; books on ceremonies and the Eucharist, 5.6%; works of theology and canon law, 2.5%; Church Fathers, 1%; and miscellaneous, 3%.

(25.) ASDN, Acta visitationis 128:303r-06v. Manino's status personalis is in ASDN, Acta visitationis 65, parish of Pisogno.

(26.) ASDN, Acta visitationis 138:155r-63v.

(27.) The only priest to list date and place of publication with any consistency was Antonio Magisto, a thirty-seven year old chaplain and schoolmaster at Cravegna in 1658, who had studied at Domodossola and under the Jesuits at Novara. Of the forty-seven books in his library, ten are known to have been published before 1600, thirteen between 1600 and 1619, nine 1620 to 1640, and five after 1640. The great majority were published in Italy, with thirteen published at Milan and seven at Venice. ASDN, Acta visitationis 159:468r-69v.

(28.) Grendler, 1989, 203-71.

(29.) E.M. Riviere, 1914, "Alvares, Alvres, Manuel," DHGE 2:col. 867.

(30.) Grendler, 1989, 378.

(31.) Ibid., 191-92.

(32.) Ibid., 192; G. Parenti, 1973, "Cafaro, Girolamo," in DBI 16:240-41.

(33.) Oxford Companion, 463.

(34.) Grendler, 1989, 173-74.

(35.) See Oxford Companion, 196, for Donatus, and Grendler, 1989, 174-82, for the Ianua.

(36.) Grendler, 1989, 186-88.

(37.) G. Doldi Rondinini and T. De Mauro, 1973, "Calepio, Ambrogia," DBI 16:669-70.

(38.) G. Philippart, 1981, "Galesini, Pietro," DHGE 19:cols. 762-63. BN (F) 56:cols. 746-47, lists the Tesoro della lingua volgar (Venice: A. Salicato, 1584) and Il perfetto dittionario overo tesoro della lingua volgar latina ... (Venice: Barezzi, 1643) among other editions of Galesini's work.

(39.) G. Calogero, "Nizolio, Mario," EI 24:862.

(40.) Grendler, 1989, 278-80.

(41.) C. Dionisotti, 1966, "Bembo, Pietro," DBI 8:133-51, especially 142; D. Aguzzi-Barbagli, "Pietro Bembo," CE 1:120-23; D.J. McAuliffe, "Bembo, Pietro," Enc. Ren. 1:201-02.

(42.) Grendler, 1989, 87-88; BN(F) 40:cols. 1226-27. Grendler lists the Osservationi among the titles used by teachers of the vernacular in Venice in 1587-88.

(43.) P. Bietenholz, "Nicolaus Clenardus," CE 1:312-13.

(44.) BN (F) 10:cols. 250-51, lists a number of editions, beginning with that published at Antwerp by J. Moret in 1606.

(45.) Ibid., 89:cols. 557-58, lists six editions of this work, the first Venice: D. Zenaro, 1576.

(46.) Titles and dates for Cicero and the classical authors which follow are based on the Oxford Companion.

(47.) Grendler, 1989, 255-65.

(48.) M.J.C. Lowry, "Paolo Manuzio," CE 2:380-81.

(49.) For example, the Adagia appeared on the book list of Giovanni Battista Francino, curate of Agnona, who studied Latin grammar, rhetoric, philosophy, and theology at the Brera college in Milan. Aged 33, he was one of a handful of priests who held a degree in theology. ASDN, Acta visitationis 182:284r, vicariate of Borgosesia (1663). For the Italian editions of the Adagia see Grendler and Grendler, 1976, 6. The edition of 1575 mentioned Erasmus only in the prefatory epistle, while editions of 1578, 1585, 1593, and 1609 made no mention of Erasmus at all. Erasmus' name would appear only once on the Novarese lists. A copy of De duplici copia verborum was among the books of Giuseppe Granalia, Rector of Rastiglione, in the vicariate of Borgosesia in the visit of 1646. Granalia studied Latin at Varallo and logic and cases of conscience at Novara. His book list included 114 titles. See ASDN, Acra visitationis 142:26r-27r.

(50.) M.J.C. Lowry, "Aldus the Younger," Enc. Ren. 1:39-40.

(51.) T. Deutscher, "Pero Mexia," CE 2:439-40. See BN(F) 113:cols. 813-18, for editions.

(52.) C. Trinkaus, "Lorenzo Valla," Enc. Ren. 6:207-13.

(53.) Grendler, 1989, 199-201; T. Deutscher, "Juan Luis Vives," CE 3:409-13; and E.L. Bergmann, "Vives, Juan Luis," Enc. Ren. 6:281-83.

(54.) BL Cat 306:421 lists five editions, the first at Salamanca by Mathias Gastius in 1577.

(55.) H. Rheinfelder, 1965, "Torsellini, Orazio," LTK 10:col. 259; Ferrari, 596; and BL Cat 328:59-60. Torsellini, who taught at Rome and Florence, also wrote a life of Francis Xavier, an epitome of world history, and a history of the shrine of the House of Loretto.

(56.) BN (F) 213:col. 301, lists an edition published at Valencia by J. Vervliet in 1604.

(57.) A. Fingerle, 1963, "Pontanus (Spanmuller), Jakob," LTK 8:col. 611; BN (F) 140:cols. 745-47. Pontanus taught at Dillingen and Augsburg for twenty-seven years and was known for his commentaries on Greek and Latin authors.

(58.) W.A. Wallace, "Cajetan, Thomas de Vio," Enc. Ren. 1:323-24; E Bernard, 1924, "Filliucci, Vincent," DTC 5:col. 2352.

(59.) M.-D. Chenu, 1924, "Javelli," DTC 8:cols. 535-37.

(60.) F. Cereceda, 1946, "Tolet (Toledo) Francois," DTC 15:cols. 1223-25.

(61.) N. Sapegno, 1962, "Ariosto, Ludovico," DBI 4:172-88; D. Looney, "Ariosto, Ludovico," Enc. Ren. 1:97-103; D.A. Trafton, "Tasso, Torquato," Enc. Ren. 6:113-18; and Brand.

(62.) J. Tylus, "Sannazaro, Jacopo," Enc. Ren. 5:394-96.

(63.) De remediis utriusque fortunae consisted of two dialogues among Reason, Hope, and Pleasure and Reason, Sorrow, and Fear about how to attain good fortune and remedy bad misfortune. C. Kleinhenz, "Petrarch," Enc. Ren. 4:451-58.

(64.) C. Mutini, 1962, "Atanagi, Dionigi," DBI 4:503-06.

(65.) BN (F) 23:cols. 720-21.

(66.) C. Calcaterra, "Grotto (Groto), Luigi," EI 17:996; Cambridge History 291.

(67.) M. Sherberg, "Tasso, Bernardo," Enc. Ren. 6:112-13.

(68.) BN (F) 100:col. 26.

(69.) Spini, 140-63, especially 144 note 3, and Miato. The latest of the Novarese lists to include Loredano was submitted by Balthasar Visconti, Rector of Invorio Inferiore, in 1648. ASDN, Acta visitationis 145: 127/r-32r.

(70.) U. Langer, "Muret, Marc-Antoine," Enc. Ren. 4:197; and BN(F) 121:cols. 1038-46 for numerous editions of Muret's orations.

(71.) V.A. Vitelli, "Mascardi, Agostino," EI 22:480.

(72.) R. Abbondanza, 1960, "Alciato (Alciati), Andrea," DBI 2:69-77; P. F. Grendler, "Alciato, Andrea," Enc. Ren. 1:35-36.

(73.) N. Sapegno, 1968, "Boccaccio, Giovanni," DBI 10:838-56; J. Levarie Smarr, "Boccaccio, Giovanni," Enc. Ren. 1:235-40; M.-M. de la Garanderie, "Guillaume Bude," CE 1:212-17; and M. L. Monheit, "Bude, Guillaume," Enc. Ren. 1:313-14.

(74.) T. Deutscher, "Giovanni Pontano," CE 3:113-14;J.H. Bentley, "Pontano, Giovanni," Enc. Ren. 5:118-20.

(75.) C. Mutini, 1988, "Della Casa, Giovanni," DBI 36:699-719; A. Santosuosso, "Della Casa, Giovanni," Enc. Ren. 2:137; Cambridge History of Italian Literature, 210-11 and 262-63; and Toffanin, 247-56.

(76.) La civil conversatione was a book of manners which described virtuous living and the types of behavior desirable in society. It was translated into Latin, French, English, and other languages. Cambridge History, 211; BN (F) 65:cols. 476-78.

(77.) G. Benzoni, 1998, "Gallo, Agostino," DBI 51:693-97; BN(F) 56:cols. 1051-52.

(78.) Grendler, 1969b.

(79.) T.C. Price Zimmermann, "Guicciardini, Francesco," Enc. Ren. 3:100-03.

(80.) C. Vasoli, 1972, "Bruni, Leonardo, detto Leonardo Aretino," DBI 14:618-33; J. Hankins, "Bruni, Leonardo," Enc. Ren. 1:301-06.

(81.) T.C. Price Zimmermann, "Giovio, Paolo," Enc. Ren. 3:68.

(82.) T. Pesenti, 1993, "Durante, Castore" in DBI 42:105-07; Bell, 305, 310-11. For Pisanelli's book see BL Cat 259:399-400.

(83.) R. Joly, 1972, "Hippocrates of Cos," DSB 6:418-31; L. Stephenson Payne, "Hippocrates of Cos," Enc. Ren. 3:150-51.

(84.) L.G. Wilson, 1971, "Galen," DSB 5:227-37; L. Stephenson Payne, "Galen," Enc. Ren. 3:1-2. BL Cat 118:45 lists the Recetario di Galieno Optimo e probato a molte infermita che achadeno a homeni e a done... Traducta in volgare per Maestro Zuane saracino, Venice [1508] and five other editions.

(85.) R. Schmitz, 1971, "Cordus Valerius," DSB 3:413-15.

(86.) M. Ceresa, 1996, "Felini, Pietro Mattire," DBI 46:92-94.

(87.) J.F. Daly, 1975, "Sacrobosco, Johannes de (or john of Holywood)," DSB 12:60-63.

(88.) A. Posch, 1963, "Piccolomini, Alessandro," LTK 8:col. 492; Toffanin, 530-31.

(89.) G. de Caro, 1961, "Anania, Giovanni Lorenzo d'," DBI 3:19-20.

(90.) Grendler, 1969a, 49-65, 170-77; G. Candela, "Doni, Anton Francesco," Enc. Ren. 2:172-73.

(91.) L. Strappini, 1985, "Croce (Della Croce), Giulio Cesare," DBI 31:214-18; Cambridge History, 324.

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Author:Deutscher, Thomas B.
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Date:Sep 22, 2002
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